On September 3, 2025 the Maharashtra Cabinet approved a series of labour law amendments to increase the length of the working day, working hours without rest intervals, working hours per week, and limit of the overtime period. These amendments are based on recommendations of a central task force on labour reforms in order to “attract investment, expand industries, and create more employment opportunities.” The Maharashtra decision aligns with states such as Karnataka, Telangana, Uttar Pradesh, and Tripura – which have already enacted similar “reforms.”

The PUCL statement states that it must not be forgotten that the State is the biggest employer both in industries and establishments and is therefore required to ensure that workers are not exploited and their fundamental rights to a decent, safe and healthy work environment are protected. Yet it fails to do precisely that.

The State Government has made many lofty claims in support of these “reforms,” that are presumably in the interests of both labour as well as capital. The amendments will facilitate “protection of labour rights” while “improving the ease of doing business.” They will help “attract investment” as well as “increase employment opportunities in the state.”¹ But it is obvious that extending working hours, and removing smaller establishments from the purview of the law is meant to reduce or remove protections for workers, not to expand them, says the PUCL.

Today, even in the industrial sector in India, contractual workers are already working 12-hour shifts (without overtime). In effect, the amendments aim to legalise what is already happening in fact – depriving workers of the legal safeguards against super-exploitation. They seem to be a way of coercing a shrinking permanent workforce into this inhuman work regime. Besides, far from increasing employment, as is claimed, this step will reduce the organised work force to two thirds of its size by replacing 8-hour shifts with 12-hour ones. It is no surprise that the Karnataka State IT/ITeS

1 See the post by the Chief Minster of Maharashtra on the social media platform X:

मंत्रिमंडळ निर्णय : कामगार विभाग@Dev_Fadnavis#Maharashtra #मंत्रिमंडळनिर्णय #CabinetDecision #DevendraFadnavis pic.twitter.com/oTZrwmsHOp

— CMO Maharashtra (@CMOMaharashtra) September 3, 2025

Employees Union (KITU) labelled similar amendments proposed in Karnataka as “inhuman attempt to impose modern-day slavery” upon them.²

In line with the state cabinet’s decision, the proposed amendments will be carried out in the Factories Act of 1948 and the Maharashtra Shops and Establishments (Regulation of Employment and Conditions of Service) Act, 2017. In the Factories Act, the amendments proposed are: (a) Under Section 65, the workday shall be extended from the present 9 hours up to 12 hours; (b) Under Section 55, the rest period which was half an hour after the first five hours shall be made half an hour after six hours; (c) Under Section 56, the maximum number of working hours (spread over) in a day from 10.5 hours to 12 hours; (d) Under Section 65, the maximum number of hours of overtime in a quarter shall be increased from the present 115 to 144 hours (the original limit had been laid down as 75 hours). Under the Shops and Establishments Act the government intends to (a) increase working hours from 9 to 10 hours; (b) exclude establishments having less than 20 workers (the current number of 85 lakh establishments covered by this Act will be reduced to about 56,000).

While the State Labour Secretary has claimed that overtime work will be paid at double the rate of basic wages and allowances for every such increase in working hours, and that such overtime shall be subject to worker’s consent, these assurances have to be tested upon the actual language of the proposed amendments, particularly the fine print. While the decisions have yet to take the shape of a bill/ordinance for amending the Factories Act in the state, it is very likely that the amending bill/ordinance shall be on the lines of similar amendments made in Rajasthan and Gujarat.

In the Gujarat Ordinance No. 2 of 2025, issued on July 1, 2025, for instance, at Section 6, it is stated that Section 59(1) of the Factories Act shall be substituted by:

“Where a worker works in any factory:-

• for more than nine hours in any day or for more than forty-eight hours in any week, working for six days in any week;
• for more than ten hours in any day or for more than forty eight hours in any week, working for five days in any week;
• for more than eleven and a half hours in any day working for four days in any week, or works on paid holidays; he shall in respect of overtime work be entitled to wages at the rate of twice his ordinary rate of wages.”

In effect this means that overtime will not be calculated on a daily basis, but on a weekly basis, and a worker may work for eleven and a half hours each day for four days in a week without being eligible for overtime. This amounts to squeezing out the maximum from workers, and if they do not consent to overtime, subjecting them to artificial breaks in service jeopardising their permanent status.

The Rajasthan Bill contains another dangerous clause, namely 6(v):

“A worker may be required to work for overtime subject to the consent of such worker for such work except worker required to work for safety activities.”

 2 See the statement “12-hour work day in Karnataka’s IT Sector; Modern-Day Slavery in the Making: KITU Urges Employees to Unite and Resist” by the Karnataka State IT/ITeS Employees Union
https://kituhq.org/recent/6836e0f7e83575020247d3d1

Thus, a maintenance worker may be forced to work overtime all the year round. Given the current situation in the country of a large informal sector, underemployment, low wages, and unpaid work – workers will give “consent” out of fear or desperation, not choice. The provision of “consent” will be little more than legal subterfuge to conceal a new form of servitude.

It is a serious concern that while average working hours in wealthy countries have reduced by roughly half over the last 150 years – moving from over 50 hours per week to around 25-35 hours per week in recent times – India is reverting to colonial era standards by increasing working hours. In France, for instance, the standard full-time work week is 35 hours, with a daily cap of 10 hours; hours beyond the 35 hour threshold are considered overtime.

Finally, the PUCL statement states that the working class all over the world has fought a long battle to establish its right to an 8- hour working day so that workers may also have 8 hours of rest and 8 hours of personal time in which to achieve their full potential as citizens and as human beings. It must be recalled that the International Workers Day originates from the demand for an eight hour working day. Labour Day commemorates the sacrifice of union organisers – who were framed after the Haymarket protest on false charges of causing a riot – during a strike and demonstrations of Chicago workers in 1886. It has origins in the American Federation of Labour’s call: “eight hours shall constitute a legal day’s labour from and after May 1st, 1886”. After the International Labour Organisation (ILO) was founded in 1919, the first instrument ratified by it was the one regulating working hours. The second article limited working hours to 8 hours per day and 48 hours per week. India was one of the first signatories of the ILO’s “Hours of Work Convention” in 1921. India has itself witnessed valiant struggles of textile workers in the year 1911 to reduce working hours which finally under the pen of Dr B.R. Ambedkar were enshrined in the Factories Act, 1948 in the form of the 8-hour work day. The government’s decision in effect seeks to extinguish in one stroke the rights that working people have won with great sacrifice and struggle over more than a century.

It is widely acknowledged that long hours of work does not increase worker productivity, on the contrary, they drastically increase incidents of workplace accidents. Such long hours of work can only lead to sweat labour and hazardous work conditions. It will adversely impact health of workers by increasing exhaustion and stress, and increase their exposure to occupation-linked diseases and medical conditions. It is equally well known that workers in establishments with 12- hour shifts are rarely able to unionise. Longer working hours are discriminatory towards women workers because women bear a significant burden of care work in their homes. If the government was serious about increasing productivity, employment opportunities and welfare of workers, they would introduce progressive amendments to reduce working hours without any reduction in wages.

The PUCL Maharashtra has therefore demanded that the full texts of the proposed amendments be made available in the public domain in both in Marathi and English, and in all offices of the Labour Department so that trade unions and organisations can scrutinise the fine print of these so- called “reforms.” We demand that this decision to amend the Factories Act and the Shop and Establishments Act along the lines of other state governments be immediately revoked. Any proposed labour reforms in the state must only be considered after a series of consultations with trade unions and workers’ organisations, after which they ought to be opened to the broader public for suggestions and objections.

The PUCL, has also stated that the organization, in alliance with trade unions and informal sector workers organisations will campaign against the extension of work hours. It will also lobby with the Standing Committee in the Legislative Assembly and with opposition party MLAs to not accept these changes, and if required challenge these amendments in the courts. The statement was issued by Shiraz Bulsara Prabhu, President of PUCL, Maharashtra and   Sandhya Gokhale, General Secretary.

Related:

Beyond the Clock: Deconstructing Telangana’s Labour Law Reform and the Flawed Pursuit of Investment

ILO raises deep concern over recent trend of labour law reforms, asks PM to engage with states

New Trade Union Initiative (NTUI) demands that governments retract changes in labour laws

Battle against dilution of labour laws to culminate in Supreme Court? 

The post Labour rights, health of workers hit in the name of “reform”: PUCL Maharashtra appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Mubarakpur’s weaving tradition dates back to the 14th century, appearing in Ibn Battuta’s travel diaries, where he marvelled at the fabrics of the region. During Sultan Muhammad bin Tughlaq’s reign, records mention some 4,000 weavers in the town. Known for weaving pure silk sarees with zari work, the artisans developed looms that still rival mechanised versions in quality and finish.

For decades, however, weavers have suffered from under-representation, exploited by middlemen who blurred the distinction between Banarasi and Mubarakpuri products. Many were forced to accept inferior raw materials and unfair loans, producing fabrics that demanded long hours yet yielded little return. Religious riots drove away workers, while erratic state policies—such as scrapping fixed electricity tariffs and replacing them with metered bills—pushed fragile households out of the loom sheds. The “One District One Product” scheme failed to meaningfully uplift Mubarakpuri sarees, while GI tagging and transport connectivity with Varanasi and Gorakhpur—essential trade hubs—remain inadequate. Even a completed shop market complex in Alinagar, built under the Samajwadi Party, stands locked and unused.

Despite intermittent political support, weavers have largely been left to innovate and survive. Some modified looms with motors to mimic power looms. Others migrated to cities like Hyderabad. For those who stayed, dignity came slowly through organisations such as the All India Artisans and Craftworkers Welfare Association (AIACA). Beginning in 2014, “Mubarakpur Weaves” revived skills, trained artisans in business and design, and secured Craftmark certification for authenticity. Wages rose, ownership and profit-sharing returned dignity, and the brand gained visibility. The effort proved that even a marginalised cluster could reimagine itself with collective organisation, certification, and a distinct identity.

Yet these hard-won gains now face an external shock. In August 2025, the United States sharply raised tariffs on Indian goods. A prior 25% reciprocal tariff was joined by a new 25% punitive tariff, bringing total duties to 50% on a wide swath of exports, including garments, textiles, carpets, and jewellery. The stated reason—India’s continued purchase of Russian oil—was geopolitical. The effect on artisans was immediate. Sarees, carpets and handicrafts destined for diaspora customers in the US suddenly, became uncompetitive. Exporters reported cancelled or delayed orders.

Rajan Bahl, vice president of the Banarasi Textile Industry Association, stated: “Exports of Banarasi sarees will decline by 15 to 20 per cent due to these tariffs. Handloom products will be the most affected. Though the current losses may appear small, the future impact will be severe. Every year, exports worth Rs 200 to Rs 300 crore were sent to the US, which is now under threat. Orders are being cancelled, and no new orders are coming in. This is not a minor loss; it is a major blow to Banaras and its industry.” Traders in Varanasi staged protests, burning posters of US President Donald Trump and warning of widespread disruption. For the Banarasi and Mubarakpuri clusters, the US market is vital: not the largest in volume, but among the most lucrative, especially for high-end consignments. A 50% tariff makes Indian products far more expensive than those from Bangladesh, Vietnam or Turkey, who now stand to capture price-sensitive segments.

The ripple effects are harsh. In the dispersed handloom economy, even a short spell of cancellations means idle looms, depleted working capital and migration away from craft. International and Indian outlets estimate that thousands of jobs across labour-intensive textile sectors are at risk. For communities already surviving on thin margins, the blow is existential.

To its credit, New Delhi responded with stop-gap relief. The government extended an 11% import duty exemption on raw cotton until the end of 2025, aiming to lower input costs across the textile sector. While Mubarakpuri sarees are primarily silk, blended ranges, linings, and broader supply chains do benefit indirectly. Branding initiatives such as the “Silk Banarasi” trademark, complete with QR-linked authenticity and Silk Mark certification, are also being scaled. Uttar Pradesh to establish showrooms in Varanasi, Lucknow, Ayodhya and Delhi, where digital codes link customers to weaving videos and details of artisans.

Still, tariffs test more than cost structures. They expose a strategic weakness: over-reliance on a single overseas market. For Mubarakpur and other clusters, the way forward lies in diversification. Industry bodies urge exporters to pursue Japan, the UK, Australia, the UAE and Europe, while strengthening domestic retail linked to tourism. Digital direct-to-consumer platforms offer another path, enabling weavers to bypass middlemen and reach diaspora buyers in lower-tariff markets.

Raw material resilience is another critical factor. Assam’s silks—muga, eri, pat—have long inspired designers, adding richness and exclusivity to sarees. Yet Assam’s sericulture has recently suffered from cocoon shortages, administrative instability and logistical disruptions. In 2024–25, yields fell, imports rose, and prices spiked, reducing availability for experimental blends in Mubarakpur and beyond. Without reliable supplies of specialty silks, innovation suffers, and artisans are pushed towards inferior fibres that diminish quality and reputation.

The danger is not only economic but cultural. If tariffs drive buyers towards cheaper mechanised alternatives, the painstaking artistry of handloom risks erosion. Once artisans leave the loom, their skills rarely return. The emotional economy—pride, identity, heritage—is as fragile as the financial one. As one weaver noted, a saree may sell for ₹5,000, but the artisan’s share amounts to only ₹500–600 a day, while intermediaries capture the rest. When shocks like tariffs or raw-material shortages arrive, the imbalance becomes unsustainable.

And yet, resilience persists. Mubarakpur’s weavers continue to innovate. Their sarees remain sought after for bridal wear, ceremonial occasions, and heritage collections. Urban elites and diaspora buyers still pay for authenticity when they can recognise it. The challenge is ensuring that recognition translates into sustained demand in markets beyond the US.

The story of the Mubarakpuri saree today is one of survival amid compounded pressures: historical neglect, domestic policy missteps, raw material shortages, and now punitive tariffs. But it is also a story of possibility—of artisans reclaiming identity through certification, of NGOs building weaver-led enterprises, of governments experimenting with branding and provenance. Whether these interventions can withstand the storm of tariff-driven market loss remains to be seen.

The lesson is clear. Cultural resilience requires economic strategy. The saree may be timeless, but its survival depends on choices made in boardrooms, ministries, and export councils. If India diversifies markets, strengthens branding, secures raw materials, and provides genuine support to its artisans, the Mubarakpuri saree can navigate the tariff era and emerge stronger. If not, one of India’s most ancient weaving clusters risks becoming another casualty of global trade politics.

In the end, tariffs are more than percentages; they are reminders of fragility in heritage economies. For Mubarakpur, the challenge is not only to endure the present shock but to convert it into an opportunity—preserving a craft that is both identity and livelihood, and ensuring it thrives for generations to come.

(The author is a writer in English and Urdu, with a focus on literature, politics, and religion.)

Related:

Urgent need to revive and sustain Banarasi weaving industry

Purvanchal: Silence of the Looms

Curtain raiser: The Warp and Weft of Despair in Purvanchal

The post The Mubarakpur Saree in the Digital Age: Can e-commerce bypass traditional barriers? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Telangana’s Economic Engine and the New Rules of Work

At the heart of this policy change lies Hyderabad, the engine of Telangana’s economy. The city’s burgeoning Information Technology (IT), IT-enabled Services (ITeS), and broad commercial sectors are the state’s economic powerhouse, contributing over 65% of its Gross State Value Added (GSVA). With an IT workforce exceeding 900,000 professionals and generating exports second only to Bengaluru, Hyderabad is a globally significant economic hub. It is home to the largest international campuses of tech giants like Microsoft, Amazon, and Google, making the state’s regulatory climate a critical factor in their operational calculus.

It is precisely this workforce that is targeted by the new law, G.O. Rt. No. 282. The order exempts “commercial establishments” from the standard 8-hour workday rule for overtime calculation. Previously, any hour worked beyond eight in a day was compensated at twice the normal rate. The new framework eliminates this daily threshold. Now, an employee can be asked to work 10 hours a day for five days a week at their regular wage, as overtime is only calculated after the 48-hour weekly limit is breached. This represents a fundamental reclassification of what was once premium-paid overtime into standard work, constituting a direct and significant transfer of value from employees to employers. The government’s framing of this as “flexibility” is misleading; it is not flexibility for the worker, but for the corporation, which can now schedule longer days at a lower cost, effectively normalizing a 10-hour workday and facilitating a “crunch culture” where long hours can be demanded to meet project deadlines without the financial disincentive of overtime pay.

The following infographic effectively shows what the change in the law does.

The Myth of Deregulation: Deconstructing “Ease of Doing Business” and FDI

The core justification for this policy—improving Ease of Doing Business to attract FDI—is rooted in a development narrative that has been empirically challenged and officially discredited. This narrative was largely shaped by the World Bank’s annual Doing Business report, a tool that for years pressured developing nations to weaken labour laws. However, in September 2021, the World Bank permanently discontinued the report after investigations revealed data irregularities and ethical breaches, fatally undermining its credibility. Any policy based on climbing the rankings of this defunct report is, therefore, built on a phantom metric.

Even before its cancellation, the report’s “Employing Workers” sub-index was heavily criticised for its inherent anti-worker bias. Its methodology explicitly penalized countries for having robust worker protections, such as setting maximum weekly work hours, establishing a meaningful minimum wage, or requiring notice for dismissal. The index failed to distinguish between the absence of regulation and the presence of efficient, well-designed regulations that foster stability and equity. It promoted a simplistic and ultimately harmful view that labour rights are an impediment to economic growth.

The notion that diluting labour laws is a primary lever for attracting FDI is not supported by the balance of economic evidence. A broad consensus in academic and institutional research points to a different set of factors as the true determinants of investment decisions, especially for the high-value, knowledge-based FDI that a city like Hyderabad aims to attract.

Investors are primarily drawn to large and growing consumer markets where they can sell their goods and services. Availability of Credit has been an important factor impacting ease of doing business, according to recent research. Ease of getting permits has been identified as an important factor in enabling ease of doing business. Reliable transport, consistent energy supply, and high-speed digital communications are non-negotiable prerequisites for modern business operations. Investors require a predictable environment with low political risk and stable economic policies to protect their long-term assets. A transparent, efficient, and predictable legal system for enforcing contracts and protecting property rights is paramount for investor confidence.

When viewed against these factors, labour law flexibility is, at best, a secondary and often statistically insignificant consideration. For labour-intensive, low-skill manufacturing, low wages can be a draw. But for the service and technology sectors that define Hyderabad’s economy, competing on the basis of longer work hours is a strategic mismatch. It is a “race to the bottom” that devalues the city’s core competitive advantage: its vast pool of highly skilled human capital. Weakening worker protections risks alienating this talent, fostering a culture of burnout, and paradoxically making the state less attractive to the very high-value companies it wishes to court.

The Productivity Paradox: Why More Hours Mean Less Output

The most fundamental flaw in the logic of extending work hours is the assumption that more time spent at work equates to more output. A vast body of scientific research from economics, public health, and management studies refutes this, revealing a non-linear and often inverse relationship between long hours and productivity.

Foundational research from Stanford University demonstrated that productivity per hour declines sharply after an employee works more than 50 hours a week. Beyond 55 hours, the drop is so precipitous that the additional time yields almost no discernible benefit. This “productivity cliff” means that a 70-hour workweek accomplishes virtually nothing more than a 55-hour one. The International Labour Organization (ILO) corroborates this, noting that while gross output may rise in the short term, output per hour steadily decreases with excessive working time due to fatigue, which leads to a higher rate of errors, poorer quality work, and an increased risk of accidents.

This is not merely a theoretical concept. Real-world experiments have consistently validated it. When Microsoft Japan trialed a four-day workweek, it saw a 40% surge in productivity. An extensive trial in Iceland involving shorter workweeks resulted in improved employee well-being alongside equal or even higher levels of output. Historically, Henry Ford’s pioneering decision to reduce the workday to eight hours famously led to a spike in productivity, as rested, motivated workers proved far more efficient.

Beyond the economic inefficiency, policies that encourage overwork are a significant public health concern. A landmark study by the World Health Organization (WHO) and the ILO established that working 55 or more hours per week is a serious health hazard, leading to a 35% higher risk of stroke and a 17% higher risk of dying from heart disease. The report attributed over 745,000 deaths in a single year to the effects of long working hours, framing it as a major occupational risk factor. The health consequences—including hypertension, diabetes, chronic fatigue, anxiety, and depression—translate directly into tangible business costs through higher rates of absenteeism, employee burnout, and increased turnover of skilled professionals.

A Normative Framework for Progress: Working Smarter, Not Longer

The Telangana government’s decision represents a choice between two competing visions of development. The first, embodied by the new amendment, views labour as a cost to be minimized. The second, grounded in evidence, views human capital as the primary engine of sustainable growth. The latter path is not only more equitable but also more effective for achieving long-term prosperity.

The alternative to a low-road strategy of extending hours is a high-road strategy of enhancing the value and productivity of each hour worked. This “Productivity-Welfare Flywheel” creates a virtuous cycle of growth. It begins with investments in technology, automation, and modern management practices that allow employees to work smarter, not longer. This includes streamlining processes, automating routine tasks, and fostering a results-oriented culture that measures value created, not hours logged.

When productivity per hour increases, it allows for better wages and improved work-life balance. This, in turn, enhances worker well-being. Well-rested, motivated, and healthy employees are more creative, make fewer errors, and are more loyal to their employers. This high-productivity, high-welfare environment becomes a powerful magnet for the highest-value FDI and the most sought-after global talent, spinning the flywheel faster and moving the economy up the value chain.

The role of government in this model is not to engage in a deregulatory race to the bottom but to act as a steward of a high-productivity ecosystem. This means investing in infrastructure, education, and R&D, and maintaining fair and stable regulatory frameworks. Corporate responsibility, in turn, extends beyond mere compliance to actively investing in the tools, training, and culture that enhance both productivity and well-being.

In conclusion, Telangana’s decision to extend working hours is a regressive step based on a flawed and outdated economic ideology. It misinterprets the true drivers of foreign investment, ignores the scientific consensus on productivity, and jeopardizes the health and well-being of its workforce. By treating the 8-hour day not as a fundamental right but as a bureaucratic hurdle, the policy threatens to erode the very human capital that has made Hyderabad a global success story. A truly competitive and prosperous future for states lie not in working longer, but in working smarter. It lies in rejecting the false trade-off between worker rights and economic growth and embracing a synergistic model where investing in people is understood as the surest path to lasting productivity and shared prosperity.

(The author is part of the legal research team of the organisation)

Related:

Beyond the Clock: Deconstructing Telangana’s Labour Law Reform and the Flawed Pursuit of Investment

ILO raises deep concern over recent trend of labour law reforms, asks PM to engage with states

New Trade Union Initiative (NTUI) demands that governments retract changes in labour laws

Battle against dilution of labour laws to culminate in Supreme Court?

The post Beyond the Clock: Deconstructing Telangana’s Labour Law Reform and the Flawed Pursuit of Investment appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Telangana’s Economic Engine and the New Rules of Work

At the heart of this policy change lies Hyderabad, the engine of Telangana’s economy. The city’s burgeoning Information Technology (IT), IT-enabled Services (ITeS), and broad commercial sectors are the state’s economic powerhouse, contributing over 65% of its Gross State Value Added (GSVA). With an IT workforce exceeding 900,000 professionals and generating exports second only to Bengaluru, Hyderabad is a globally significant economic hub. It is home to the largest international campuses of tech giants like Microsoft, Amazon, and Google, making the state’s regulatory climate a critical factor in their operational calculus.

It is precisely this workforce that is targeted by the new law, G.O. Rt. No. 282. The order exempts “commercial establishments” from the standard 8-hour workday rule for overtime calculation. Previously, any hour worked beyond eight in a day was compensated at twice the normal rate. The new framework eliminates this daily threshold. Now, an employee can be asked to work 10 hours a day for five days a week at their regular wage, as overtime is only calculated after the 48-hour weekly limit is breached. This represents a fundamental reclassification of what was once premium-paid overtime into standard work, constituting a direct and significant transfer of value from employees to employers. The government’s framing of this as “flexibility” is misleading; it is not flexibility for the worker, but for the corporation, which can now schedule longer days at a lower cost, effectively normalizing a 10-hour workday and facilitating a “crunch culture” where long hours can be demanded to meet project deadlines without the financial disincentive of overtime pay.

The following infographic effectively shows what the change in the law does.

The Myth of Deregulation: Deconstructing “Ease of Doing Business” and FDI

The core justification for this policy—improving Ease of Doing Business to attract FDI—is rooted in a development narrative that has been empirically challenged and officially discredited. This narrative was largely shaped by the World Bank’s annual Doing Business report, a tool that for years pressured developing nations to weaken labour laws. However, in September 2021, the World Bank permanently discontinued the report after investigations revealed data irregularities and ethical breaches, fatally undermining its credibility. Any policy based on climbing the rankings of this defunct report is, therefore, built on a phantom metric.

Even before its cancellation, the report’s “Employing Workers” sub-index was heavily criticised for its inherent anti-worker bias. Its methodology explicitly penalized countries for having robust worker protections, such as setting maximum weekly work hours, establishing a meaningful minimum wage, or requiring notice for dismissal. The index failed to distinguish between the absence of regulation and the presence of efficient, well-designed regulations that foster stability and equity. It promoted a simplistic and ultimately harmful view that labour rights are an impediment to economic growth.

The notion that diluting labour laws is a primary lever for attracting FDI is not supported by the balance of economic evidence. A broad consensus in academic and institutional research points to a different set of factors as the true determinants of investment decisions, especially for the high-value, knowledge-based FDI that a city like Hyderabad aims to attract.

Investors are primarily drawn to large and growing consumer markets where they can sell their goods and services. Availability of Credit has been an important factor impacting ease of doing business, according to recent research. Ease of getting permits has been identified as an important factor in enabling ease of doing business. Reliable transport, consistent energy supply, and high-speed digital communications are non-negotiable prerequisites for modern business operations. Investors require a predictable environment with low political risk and stable economic policies to protect their long-term assets. A transparent, efficient, and predictable legal system for enforcing contracts and protecting property rights is paramount for investor confidence.

When viewed against these factors, labour law flexibility is, at best, a secondary and often statistically insignificant consideration. For labour-intensive, low-skill manufacturing, low wages can be a draw. But for the service and technology sectors that define Hyderabad’s economy, competing on the basis of longer work hours is a strategic mismatch. It is a “race to the bottom” that devalues the city’s core competitive advantage: its vast pool of highly skilled human capital. Weakening worker protections risks alienating this talent, fostering a culture of burnout, and paradoxically making the state less attractive to the very high-value companies it wishes to court.

The Productivity Paradox: Why More Hours Mean Less Output

The most fundamental flaw in the logic of extending work hours is the assumption that more time spent at work equates to more output. A vast body of scientific research from economics, public health, and management studies refutes this, revealing a non-linear and often inverse relationship between long hours and productivity.

Foundational research from Stanford University demonstrated that productivity per hour declines sharply after an employee works more than 50 hours a week. Beyond 55 hours, the drop is so precipitous that the additional time yields almost no discernible benefit. This “productivity cliff” means that a 70-hour workweek accomplishes virtually nothing more than a 55-hour one. The International Labour Organization (ILO) corroborates this, noting that while gross output may rise in the short term, output per hour steadily decreases with excessive working time due to fatigue, which leads to a higher rate of errors, poorer quality work, and an increased risk of accidents.

This is not merely a theoretical concept. Real-world experiments have consistently validated it. When Microsoft Japan trialed a four-day workweek, it saw a 40% surge in productivity. An extensive trial in Iceland involving shorter workweeks resulted in improved employee well-being alongside equal or even higher levels of output. Historically, Henry Ford’s pioneering decision to reduce the workday to eight hours famously led to a spike in productivity, as rested, motivated workers proved far more efficient.

Beyond the economic inefficiency, policies that encourage overwork are a significant public health concern. A landmark study by the World Health Organization (WHO) and the ILO established that working 55 or more hours per week is a serious health hazard, leading to a 35% higher risk of stroke and a 17% higher risk of dying from heart disease. The report attributed over 745,000 deaths in a single year to the effects of long working hours, framing it as a major occupational risk factor. The health consequences—including hypertension, diabetes, chronic fatigue, anxiety, and depression—translate directly into tangible business costs through higher rates of absenteeism, employee burnout, and increased turnover of skilled professionals.

A Normative Framework for Progress: Working Smarter, Not Longer

The Telangana government’s decision represents a choice between two competing visions of development. The first, embodied by the new amendment, views labour as a cost to be minimized. The second, grounded in evidence, views human capital as the primary engine of sustainable growth. The latter path is not only more equitable but also more effective for achieving long-term prosperity.

The alternative to a low-road strategy of extending hours is a high-road strategy of enhancing the value and productivity of each hour worked. This “Productivity-Welfare Flywheel” creates a virtuous cycle of growth. It begins with investments in technology, automation, and modern management practices that allow employees to work smarter, not longer. This includes streamlining processes, automating routine tasks, and fostering a results-oriented culture that measures value created, not hours logged.

When productivity per hour increases, it allows for better wages and improved work-life balance. This, in turn, enhances worker well-being. Well-rested, motivated, and healthy employees are more creative, make fewer errors, and are more loyal to their employers. This high-productivity, high-welfare environment becomes a powerful magnet for the highest-value FDI and the most sought-after global talent, spinning the flywheel faster and moving the economy up the value chain.

The role of government in this model is not to engage in a deregulatory race to the bottom but to act as a steward of a high-productivity ecosystem. This means investing in infrastructure, education, and R&D, and maintaining fair and stable regulatory frameworks. Corporate responsibility, in turn, extends beyond mere compliance to actively investing in the tools, training, and culture that enhance both productivity and well-being.

In conclusion, Telangana’s decision to extend working hours is a regressive step based on a flawed and outdated economic ideology. It misinterprets the true drivers of foreign investment, ignores the scientific consensus on productivity, and jeopardizes the health and well-being of its workforce. By treating the 8-hour day not as a fundamental right but as a bureaucratic hurdle, the policy threatens to erode the very human capital that has made Hyderabad a global success story. A truly competitive and prosperous future for states lie not in working longer, but in working smarter. It lies in rejecting the false trade-off between worker rights and economic growth and embracing a synergistic model where investing in people is understood as the surest path to lasting productivity and shared prosperity.

(The author is part of the legal research team of the organisation)

Related:

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The post Beyond the Clock: Deconstructing Telangana’s Labour Law Reform and the Flawed Pursuit of Investment appeared first on SabrangIndia.

A Division Bench comprising Justices Tapabrata Chakraborty and Reetobroto Kumar Mitra was hearing a habeas corpus petition filed by Rajjak Sk., the father of Sainur Islam, a migrant worker employed in Jagatsinghpur, Odisha. According to the plea, Sainur was picked up by Odisha police during a “special identification drive” and has not been seen or heard from since. The petitioner claims no formal arrest intimation or case details have been shared with the family, raising grave concerns about arbitrary detention and denial of constitutional rights.

“Where are the migrant workers now? On what basis were they detained? Has any action been taken against them?” the court asked while hearing the case, as reported by LiveLaw.

Appearing for the petitioner, Advocate Raghunath Chakraborty submitted that the young man, like many others from Bengal, had travelled to Odisha in search of work and had been rounded up solely because he spoke Bengali. It was alleged that he was held beyond 24 hours without being produced before a magistrate—an act in direct violation of Article 22 of the Constitution and settled law under DK Basu v. State of West Bengal.

The Court was also informed that such detentions are part of a disturbing pattern. Senior Advocate Kalyan Banerjee, who appeared in support of the petitioner, cited recent instances of Bengali-speaking labourers facing similar treatment in other states, including Assam, where language and appearance are being used as grounds to presume foreign nationality.

Taking note of these submissions, the Bench observed that the allegations raised serious questions of fundamental rights violations and could not be brushed aside simply because the alleged illegal detention took place outside West Bengal. “This Court cannot remain a silent spectator,” the judges said, affirming the maintainability of the petition under Article 226 of the Constitution, which empowers High Courts to issue writs, including habeas corpus, even in cases where detention occurs outside their territorial jurisdiction.

“This Court has the power to issue writs including habeas corpus under Article 226 of the Constitution of India which allows it to address violations of fundamental rights, even if the detention occurred in another State.”

“In view of the nature of allegations made, prima facie, we are of the opinion that the writ petition is maintainable and this Court cannot be a silent spectator. The authorities need to be directed to produce all relevant documents to enable this Court to infer as to whether Sainur had been illegally detained.”

Before passing any formal directions to the Odisha authorities, the Court framed six pointed questions that must be answered:

1. “Whether Sainur had been detained or is missing?”
2. “If detained, whether such detention is in connection with any Court’s order?”

• “If detained, what are the grounds towards such detention?”

1. “Whether Sainur had been detained upon informing him of the specific grounds for his arrest?”
2. “Whether Sainur’s arrest is related to any investigation being conducted by the Odisha police authorities or the officials of the State?”
3. “Whether there has been any correspondence between the authorities of the State of West Bengal and the authorities of the State of Odisha?”

To facilitate an inter-state response, the Court directed the Chief Secretary of West Bengal to appoint a nodal officer to coordinate directly with the Chief Secretary of Odisha, transmit the Court’s queries, and ensure submission of all relevant documents before the Bench by the next date of hearing.

“For compliance of the order and for placement of all necessary instructions and documents before this Court on the returnable date, we direct the Chief Secretary, Government of West Bengal to coordinate with the Chief Secretary, Government of Odisha.”

West Bengal Advocate General Kishore Dutta, appearing for the state, assured the Court that the government would extend full support to the affected workers and engage with the Odisha administration to resolve the issue. The Bench expressed its expectation that both states would act swiftly and transparently.

The matter will next be taken up on Monday, July 14, 2025, at 12:00 noon, when the Court expects detailed responses and documentary evidence from both states.

As the order was passed in open court in the presence of the Advocate General, the Bench clarified that no further communication is required from the petitioner to West Bengal officials. However, a server copy of the order must be served upon the first three respondents in the case, with an affidavit of service filed on record before the returnable date.

The complete order may be read below.

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Bengali-Speaking Migrants Detained En Masse in Odisha: National security or targeted persecution?

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The post Bengali Migrant Workers Detained in Odisha: Calcutta High Court demands answers, seeks coordination between states appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Among key demands of the general strike are the repeal of four Labour Codes, minimum support price (MSP@C2+50%) for all Crops, minimum wages of Rs.26000 per month, ‘No Privatisation of PSU’s’, the estoppal of ‘casualisation of employment’, ‘freedom from indebtedness’, all issues that are critical to protect Indian agriculture, industry and services.

The General Strike is also against the imposition of free trade agreements on Indian people. US’ dominance on world trade has unleashed all efforts to coerce the Modi Government to impose unfair trade terms and to dump US agricultural products in India.

The four Labour codes legalise contract labour based on hire and fire policy. Once implemented, say trade unions and farmer organisations, these Codes, will shatter not only the rights of the existing workforce but the entire new generations of workers in all sectors of the economy. The youth cannot dream of having access to formal employment with social security and retirement benefits. The right to an eight-hour work day will not sustain and new forms of slavery will be imposed on the working people under the guise of ‘ease of doing business’ to facilitate corporate profiteering.  Workers will lose the right to unionise, right to bargain for remunerative wage and right to strike. The four labour codes are both authoritarian and undemocratic in character, say the unions that will eventually endanger the independence of the working people and sovereignty of the country. Hence it is vital for all the freedom loving citizens to join the fight to bury the labour codes once and for all.

“Current economic policies are resulting in more unemployment, rising price rise of essential commodities, depression in wages, cut in social sector spending in education, health, basic civic amenities, all this leading to more inequalities and miseries for the poor, lower income group and even middle classes. The government has abandoned the welfare state focus of our country and is working in the interest of foreign and Indian corporates and it is so evident from its policies being pursued vigorously,” the trade union leaders said.

In a statement, they said the trade unions had been fighting against the privatisation of public sector enterprises and public services, the policies of outsourcing, contractualisation and casualisation of workforce, against the anti-workers, pro-employer four Labour Codes meant to suppress and cripple the trade union movement, increase in working hours, to snatch their right to collective bargaining, right to strike, decriminalisation of violation of labour laws by employers, while criminalising the activities of trade unions etc. “The government is making false claims on employment and provisions of social security. The existing social security schemes are being weakened and attempts to bring private players into it are pushed,” they said.

They also added that unions in the coal and minerals sectors, steel, banking and insurance sectors, power, petroleum and telecom industries and the transport sector have given notices for the strike. “We are making continued efforts forging unity and solidarity between the two major productive forces of the country, the workers and farmers,” they said.

Amarjeet Kaur, senior trade union leader and All India Trade Union Congress general secretary, has told the media that the strike is very significant to prepare working class and the farming community and agricultural labourers for a long-drawn battle. Questioning the government move to curb trade union rights, she said investors are not coming to India not because of workers, but because of the government policy of promoting one or two companies. She also asserted while speaking to The Hindu that this general strike will be the start of larger movements in India. When there are close to 15 lakh job vacancies in the central public sector units (PSUs) and central government, why has the Modi 3.0 government started recruiting those who are already retired for lesser salaries and without any social security? They have done this in Railways and in the steel sector.  This trend of outsourcing and contractualising many jobs is dangerous as it is causing widespread unemployment, she added.

The notices of the general strike have been served at banks, insurance companies, steel sector, coal sector, minerals and petroleum sector, copper sector and in some airports. Rail workers will also have mobilisations in support of strike, but no strike there. Defence sector is going on strike. The unions have predicted a “bandh-like” of situation in Assam, Tamil Nadu, Goa, Punjab, Bihar, Kerala, West Bengal and in many other States. Opposition parties have been approached by the unions, and they have extended their support. Workers in unions affiliated with the BMS (Bharatiya Mazdoor Saangh, an RSS affiliate) have also reportedly pledged support.

Which sectors are affected due to the Bharat Bandh?

1. Banking services
2. Postal services
3. Coal mining and factories
4. State transport services
5. Public sector units and government departments

What’s open on Bharat Bandh?

1. Schools and colleges
2. Private offices

Other complaints of the striking organisations include the fact that the government has not been conducting the annual labour conference for the last decade s and continues to take decisions in contravention to the interest of labour force, attempting to impose four labour codes to weaken collective bargaining, to cripple unions’ activities and to favour employers in the name of ‘ease of doing business’.

The forum also alleged that the economic policies are resulting in acute unemployment, rising prices of essential commodities, depression in wages, cut in social sector spending in education, health, basic civic amenities, and all these are leading to more inequalities and miseries for poor, people of lower income group as well as the middle class.

In a statement put out on the eve of the general strike, the Samyukta Kisan Morcha (SKM) has also appealed to people to make the general strike on July 9, 2025 a grand success. Among key demands as stated above are the repeal of four Labour Codes, MSP@C2+50% for all Crops, Minimum Wage of Rs.26000 / month, ‘No Privatisation of PSU’s’, ‘Stop Casualisation of Employment’, ‘Freedom from Indebtedness’, all of which are critical to protect Agriculture, Industry and Services.

Apart from supporting demands of the workers, SKM urges the peasantry to intensify struggle on independent demands including enact law for MSP@C2+50% with guaranteed procurement for all crops, comprehensive loan waiver to free the peasantry from the debt trap and end rampant peasant suicides across India, withdrawal of National Policy Framework on Agriculture Marketing, not to sign the Indo-US Bilateral Trade Agreement hurting agriculture, industry and services, no privatisation of electricity, end indiscriminate acquisition of land violating the LARR Act 2013, ensure 200 days’ work and Rs.600 as daily wages in NREGS, provide minimum wage, social security and Rs. 10000 monthly pensions for agricultural workers, peasants and rural labourers, formalisation of Scheme workers, legal protection to the rights of migrant workers and tenant farmers among others.  The SKM has also called upon the entire working people including farmers, workers and agricultural workers to rally massively to hold tehsil level demonstrations and make the General strike successful.

The General Strike is also against the imposition of free trade agreements on Indian people. US’ dominance on world trade has unleashed all efforts to coerce the Modi Government to impose unfair trade terms and to dump US agricultural products in India. The intention of the free trade agreement is ‘unregulated freedom for US food chains, trading giants and agribusiness corporations to operate in India.’ ‘Tariff free import of huge quantity of highly subsidised milk and milk products, soybean, cotton, mice, wheat, rice, pulses, oilseeds, paddy, GM crops, fruits and vegetables including apple and walnuts, processed and canned foods’ into Indian markets will devastate the income and livelihood of Indian farmers.

The Trump Administration has been compelling the Modi Government to wind up PDS food distribution and withdraw all subsidies for farmers on fuel and fertilisers, says the SKM. It wants India to change its patent laws to suit American companies. These changes will erode the independence of Indian farmers and bring disastrous impact on food security.

The SKM statement also asserts that the Indian people will not accept the ‘enslavement of the workforce’ through four Labour Codes and corporatisation of agriculture. The farmers are on a path of struggle for the last two decades and more to achieve the long pending demands of MSP2 C2+50% with guaranteed procurement and comprehensive loan waiver.

Minimum wage to workers and minimum support price to the farmers are crucial to accomplish higher purchasing power, employment generation and agriculture led growth of the domestic economy. Reversing the anti-worker, anti-farmer policies of the RSS-BJP combine is indispensable to protect the interests of the working people and the country.

This is the 22nd General Strike since the advent of neo-liberal policies in India in 1991.  The success of July 9, 2025 strike will ignite more massive, mightier struggles larger than the 2020-21 historic farmers struggle at Delhi borders actively supported by the working class, states the SKM. The massive strike will be intensified until all the genuine demands of the workers and the peasantry are realised. SKM appeals to the entire working people to make the July 9, 2025 General strike as one of the largest ever worker-peasant united action since independence.

Meanwhile, the Central Kisan Committee (CKC) meeting of the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) held from June 28-30, 2025 at the E K Nayanar Academy, Kannur, Kerala, decided to hold massive protests on July 9, along with the Samyukta Kisan Morcha (SKM) at the tehsil level, and work actively to make the General Strike called by the Central Trade Unions (CTUs) a massive success.

The meeting at Kannur discussed the grim agrarian scenario in the country, and the anti-farmer, pro-corporate policies of the BJP-led NDA government. It also noted that the Congress-led State Governments in Karnataka, Telangana etc are also carrying forward the BJP Government’s policies like Labour Codes, 12-hour work day, land acquisition etc.

The meeting warned against the hurried moves of the Modi regime to sign Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) with UK (already signed), USA, EU, etc., which surrender the interests of farmers, workers and MSME entrepreneurs, violate federal principles and put Parliament in the dark. These FTAs will drastically reduce or eliminate import duties on key agricultural products, threatening the livelihoods of millions of Indian farmers, stated the AIKS.

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The post As 30 crore workers, farmers join July 9 strike against govt.’s policies, will there be media coverage of the shut down? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In this world, labour, like every other commodity that exchanges hands, is expected to yield a certain return to the boss man. But while the market value of other commodities – like gold or petrol – is dictated by scarcity, labour’s market value comes from its abundance. The spectre of unemployment, which is treated as a social, religious, cultural, economic, and political malady, forever looms as a haunting threat above the workers’ heads, forcing them to keep competing with each other.

For most of India’s tech workers, this hyper-competitive environment means exploitative work conditions, precarious living arrangements, and a hierarchical structure that rewards obedience and subservience. But it is also true that this workforce is not a uniform entity. In fact, a certain segment of this group – including the alumni of India’s elite STEM (science, technology, engineering, mathematics) colleges – finds itself in well-paying and relatively more secure jobs.

By thus showering this small group of workers with monetary benefits and perks, the market creates a feedback loop that keeps the majority in check. They are encouraged, incentivised, and, in many cases, threatened, to follow in the steps of their better-paid peers, forced to keep running in the rat race. More importantly, even the supposed winners of this race are not truly free.

For starters, the market alienates these highly-educated and clearly skilled individuals from their own interests, forcing them to work on products and ideas that benefit no one but the valuation of their employers, even if they harm the larger public. What is even worse is that despite sustaining a multi-trillion dollar global economy, this group hardly sees itself as belonging to a larger workforce, let alone a united one.

As a result, far from resisting the market’s demands, these well-off workers become aspiring entrepreneurs – capitalists in making, if you will. From data-hungry apps all the way to pointless, and even harmful, AI (artificial intelligence) tools, they are trained to use their knowledge to do nothing but create whatever is deemed worthy of a reward. Their questions and concerns about the social utility of their labour (if there are any in the first place) are necessarily side-stepped for more relevant factors, such as monetization or investor interest.

Now, is this specific to India? Certainly not. The recent capture of the US state by the Big Tech and ‘crypto’ lobbies, is a clear indication of whose requirements tech workers are really addressing.

Is this limited to tech workers alone? Also, a no. Engineers, scientists, and developers of today are just the latest addition to hordes of workers serving the interests of the ruling classes.

Why Write This? And Why Now?

To begin with, India’s submission to market forces has been dizzyingly quick in the digital economy. Its embrace of certain technologies for governance purposes (like DPIs – digital public infrastructure) and its large-scale support for digitally-enabled startups (through Digital India, Startup India, the IndiaAI Mission, among others) are just the more visible examples of this capitulation. Combine that with our legacy of providing cheap labour to MNCs (multinational corporations) – and, for the past 30 years or so, Indian tech workers have uncritically served the interests of global and domestic capital.

Locally, this has meant an ever-growing interest in engineering courses, especially in computer science and electronics, which has only amplified the competitive pressures on an already exploited workforce. Domestic MNCs, such as Infosys, WIPRO, and TCS, are clear examples of how these ‘high-skilled’  workers are seen as easily replaceable by market giants (1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7). And these are just the home-grown capitalists – let us not even get into on Big Tech and how it has completely dismembered any semblance of worker opposition.

The overtly exploited and alienated nature of these workers is only one reason behind focusing on them here. The other reason is that the technologies they develop, which are becoming more and more ubiquitous in our lives, re-create the market’s logic of segmentation, exploitation, and alienation in sectors where it did not exist! Urban Company and its top-down standardisation of beauty workers is a great example of this trend.

Everything from healthcare, education, and banking, to personal communication, media and entertainment is now mediated by a set of extractive digital platforms designed to maximise user engagement and sustain the ad economy that runs today’s internet. While data breaches, financial frauds, and online misinformation are the more noticeable adverse outcomes of such innovations, there is a much darker side of things, too.

Because of the warm relationship that the capitalist class wishes to enjoy with any State, the labour of this workforce also serves the interests of authoritarian governments across the world. This can be best seen in the creation of large-scale surveillance technologies, including Pegasus, which has reportedly been used on Indian civil rights activists.

So, here we are. Subject to the market’s logic of production, the Indian tech workforce presents a bit of an interesting contradiction. Its internal inequality means that most tech workers are too busy surviving and climbing the hierarchy to even question the outcomes of their labour, whereas those with more security are too disillusioned with the capitalist promise of success to even care.

Before this bleak outlook puts you off, one must state that this is not inevitable.

As a start, workers involved in sustaining the digital economy, especially those in relatively secure places, can introspect on the social, economic, and political ramifications of their work. Think of it as a more voluntary analogue to the Hippocratic Oath, but for coders, developers, and designers. Something that ensures that your labour does not power innovations that are harmful (such as deceptive design practices), and certainly not those that are just outright deadly (like, killer drones, maybe?).

But it is also important to recognise that a change in individual attitudes alone would not suffice here. It does not matter if a few workers create more ethical digital technologies — competitive pressures ensure that a small band of such rebels will either be fired and replaced, or if they succeed, they will have to compete in an uphill battle with firms that may not be as interested in paying such ‘ethical costs’ (for the lack of a better word).

Unless such costs are imposed consistently – through regulatory interventions or other external pressures – companies will always have an incentive to shirk these responsibilities in a hyper-competitive environment. As a prominent example, look at how the world’s biggest tech giants quietly went back on their sustainability goals when they realised that serving the AI demand would require them to double down on energy and water consumption!

This gap brings us to the second point.

Educate. Agitate. Organise

As engineers, scientists, and people with technical expertise, this class of workers is not alien to the power of knowledge. And if there is one good thing about the modern internet, it is its sustained (albeit, struggling) democratisation of information.

So, step away from algorithmically enclosed social networks that feed you information passively. Instead, learn about the political value of your work and your labour by seeking answers more actively – be it through books, newsletters, documentaries, audio books, blogs, or just even talking to people around you. Most importantly, learn about the lives not just made because of your innovations, but also those that were disrupted or, worse, destroyed. (A few personal suggestions on books that can help you get started: 1, 2, 3, 4).

You may not feel comfortable seeking this knowledge, and you may not be able to do much with it yet. But this is just the first step.

If all goes well, this experience should ideally force some of you (yes, I’m talking to the IITians and the BITSians here) to confront the realities of your labour. Start with your colleagues. Talk to them about what you are learning and seek out their perspectives on it. Invite them to help you care for this sapling of radical education. You should also feel the urge to question your superiors – in your workplaces, in your colleges, in your ministries. Indulge in this emotion. Nurture it.

And that is not just because asking questions makes you more informed, but also because the act of questioning authority in a public setting normalises that urge in your peers. They may begin to dwell on these issues, too, and who knows, your actions may even earn you an ally. “Sure,” I see you wondering, “but what about the ramifications of raising these questions? What if I am fired, or rusticated, or just alienated?” Fair, and that brings me to ‘Organise.’

You are not the first worker to be facing this conflict. The history of capitalism is filled with examples after examples of workers unionising to fight the employers’ urge to skirt criticism or amplify exploitation. Learn from that history. Global examples like the “Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions” (BDS) movement also provide a recent glimpse of how powerful worker mobilisation and collective action can be (1, 2, 3, 4, 5). Despite their relative nascence, IT/ITes workers’ unions in India are gaining rapid momentum and popularity. Reach out to these organisations, and others like them, and become aware of your rights as an employee, as an independent contractor, or even as an unpaid intern.

Find unity in numbers. And believe it or not, this would definitely require you to repair the rifts caused by systems of religious, caste, and gender oppression inside your workforce. The ruling class is an expert at widening differences between you and your peers to challenge your efforts in all ways possible. So, unless you begin seeing them as equal and dignified fellows, you will be alienated from each other and picked apart by the powers that be.

Last, if you find yourself too introverted or too exhausted to do any of this, consider using your leisure time to volunteer your labour for more equitable solutions.

Use your knowledge and skills to imagine technical alternatives to today’s social media, e-commerce, and search monopolies. India’s foray into DPIs, for all its faults, provides a partial glimpse into what large-scale digital innovations created on the lines of interoperability, openness, and collective ownership could look like. Use these experiences as a springboard to contribute to open-source projects. And if you can, support organisations and institutes that lack the requisite technical capacity to oppose the ongoing onslaught of capital.

The tech workers of this country have remained pawns in the game of wealth transfer for too long now. Initially the affordable back-office of multinational conglomerates, India has since transitioned into an ally to global capitalism. But the tech workforce of this country remains split. Some are lured by the idea of making it big, and fail to realise the implications of their labour on communities out of their sight. And a majority of others – those without access to caste networks and private capital – are made to slog as chattel for mere pittances in a work culture that sucks the life out of you.

This needs to change. This article tries to articulate the need for the many tech workers of today and of the years to come. Your knowledge and your labour deserve more than what the current system of economic production offers you. Worse still, it is your labour that is also responsible for powering and sustaining that same system today.

As students of STEM, we are all much too aware of the double-sided nature of technological progress, but it is high time we realise that we are no longer just passive participants in this journey. You, as an individual, may not be able to do a lot; but you, as a class of workers, can certainly aspire to that.

It will take time, sure, but the question remains: how comfortable are you supporting a system that not only alienates you from your peers, but also makes you support a wasteful, harmful, and exploitative logic of technological growth?

The author is a technology researcher and writer. The views are personal.

Courtesy: Newsclick

The post Whose Interests is India’s Tech Workforce Serving? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Addressing a press conference here on Wednesday, the Delhi state CPI(M) said the poor families were evicted despite showing valid documents.

Reminding BJP of its promise of “Jahan Jhuggi, Wahaan Makaan”, the CPI(M) demanded rehabilitation in situ, or within a 5 km radius, to ensure continued access to livelihoods, education, essential services and community.

“Construction of flats on nearby vacant DDA land should be undertaken, if no appropriate housing is available, to comply with protocols and legal obligation,” it said in a statement.

The party also called for a fair and transparent survey and appeals process, “ensuring that long-term residents—many of whom have lived in the camp for over 60 years—are not wrongfully excluded.”

Read the full press release below:

*BJP GOVT MUST FULFIL THEIR PROMISE OF ‘JAHAN JHUGGI WAHAN MAKAAN’

CPI(M) Delhi State Committee strongly condemns the inhumane demolition and forced eviction threat facing over 400 working-class families in Madrasi Camp, Jangpura-B — one of Delhi’s oldest recognised bastis. This 60-year-old jhuggi cluster near the Barapulla Drain of South East Delhi is part of the DUSIB’s notified slums list and eligible for legal protection as per the NCT of Delhi Special Provisions Act, 2011.

Despite possessing valid documentation, one-third of households have been arbitrarily denied rehabilitation, while those deemed “eligible” are being cast out to Narela—50 km away—in clear violation of all protocols. Government agencies are simultaneously pushing for demolition of the jhuggi cluster even as the rehabilitation process remains ongoing, an action that is both illegal and indefensible.

The Act clearly states that “Jhuggi Jhopri Bastis which have come up before 01.01.2006 shall not be removed (as per National Capital Territory of Delhi Laws (Special Provisions) Second Act, 2011) without providing them alternate housing. Jhuggis which have come up in such Jhuggi Jhopri Bastis before 01.01.2015 shall not be demolished without providing alternate housing.”

The Para 2(a)(iii) of the Delhi Slum & Rehabilitation and Relocation Policy of 2015 underlines: “In-situ rehabilitation – Delhi Urban Shelter Improvement Board shall provide alternate accommodation to those living in Jhuggi Jhopri Bastis, either on the same land or in the vicinity within a radius of five kilometers. In case of exceptional circumstances, it can even go beyond five kilometers with prior approval of the Board.

Dispossession of the Poor in the Guise of Drain Cleaning

Upon the directions of the High Court (W.P. (C) 8035/2024) in July 2024, the DDA with other government departments, incorrectly identified Madrasi Camp as an encroachment along the drain flowing into Yamuna. Following this, the issue of eviction and rehabilitation is being considered in Court. The classification of the settlement as an encroachment is an executive decision—not a judicial directive. On October 5, 2024 the Irrigation and Flood Control Department hurriedly submitted a map indicating the Madrasi Camp obstructs the flow of the Barapullah drain. However, an independent fact-finding report by senior engineer experts from IIT Delhi and IIT Bombay has identified the nearby bridges and flyover as the primary cause of drainage obstruction, not the settlement.

Jumla of BJP’s Electoral Promises 

A 2024 Housing and Land Rights Network report reveals that Delhi led India in evictions during 2022–23, with 78 clearance operations displacing roughly 278,796 people. This stark reality lays bare the hypocrisy of the previous LG-led administration and the current “triple engine sarkar” in Delhi, which campaigned on promises to protect slum dwellers. The BJP’s promises—most notably “Jahan Jhuggi, Wahaan Makaan”—now ring hollow as families face forced eviction without appropriate rehabilitation. Unless the Delhi and Central government immediately directs its agencies to halt demolitions and deliver on in situ rehabilitation, its flagship slogan will be remembered as a cruelpolitical gimmick.

Violation of Due Process & Rights

The residents of Madrasi Camp are citizens, not encroachers, as repeatedly claimed by the government and their lawyers. They vote, work, raise families, and contribute to society. Subjecting them to repeated humiliation—treating them as illegals—violates their constitutional rights. Even as the courts are deliberating on the case, the PWD and Delhi Police are issuing demolition notices in absolute disregard for protocols.

The Delhi Slum & JJ Rehabilitation and Relocation Policy of 2015 underlines under clause D(5) DUSIB will fix the date of removal of the said JJ basti and send an appropriate intimation to the local police authorities for providing security and maintaining law and order. No police will be provided to any agency in Delhi for removal of JJ bastis without the approval/letter from CEO, DUSIB.

Proper Rehabilitation Must Precede Eviction

We strongly oppose any demolition, forced eviction or relocation to Narela, which lies nearly 50 km away from their current settlement. Such a move would severely disrupt their livelihoods, cut off access to essential services like schools and healthcare, and push families further into economic hardship.

CPI(M) Delhi Demands:

1. Immediate halt to all evictions and demolitions until every resident’s appeal is fairly heard and resolved.

2. Rehabilitation in-situ, or within a 5 km radius, per the ‘Jahan Jhuggi, Wahaan Makaan’ promise and government policies, to ensure continued access to livelihoods, education, essential services and community. Construction of flats on nearby vacant DDA land should be undertaken, if no appropriate housing is available, to comply with protocols and legal obligation.

3. Preservation of livelihoods and access to essential services by avoiding displacement to distant and disconnected areas like Narela.

4. A fair and transparent survey and appeals process, ensuring that long-term residents—many of whom have lived in the camp for over 60 years—are not wrongfully excluded. Initiation of direct social dialogue with residents, ensuring meaningful participation in the rehabilitation process.

5. An end to the scapegoating of working-class communities for flooding, when evidence points to flawed infrastructure as the actual cause. The government must also allow independent scientific studies to be conducted instead of blaming the poor for its failures to control and manage floods.

The bulldozer will not decide who belongs in Delhi.

The NGT’s 2019 order to clear unauthorised structures across the Yamuna floodplain or drains has been exploited by the BJP-led central government to displace working class bastis—treating longstanding communities as ‘encroachments’ and triggering largescale evictions without proper rehabilitation. Under the guise of “riverfront revitalization” and “beautification drives”, land is being cleared for 24×7 entertainment complexes and commercial developments that serve corporate interests, not public welfare.

CPI(M) condemns this grotesque inversion of environmentalism, where the rights of the working class are sacrificed to fuel real estate profits.

The CPI(M) is a working-class party dedicated to defending the rights of labourers, informal workers, and marginalised communities—whose toil sustains this city. In coalition with other Left parties and democratic organisations, we will mount a broad-based struggle against the DDA’s bulldozer politics and the BJP-led governments that treat human lives as expendable obstacles to their pro-corporate and anti-people development agenda. We stand in unbreakable solidarity with the residents of Madrasi Camp and the lakhs of marginalised families facing dispossession. The bulldozer will not decide who belongs in Delhi.

Anurag Saxena,

State Secretary, CPI(M) Delhi

Courtesy: Newsclick

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In addition, power sector employees will also take part in the nationwide strike being planned by central trade unions in May against the government’s move to implement the four labour codes.

These two decisions were taken at the National Convention of the Electricity Employees and Engineers held in Nagpur, Maharashtra, on February 23, 2025, according to a press statement released by the Electricity Employees Federation of India (EEFI).

The national convention, which discussed the “multi-pronged attacks on the public electricity sector and the energy security of our country”, also noted the “growing attacks” on the democratic right of electricity employees and consumers, especially in Uttar Pradesh.

“After being elected for the third time, the NDA government has become desperate to privatize all the public electricity utilities. Under the diktat of the Central government, the Chandigarh UT Administration forcefully privatized its highly profitable, efficient and low tariff Power Utility in an irregular manner,” the statement read.

EEFI also noted the “desperate attacks of privatisation” unleashed on Purvanchal Vidyut Vitaran Nigam Ltd. (PVVNL) and Dakshinanchal Vidyut Vitaran Nigam Ltd. (DVVNL) of Uttar Pradesh, which, it said, would put the service of 27,000 employees and engineers and 50,000 contract workers at stake.

“Electricity employees and engineers of UP are fighting for last 87 days defying the instigation and attacks of the UP administration,” it added.

EEFI also flayed the Rajasthan government that has started the  bidding process to privatise “generation and battery storage projects”, as also plans by the Telangana government to hand over electricity distribution service of the South Hyderabad Circle to the Adani group.

“Actually, the Central government is in real haste to privatize the state DISCOMs. A unique regional meeting on Power sector with States and UTs of Delhi, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu and Kashmir, Ladakh, Madhya Pradesh, Punjab, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh has been held on 20th February, New Delhi,” it said, citing a Power Ministry press release saying, “the States have urged Centre for support in privatization of distribution” and “Listing of Utilities will be taken up by States to bring investment.”

Calling upon electricity employees to unite and fight privatisation moves, EEFI noted that to facilitate its privatisation project, a Group of Ministers had been formed by the Centre with the UP Energy Minister as its convenor, who is “infamous for his privatization drives,” as also the new draft of the Electricity Amendment Bill being prepared by the Centre.

“Certainly, it is the final course of attack on India’s public electricity distribution sector. It will lead to massive de-electrification and food security of our country will be jeopardized. It is an attack on federal structure of India,” it said.

EEFI said its June 25 strike had already received support from central trade unions as well as the Samyukta Kisan Morcha, which has for long been opposing the new Electricity Bill.

In preparation for the countrywide sectoral strike, EEFI said it would hold regional meetings, and state-level mass conventions.

“Four massive rallies will be held in UP in the March 2025, against the privatisation attempt of the UP government,” it added.

EEFI called upon all power sector employees as well as consumers to make the strike actions a “great success”.

Courtesy: Newsclick

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The workers are protesting, citing two major issues, namely, the suspension of three union office-bearers on ‘false’ charges and against the company using contract workers in the manufacturing process.

The workers set up a new protest pandal (tent) in front of the manufacturing unit on February 18, as they gear up for a series of agitation programmes against the “illegal measures” of the management and the “inaction” of the labour department of the government of Tamil Nadu.

Family Members Join Protest

On February 17, the workers of SIEL, along with their family members, held a protest in Kancheepuram after the management failed to break the deadlock even after 14 days of the sit-in protest.

The three office-bearers were suspended after they attempted to meet the managing director of the South Korean electronics major during the lunch hour break to appraise him of the “anti-worker policies” pursued by the Indian management.

“After turning away the office-bearers with the promise of arranging a meeting with the MD within 15 days, the management suspended the three office-bearers on February 4 without any show cause notice or enquiry”, E Muthukumar, president, SIWU, and a CITU leader told this reporter.

The union has decided to hold a protest in front of the SIPCOT unit on February 20 and serve a strike notice on February 21, if the talks scheduled on February 19 do not bring any positive outcome.

Attempts to ‘Weaken the Union’

The action of the management to suspend the office-bearers of the union, which was registered by the state labour welfare department after a 38-day strike and 212 days of legal battle, is to weaken the union and form a puppet union, the workers allege.

The management has been accused of forcing the workers, reinstated after the strike, to join the ‘puppet union’ formed by the management by deserting the CITU-affiliated one.

“The management has been compelling the workers to leave the CITU union and join the management-sponsored union. It has even opened an office for their puppet union. This shows their utter disregard to the existing laws”, Muthukumar said.

The union also accused the management of issuing show cause notices to 39 workers alleging that they plan to suspend 15 workers in their “attempt to weaken the union.”

3 Memoranda Submitted to Labour Department

The CITU has submitted three memoranda to the Assistant Commissioner of Labour against the “illegal actions” of SIEL. The management backtracked from the promises made while the previous strike was withdrawn in September 2024, it said.

The management took back the last batch of workers who joined the strike only after 45 days following the withdrawal of the strike, against their promise made in the talks held with the union facilitated by the labour department.

The management also failed to revise the wages within the stipulated time, internally transferred 40 workers and continued to force the workers to desert CITU, all against the promises made, the union alleged.

“The company is now engaging contract workers in the manufacturing process which is against the Factories Act. Even though the labour commissioner has issued a show cause notice, the management has not submitted any explanation. This shows that they do not respect the law of the land”, Muthukumar added.

Labour Welfare Department Faces Criticism

The labour welfare department of the government of Tamil Nadu has come under strong criticism for their “lethargic handling” of the disputes, particularly in the automobile hub across Chennai and Kancheepuram districts.

“The government of Tamil Nadu and the labour welfare department are acting in favour of the big corporates, betraying the interests of the workers. The police too joined hands by resorting to illegal detention of the workers and union leaders during the previous strike. The DMK government must change its policies to ensure the rights of the workers are protected”, Muthukumar said.

Courtesy: Newsclick

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