Candle light processions are being carried out in the villages of Greater Noida demanding immediate release of farmers put in Jail by Yogi Adityanath Government of Uttar Pradesh. pic.twitter.com/Oq7vZSUY1s

— AIKS (@KisanSabha) December 19, 2024

Background

On December 17, (Tuesday), a significant development unfolded in Greater Noida when a court granted bail to 86 farmers arrested during protests earlier this month. These farmers had been detained during demonstrations demanding increased compensation for land acquisition in the region. The arrests occurred on December 4 and 5 at Zero Point in Greater Noida, where 136 farmers were taken into custody. While eight farmers had been released on bail last week, the 86 granted bail on Tuesday will remain in jail until they deposit a surety of Rs 20,000 each.

The farmers’ protests erupted in response to the Uttar Pradesh government’s failure to fulfil promises of increased compensation for land acquired from farmers for various development projects. Led by farmer unions such as the Bharatiya Kisan Union (BKU), the farmers have been advocating for compensation rates that reflect the rising costs of living and the value of their land. These protests led to disruptions, including the blockade of the Noida Expressway on December 5, when protesters allegedly damaged barricades and clashed with police.

Sub-Inspector Rahul Kumar filed a complaint against the protesters, accusing them of rioting, unlawful assembly, and causing harm to public servants. In his complaint, Kumar stated that despite police efforts to de-escalate, the protesters continued shouting slogans against the government and police, escalating the situation. However, the farmers’ leaders maintain that their protests were peaceful and that the charges were fabricated, as Times of India reported.

Farmers’ struggle in Noida and Greater Noida

The farmers’ struggle in Noida and Greater Noida is a powerful manifestation of resistance against the land acquisition policies that have long been a source of tension in Uttar Pradesh. This struggle is deeply rooted in the farmers’ demands for rightful compensation and alternative livelihoods.

Land acquisition and political Relevance

The backdrop to the farmers’ protests in the region is the ongoing process of land acquisition for several major development projects. These include the construction of the Greater Noida and Noida industrial zones, the Yamuna Expressway, the Jewar International Airport, and various projects under the Uttar Pradesh State Industrial Development Corporation (UPSIDC). Farmers argue that their land was acquired without fair compensation, leaving them without sufficient support for their livelihoods. The struggle for land rights in this region has gained increasing political relevance as it exposes the exploitative relationship between the state government and corporate forces benefiting from these land acquisitions.

Past struggles and farmer solidarity

The farmers’ struggles have been ongoing for several years, with the All-India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) playing a crucial role in mobilizing farmers and building solidarity across communities. In 2023, after farmers successfully pushed for the formation of a High-Power Committee, the government promised several measures, including higher compensation and the return of a portion of acquired land. However, the BJP-led state government, under Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, has failed to implement these recommendations, prompting farmers to intensify their struggle.

November-December 2024: escalation of protests

The situation reached a boiling point in November and December 2024, when ten major farmer organizations under the Samyukt Kisan Morcha (SKM) banner organized a Mahapanchayat in Greater Noida on November 25. The farmers, including a large number of women, demanded immediate action from the Uttar Pradesh government to address their concerns. When the government failed to respond, the farmers organized day-and-night protests from November 26 to December 1.

Violent crackdown and arrests

On December 2, 2024, thousands of farmers attempted to march to Delhi, but were stopped by police barricades, resulting in traffic disruptions. The government responded by making several promises to engage with the farmers, but the situation worsened on December 3, when police forces violently evicted the protesters. Over 160 farmers, including key leaders, were arrested and sent to Luksar Jail, with many others detained at their homes under house arrest.

The struggle for land rights in Noida and Greater Noida has become emblematic of broader issues surrounding land acquisition, compensation, and the rights of rural farmers. It represents a direct challenge to the BJP-led state government’s corporate-friendly policies, and it has sparked widespread support from farmers across the country. The movement continues to gain momentum, with more protests planned and the farmers’ determination to secure their rightful claims remaining unshaken.

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The post Candlelight protests in Greater Noida demand immediate release of jailed farmers appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The protest was called in response to alleged excesses inflicted on farmers who tried to march towards Delhi to press for their demands on Minimum Support Price and one time debt relief. At least 21 trains were cancelled and several trains were short terminated in Ambala and Ferozpur division. The protesters squatted on major railway stations including Moga, Faridkot, Gurdaspur, Batala, Jalandhar, Sangrur, Tarn Taran and Muktsar.

Harmeet Bains, leader, Bharatiya Kisan Mazdoor Union said, “We have stopped trains from 12 PM to 3 PM at more than 100 locations in the state. After the Supreme Court directed the Haryana administration to allow farmers their march on foot, we were met with sheer high handedness, tear gas and water cannons. The centre is in sleep mode from 2014 itself. The farmers are too citizens of this country. We provide grains to feed the people. If peasantry is destroyed, the country will face serious repercussions.”

Addressing a press conference at Shambhu border, Jaswinder Singh Longowal, leader, Bharatiya Kisan Union Ekta Azad said that the participation of common people in rail roko protest surpassed their expectations.

“Even the unions out of our organisation’s ambit extended their support. It must be remembered that the fast unto death of veteran leader Jagjeet Singh Dallewal entered 23rd day and no centre representative reached out to us over our demands,”he said.

He said,”today’s protest amply demonstrates that the people of the state are frustrated with this government. Both forums, Kisan Mazdoor Morcha and Samyukta Kisan Morcha (Non-political), have decided that the movement will be intensified in Punjab. A complete bandh will be observed in the state on December 30 and we will request people to ensure massive participation. I request farmers bodies, shopkeepers, workers to understand that winning this struggle is the need of the hour. I ask you to form village committees to campaign in rural areas. We cannot forget the sacrifices made by our leaders. We cannot forget the humiliation meted out to us by the centre.”

Meanwhile, the health of Dallewal, President, Bharatiya Kisan Union (Sidhupur), further deteriorated on 23rd day of his fast with doctors expressing possibility of multiple organ failure. The Supreme Court too showed concern over deteriorating health of Dallewal and directed Punjab government to make necessary arrangements in case hospitalisation is required.

The bench of Justice Surya Kant and Justice Ujjal Bhuyan on Wednesday said,”As regard to medical aid to Mr.Jagjit Singh Dallewal, learned Advocate General fairly submits that even as per the doctors, he is immediately required to be hospitalised. That being the medical condition, we direct the State Authorities to take all necessary steps and ensure that the medical aid of hospitalisation, as per the doctors advise, is provided to Mr.Jagjit Singh Dallewal, without any delay.”

After the Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced the decision of repealing the farm laws, Centre, through its Secretary (Farmers Welfare) Sanjay Agarwal had assured the leadership of Samyukta Kisan Morcha that it will form a committee including representatives from centre and state governments, Agriculture Scientists and farmers leaders of different unions with the mandate to devise methods to implement minimum support price.

The letter dated December 9, 2021 also noted that the Union government in principle agrees to withdraw criminal cases by its agencies for participation in the historic struggle and it will appeal to the state governments too to withdraw the cases. The Centre will also hold discussion on provisions impacting farmers in Electricity Amendment Act.

However, the government’s invitation to SKM to the committee on Zero Budget Farming was turned down by the morcha leaders as they alleged the committee had majority of members who had backed the farm laws.

Why MSP is crucial ?

The farmers bodies have maintained that the Commission on Agriculture Costs and Prices (CACP), the central body responsible for announcing minimum support price for procuring crops from farmers, has been employing wrong methodology for calculating the input costs of seeds, fertiliser, herbicides, pesticides, diesel and harvesting. While CACP has used A2 + FL formula, the farmers has been asking for C2+ 50 percent for just returns on the produce. A2 covers majors costs such as fertilisers, pesticides, herbicides and diesel among other costs and FL implies unpaid family labour. C2 refers to comprehensive costs which also covers rents and forgone interest on land apart from traditional costs.

Tejvir Singh, leader, Bharatiya Kisan Union Shaheed Bhagat Singh said that the Centre has introduced a draft of National Policy Framework on Agriculture Marketing instead of initiating any dialogue. He said,”I have no hesitation in saying that the centre has reintroduced repealed farm laws through back door. If we look at the policy framework, there is no single word on Minimum Support Price in the whole document to which our 10 months struggle is dedicated. We are witnessing an assault on our federal structure too where states have no role in determining their priorities whereas the seventh schedule of Constitution maintains agriculture s a state subject. We also wish to highlight that the some important khap panchayats have extended their support and announce it formally on 19.12.2024 at Kisan Bhawan in Chandigarh.

Surjeet Singh Phul, Chairman, Bharatiya Kisan Union Krantikari, said that the forums also declined to meet the panel formed by Supreme Court citing its limited mandate. “We categorically stated that the panel has no powers to take decisions and it appears to be a delaying tactic. We will only meet the representatives of centre which needs to deliver its promises now.”

Meanwhile Samyukta Kisan Morcha has given a call to observe nationwide protests on December 23 over repression of farmers in Greater Noida. Simultaneously, it demanded resumption of dialogue with farmers organisations and withdrawal of National Policy Framework on Agricultural Marketing.

Talking to NewsClick over the phone, Hannan Mollah of SKM said that “Sarvan Singh Pandher had expressed his desire for a joint struggle. The constituents of SKM were apprehensive because he was never part of our umbrella organisation. His people’s action brought bad name to the movement when they created a ruckus at the Red Fort and brought national flag down. However, we have called him to meet us at Patiala. ”

The SKM had also written to Prime Minister to accept the genuine, long pending demands of farmers on MSP, loan waiver, stopping privatization of electricity, implementation of LARR Act 2013 and immediately withdraw the new Agriculture Market Policy dated 25th November 2024 proposed by the Ministry of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare that denies MSP, permits corporate control on agriculture production and marketing through digitalization, contract farming, market access to procurement, trespass on the federal rights of the States.

It said,” The recent introduction of the Digital Agriculture Mission, National Cooperation Policy and now the New Agri Market Policy are part of the strategy of the corporate agenda to permit backdoor resurrection of the three farm laws. The conscious efforts in the last two years to thwart procurement in APMC markets in Punjab and Haryana, dismantle FCI by promoting cash transfer on food subsidy, reduction of food subsidy by Rs. 60,470 Cr. and fertiliser subsidy by Rs. 62,445 Cr. in the last three consecutive years are decisive corporate attacks on the existing system of MSP and Food security.”

Courtesy: Newsclick

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 SKM even protested the arrogance of the UP Administration both Revenue and Police Departments for nakedly violating the consensus made with the farmer’s leadership on 2nd December 2024 asking for seven days for the Chief Secretary of UP to discuss with the farmers leadership and resolve the demands.  As per their request, the farmers had shifted the spot of the struggle to the Dalit Prerena Sthal of Ambedkar Park and continued the night and day Sit-in struggle. But the Police force was deployed in huge numbers and forcefully evicted the peacefully agitating farmers. 

 The struggle of the project affecting farmers of Greater Noida region to protect their land rights has been continuing for more than the past 18 years. Six farmers had been martyred in the Police firing as part of this struggle during 2008, 2011 and 2012. There were massive struggles across the country against such widespread land acquisition to facilitate corporate profiteering.  In this context, the then UPA2 Government headed by Manmohan Singh was forced to enact the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act 2013(RFCTLARR Act) to protect the land rights of farmers.  

In 2014 however, the BJP led NDA1 Government  led by Narendra Modi passed, without debate, the Land Acquisition Ordinance to invalidate the LARR Act 2013.  Due to the farmers’ struggle across the country under the banner of Bhumi Adhikar Andolan, they failed to enact the law. Howwver, BJP led State Governments including Uttar Pradesh have passed state land laws to violate the LARR Act 2013. Farmers however are continuing the struggle for their genuine land rights and the struggle of Greater Noida project affected farmers is part of this countrywide struggle.   

The statement asserts that the Adityanath Government has failed to ensure justice to the farmers and that the circle rate of land has not been revised since 2017. Farmers in UP have been denied adequate, lawful compensation and benefits assured by the LARR Act 2013 including employment, resettlement and rehabilitation. The Greater Noida project affected farmers are entitled to get back 10% of the developed land, employment for landless farmer households, four times rate of circle rate as compensation apart from resettlement and rehabilitation.  Moreover, the statement says that the BJP led State Government cannot evade its responsibility of ensuring that these lawful rights of the project affected farmers. Apart from Greater Noida farmers, lakhs of farmer households across Uttar Pradesh also have also been affected. The SKM has also appealed to all farmers to consistently advance the struggle until victory achieved and justice is done to all the victim farmer households. 

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The post SKM: Condemns the arrest of farmers of Greater Noida appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Eyewitnesses, while speaking to Indian Express, described the operation as sudden and forceful. Amrik Singh of the Bharti Kisan Union (Sidhupur) recounted, “The police came at 2:30 am and broke the fibreglass wall of the temporary room where Dallewal ji was sleeping. When he refused to open the door, they forcibly entered and took him to an undisclosed location.”

While speaking to IE, Singh added that over 250 officers participated in the operation, locking the farmers in their huts or trolley homes to prevent resistance. Balpreet Singh, a close associate of Dallewal, described the swiftness of the operation: “I was held back by the police and couldn’t even reach my phone to document what happened. Within two minutes, they had taken Pradhan ji (Dallewal).”

Sarwan Singh Pandher, coordinator of the Kisan Mazdoor Morcha (KMM), criticised the heavy-handedness of the security forces. “This joint operation by the Punjab Police, Haryana Police, and central forces is a blatant violation of our constitutional right to protest. We strongly condemn these actions and demand transparency regarding Dallewal’s whereabouts.”

Despite assurances from Dr Nanak Singh, Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) Patiala, that Dallewal was moved for medical reasons due to his age and cancer diagnosis, farmer unions remain sceptical. They claim that the act was a deliberate attempt to disrupt their movement on Constitution Day, a day that symbolises the protection of fundamental rights, including the right to protest.

Farmers’ demands and the context of the protest

Jagjit Singh Dallewal, had announced on November 25 regarding his decision to launch a fast-unto-death protest. This protest was aimed at pressing for the implementation of a legal guarantee for Minimum Support Prices (MSP) for crops—a long-standing demand of Indian farmers. This announcement coincided with the fourth anniversary of the historic farmers’ protests that began on November 26, 2020, against the now-repealed three farm laws.

The Samyukta Kisan Morcha (SKM) and the Kisan Mazdoor Morcha (KMM) have accused the government of failing to engage with farmers on critical issues since February 18, 2024. Key demands of the protesting farmers include:

• Implementation of the Swaminathan Commission’s recommendations for fair pricing.
• Farm debt waivers and pensions for farmers and agricultural labourers.
• Compensation for families of farmers who lost their lives during the earlier 2020-2021 protests.
• Justice for victims of the Lakhimpur Kheri violence of 2021.
• Reinstatement of the Land Acquisition Act, 2013, and withdrawal of police cases against protesting farmers.
• Prevention of electricity tariff hikes and measures to support small-scale farmers.

Despite months of demonstrations at the Shambhu and Khanauri border points since February 2024, the government has made no progress in addressing these demands. As the government continues to stall, the frustration among farmers has intensified.

More about the February farmers protest can be read here.

Intensifying the struggle and the question of fundamental rights

The forcible removal of Dallewal has provoked widespread anger among farmer unions. In response, the BKU (Sidhupur) and SKM (non-political) have called for farmers to gather in large numbers at the Khanauri border. Additionally, Chetavni rallies (warning rallies) have been planned across 500 districts in India, with central trade unions joining the movement. A Delhi Chalo march has also been scheduled for December 6, 2024 starting from the Shambhu border, further raising the stakes.

Union Minister of State Ravneet Singh Bittu has shifted the blame entirely to the Punjab government, led by Bhagwant Mann. “This was orchestrated by the state police. The Centre has always supported farmers and would not resort to such actions,” Bittu claimed, though his statement has done little to placate the agitated farmer community.

This incident raises fundamental questions about the erosion of democratic principles, especially on Constitution Day—a day meant to reaffirm commitments to justice, liberty, and equality. The right to peaceful protest, enshrined under Article 19 of the Indian Constitution, has been repeatedly challenged in recent years, particularly when it comes to mass movements like those led by farmers. The use of force to suppress dissent reflects an alarming trend of undermining civil liberties, as highlighted by the unannounced and forceful detention of Dallewal.

The protestors assert that such actions will only strengthen their resolve. Farmer leader Dallewal, before being detained, stated, “I am ready to sacrifice my life for this cause. This fight will continue until the government addresses our demands.” As the agitation gains momentum, the larger question remains: will the government respect the constitutional right to dissent, or will it continue to view protests as a threat to be quelled by force?

Separate ongoing protests against forced land acquisition by UP government

Farmers affected by forced land acquisition under various Uttar Pradesh governments gathered today, on November 26, in a massive Kisan Mahapanchayat outside the offices of the Greater Noida Industrial Development Authority (GNIDA). For over two years, these farmers have been engaged in a sustained struggle, demanding the return of the 10% developed plots they were promised but never received.

The Mahapanchayat, organised under the banner of the Samyukta Kisan Morcha (SKM), brought together farmers from more than 200 villages in Gautam Buddha Nagar district. The event marked the launch of a renewed fight for justice, with active participation and leadership from the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) in the region.

Farmers who suffered forced land acquisition by different UP governments and have been demanding return of promised 10% developed plots for the last two years in a near continuous movement converged today in a mega Kisan Mahapanchayat outside the Greater Noida Industrial (1/n) pic.twitter.com/wCwFNJmF2m

— AIKS (@KisanSabha) November 25, 2024

Listen to Comrade Pushpendra Tyagi, CKC member of AIKS explain why farmers have gathered in such a massive way today outside Greater Noida Industrial Development Authority’s office today. pic.twitter.com/yYbQuEmss9

— AIKS (@KisanSabha) November 25, 2024

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The post Farmers’ leader detained forcefully on Constitution Day as protests for delivering guarantee on legal MSP intensify appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The MVA has put forth a set of ambitious proposals aimed at transforming the agricultural landscape of Maharashtra. By focusing on financial security, infrastructure development, and long-term sustainability, the manifesto seeks to create a more supportive environment for farmers. Key commitments include ensuring Minimum Support Prices (MSP), simplifying crop insurance schemes, and investing in rural infrastructure. These measures are designed not only to alleviate the immediate financial burden on farmers but also to address the structural issues that have long hindered the agricultural sector in the state. With a focus on improving market access, offering financial relief to affected families, and promoting agricultural diversification, the MVA’s promises seek to lay the groundwork for a more resilient and thriving farming community in Maharashtra. These promises have been discussed in detail below:

Immediate relief for farmers: Debt waiver and loan repayment incentives

Maharashtra has one of the highest rates of farmer suicides in India, a tragic statistic that has often been linked to the crushing burden of agricultural debt. Farmers in the state are particularly vulnerable due to their reliance on monsoon-dependent crops, which often fail due to unpredictable weather patterns, such as droughts, floods, or delayed rainfall. In the face of these challenges, many farmers turn to loans from moneylenders, often with exorbitant interest rates, which further entrench them in debt.

The MVA’s promise to offer debt waivers of up to Rs. 3,00,000 to farmers is a direct response to this crisis. It is not just an economic relief measure but also a symbolic gesture aimed at restoring the dignity and financial viability of Maharashtra’s farmers. The debt waiver will enable farmers to break free from the cycle of indebtedness that has plagued them for years, providing them with the opportunity to rebuild their agricultural operations and reinvest in their future. Moreover, the Rs. 50,000 incentive for regular loan repayment serves as a proactive measure to encourage fiscal discipline and reduce future borrowing risks, creating a positive feedback loop for the state’s agricultural economy.

These promises are particularly important in light of Maharashtra’s history of poor loan recovery, which has often led to distress and contributed to the high rate of farmer suicides. By addressing both the immediate financial burden and incentivising responsible loan repayment, the MVA is taking a significant step toward reducing the root causes of farmer distress.

Support for families affected by farmer suicides

Maharashtra has long struggled with the devastating impact of farmer suicides. According to National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) data, the state consistently ranks high in terms of farmer suicide rates, a reflection of the profound emotional and financial toll these tragedies take on farming families. In many cases, farmers face not only economic ruin but also the societal stigma associated with failure. The families of those who commit suicide are often left to fend for themselves with little to no support from the government.

The MVA’s promise to review existing schemes and enhance support for widows and children of farmer suicide victims is an essential social welfare intervention. By providing financial support, education scholarships for children, and healthcare benefits, the MVA seeks to ensure that the families of deceased farmers do not fall into further poverty or despair. This initiative will go a long way in alleviating the long-term social and emotional impacts of farm-related suicides, offering a lifeline to those left behind in a community already struggling with poverty and uncertainty.

This promise is particularly relevant to Maharashtra’s rural landscape, where traditional social structures often fail to provide the necessary emotional or financial support for grieving families. It reflects an understanding of the need for not just material but also emotional security in the wake of such tragedies.

Minimum support prices and crop insurance reforms

Maharashtra’s farmers are often at the mercy of fluctuating market prices, which are heavily influenced by both domestic and global factors. Whether it’s cotton, onion, or sugarcane, price volatility has left many farmers struggling to break even. While the Minimum Support Price (MSP) mechanism exists to protect farmers from severe losses, it is often inadequate, especially for crops where procurement systems are weak or non-existent. For instance, onion farmers in Maharashtra have frequently faced crises when prices plummet, leaving them with losses as their produce rots in the fields.

The MVA’s commitment to ensuring MSP for farmers is critical in this context. By guaranteeing a minimum price for agricultural produce, the government is providing a safety net that helps protect farmers from market volatility. This policy is particularly relevant in Maharashtra, where crops like onions, tomatoes, and pulses are grown in abundance but often face unpredictable pricing in the open market. Farmers will no longer have to bear the brunt of market forces alone, which can be particularly devastating during periods of bumper harvests or price crashes.

In addition, simplifying the crop insurance scheme will ensure that farmers receive timely compensation for losses due to natural disasters. Maharashtra is no stranger to droughts and floods, and the complexity of the current crop insurance system often discourages farmers from opting into the scheme. By removing burdensome conditions and ensuring greater transparency, the MVA promises to make crop insurance more accessible, especially to smallholder farmers who are most vulnerable to the impact of climate change. This reform could significantly reduce the financial risks faced by farmers in the state, enabling them to recover faster from setbacks.

Sustainable farming: The ‘Maharashtra Millet Mission’ and environmental protection

Climate change has already had a visible impact on Maharashtra’s agriculture. Erratic rainfall patterns, long periods of drought, and rising temperatures have made traditional farming increasingly unviable in certain parts of the state. Crops like cotton, sugarcane, and rice, which are water-intensive, have faced lower yields due to these climatic changes, while farmers in drought-prone areas have struggled to make ends meet.

The MVA’s ‘Maharashtra Millet Mission’ is a timely and forward-thinking initiative. Millets, which are drought-resistant and require less water, can be a game-changer for the state’s farmers, particularly those in dryland areas. By promoting the cultivation of millets, the government aims to diversify crop production, reduce dependence on water-intensive crops, and ensure greater resilience to climate fluctuations. This mission also has the potential to boost local food security and create new markets for these nutritious crops, which have been largely neglected in India’s agricultural policies.

This initiative resonates with Maharashtra’s farming community, especially in districts like Marathwada and Vidarbha, which face recurring droughts and water scarcity. It provides farmers with an alternative that is both economically viable and ecologically sustainable, aligning with global trends towards more climate-resilient agriculture.

Milk prices and horticultural support: Securing livelihoods

Dairy farming is a vital part of Maharashtra’s agricultural economy, and milk is one of the state’s largest rural industries. However, dairy farmers have long faced issues such as fluctuating milk prices, poor infrastructure, and inadequate support for processing and marketing. The MVA’s promise to set milk prices annually, taking production costs into account, is a much-needed measure to stabilise this sector. By ensuring fair prices for dairy farmers, the government is addressing the core issue of income instability, which has long plagued this vital sector.

Similarly, the protection of onion and tomato cultivators through the ‘Pink and Saffron Revolutions’ is a targeted response to the challenges faced by farmers in Maharashtra’s horticulture sector. Onions, in particular, have been at the centre of several market crises in recent years, with price drops leading to massive losses for farmers. By ensuring better support for these crops, the MVA is seeking to secure the livelihoods of millions of farmers, particularly those in rural areas who depend on such crops for their income.

Infrastructure development: Connecting farmers to markets

Maharashtra’s rural areas face a significant infrastructure gap. Poor roads, inadequate storage facilities, and insufficient market linkages often result in farmers losing a substantial portion of their produce. The MVA’s promise to invest Rs. 10,000 crore in developing permanent, gravelled roads connecting farms to markets is a transformative policy. Improved road infrastructure will reduce transportation costs, cut down post-harvest losses, and enable farmers to reach distant markets more easily, thus ensuring better prices for their produce.

This promise directly addresses one of the most persistent issues faced by farmers in the state’s rural areas, particularly in the Marathwada and Vidarbha regions, where road connectivity is often poor, limiting market access and agricultural productivity.

Creating alternative employment opportunities

The promise to reduce the dependency on agriculture by creating alternative employment opportunities is a long-term vision aimed at transforming Maharashtra’s rural economy. Agriculture, though the mainstay of rural Maharashtra, is no longer a sustainable livelihood option for a growing population. With increasing mechanisation and declining profitability in certain sectors, many farmers are forced to abandon their lands in search of better opportunities in cities.

By creating new avenues for employment through skill development, industrial growth, and rural entrepreneurship, the MVA aims to ease the pressure on agriculture. This vision will not only reduce rural-urban migration but also diversify the income sources for rural families, leading to more balanced and equitable development across the state.

Unmet demands and growing discontent: The cotton vs. soybean price dilemma in Maharashtra

Maharashtra’s farmers are in the midst of an ongoing struggle against unfair prices for their produce, and this issue is becoming more prominent as the state heads toward its legislative elections. A particularly contentious point is the discrepancy in the assurances given to soybean farmers compared to cotton farmers.

As Vijay Jawandhiya from the Farmers’ Organization Paik has highlighted the said issue, while pointing out that both the Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress party have promised to buy soybeans at significantly higher prices than the current market rates—₹6000 per quintal from the BJP and ₹7000 per quintal from Congress—the same level of commitment is not being extended to cotton farmers. Cotton, a major crop in Maharashtra, especially in the Vidarbha region, has not seen similar price guarantees, despite the fact that the MSP (Minimum Support Price) for cotton is ₹7520 per quintal. Farmers are being forced to sell their cotton for ₹6000 to ₹6600, far below the MSP, and this disparity has been a source of growing discontent, as per Jawandhiya

As provided by Jawandhiya, “The contradiction becomes more apparent when we see that the BJP has assured a ₹6000 price for soybeans, which is 20% higher than the MSP of ₹4892. However, this same approach is not being extended to cotton, despite cotton’s MSP being ₹7520. Why is the BJP not offering ₹9000 for cotton, which would represent a similar 20% increase over the MSP? Similarly, why isn’t Congress offering ₹10500 per quintal, which would reflect a 40% premium over the MSP, as they have promised for soybeans?”

This stark difference in treatment for cotton and soybean farmers has raised questions about the government’s priorities and its sincerity in addressing the concerns of Maharashtra’s farmers. The government’s promises, while seemingly beneficial for soybean farmers, do not extend the same sense of urgency or commitment to cotton farmers, whose grievances have only intensified over the years. As cotton farmers continue to face price disparity, they are left wondering why the government is unwilling to offer the same level of support for their crop.

The discontent among farmers is palpable, and this growing frustration is starting to manifest in the political sphere. As the elections draw closer, the BJP’s assurances of a ₹6000 price for soybeans and the Congress’ ₹7000 offer are unlikely to satisfy the farmers who are still being forced to sell their cotton and soybeans for a fraction of the MSP. The discontent could become a pivotal factor in determining voter sentiments, as farmers in the state are realizing that the promises made by both parties fail to address the root issues of fair prices and proper market regulation.

In light of these growing concerns, it is clear that a larger movement is brewing in Maharashtra. As Vijay Jawandhiya from the Farmers’ Organization Paik aptly puts it, “After the elections, whichever government comes to power, farmers will have to stand up and create a massive movement; otherwise, this auction will continue.” He further echoes the words of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, urging farmers to “Learn, Organize, and Struggle.” These words can be deemed to be particularly resonant today, as Maharashtra’s farmers are grappling with unfulfilled promises and systemic neglect of their needs.

The imperative of comprehensive support for farmers

As the farmer movements continue to gain momentum, it is clear that the path forward requires not just political promises, but a comprehensive, long-term strategy to ensure that the state’s agricultural community is not left behind.

The MVA’s emphasis on infrastructure development, particularly the creation of gravelled roads connecting farms to markets, would significantly benefit cotton farmers by improving their access to competitive markets. Better road connectivity would reduce transportation costs and ensure that cotton farmers can sell their produce at fair prices, rather than relying on exploitative middlemen. The MVA also promises to invest in sustainable farming practices and crop diversification, helping cotton farmers in the long run by reducing their dependence on a single, vulnerable crop. This holistic approach not only addresses the immediate price concerns but also ensures that cotton farming becomes more resilient and economically viable in the future.

The MVA’s promises are grounded in the realities faced by Maharashtra’s farming community. From debt relief and MSP guarantees to long-term environmental sustainability measures, these promises are a response to the socio-economic struggles that have plagued the state’s agricultural sector. If implemented effectively, they could transform the rural landscape of Maharashtra, offering farmers not just a lifeline but a pathway to prosperity, stability, and dignity. This comprehensive approach, combining immediate relief with long-term reforms, holds the potential to reshape the future of Maharashtra’s agriculture and ensure that its farmers are not just surviving, but thriving.

It is also essential to note that the promises made by the political parties in Maharashtra, particularly the assurance of higher prices for soybeans, underscore the growing recognition of farmers’ struggles. However, the selective nature of these promises—favouring soybeans while overlooking cotton—raises critical questions about the government’s approach to addressing the full spectrum of agrarian distress. The issues faced by cotton farmers in the Vidarbha region are not just economic; they are a reflection of the systemic neglect of one of Maharashtra’s most crucial agricultural sectors.

As the elections approach, it is becoming clear that the promises made to soybean farmers are not enough to quell the growing discontent among the state’s broader agricultural community. The stark contrast between the treatment of soybean and cotton farmers highlights a pressing issue: if the government is willing to guarantee a premium price for one crop, why not do the same for others, particularly cotton, which is equally vital to the state’s economy?

The farmers of Maharashtra, who have long been subjected to exploitation by market forces, are no longer willing to accept empty assurances. The growing unrest and the call for a large-scale movement reflect a deep sense of betrayal, as farmers feel that their livelihoods continue to be undervalued. Whether the BJP, Congress, or any other party comes to power, the farmers’ struggle is unlikely to end until these fundamental issues—fair pricing, market regulation, and sustainable agricultural support—are genuinely addressed.

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The post Building a resilient future for farmers: MVA’s vision for agricultural reform appeared first on SabrangIndia.

This essay argues that moving beyond insurance and pension schemes is essential for holistically improving the lives of agricultural labourers. It is crucial to invest in strategies that empower this workforce through skill development, education, and the creation of diverse employment opportunities, enabling them to transition smoothly into non-agricultural sectors and improve their overall well-being.

Defining agricultural labourers

Agricultural labourers are individuals who work on farms or in agricultural activities for wages, rather than operating their own farms. They do not own the land they cultivate nor the tools they utilise. Agricultural labourers provide the manual labour required for various agricultural tasks. They play a critical role in ensuring food security and supporting the livelihoods of millions in rural areas. In India, they represent a substantial portion of the workforce. The 2020-21 Periodic Labour Force Survey reported that 46.5% of people in India are engaged in agricultural activities.

Agricultural labourers are essential to the agricultural sector because they perform tasks vital for food production. These tasks can include:

• Preparing land for cultivation
• Sowing, planting, and transplanting crops
• Maintaining crops through weeding and irrigation
• Harvesting and threshing crops
• Tending to livestock and poultry

While the ongoing shift towards farm mechanisation aims to enhance productivity, it also poses a challenge to the traditional employment patterns of agricultural labourers. This displacement necessitates exploring alternative employment avenues to ensure their continued well-being.

Farm mechanization, reduced labour demand, and potential risks

Farm mechanisation is causing a decline in the demand for manual labour in India by replacing human workers with machines for various tasks. This shift is driven by the need for greater efficiency and output in the agricultural sector. The increasing production of crops like grains, cereals, and oilseeds requires faster and more effective harvesting procedures.

Powered machines help meet this need, enabling farmers to reduce costs and increase yields. As per a 2022 report by Parliamentary Standing Committee on Agriculture, Animal Husbandry and Food Processing, 47% of agricultural operations in India are now mechanized, highlighting the ongoing transition. Machines are employed in a wide array of agricultural activities, including seed-bed preparation (ploughing, harrowing), sowing and planting (seed drills), inter-culture operations (weeding, fertilizer application), harvesting and threshing (combine harvesters), and irrigation (tube wells, electric and diesel pumps).

The adoption of farm mechanisation offers several benefits, such as cost reduction due to lower labour expenses and faster task completion. Mechanisation also leads to significant savings in seeds and fertilizers, ranging from 15 to 20 percent, at a conservative estimate.[2] It enhances productivity through improved operational speed and precision in tasks like sowing and harvesting. Furthermore, it optimises resource utilization by ensuring the accurate application of seeds, fertilizers, and pesticides, reducing waste and environmental impact. Lastly, it allows for increased cropping intensity and higher yields by enabling farmers to work on larger areas efficiently.

However, this transition to mechanisation poses risks for agricultural labourers who depend on manual work. A study in the West Godavari district of Andhra Pradesh found that a one-unit increase in input costs and machine time led to a decrease of 0.06 and 4.34 units in labour requirements, respectively, demonstrating the direct impact of mechanization on labour demand.[3] As machines take over tasks once done by humans, labourers face potential job displacement, unemployment, and lower wages due to an oversupply of labour in the market. Marginal and small farmers, who constitute a significant proportion of India’s agricultural workforce, may struggle to afford or operate expensive machinery, potentially widening the gap between them and larger, more mechanized farms. The displacement of labourers also necessitates finding alternative employment opportunities and providing skills training to facilitate a smooth transition to non-agricultural sectors.

This shift can lead to an unstable income for agricultural workers, creating financial uncertainty for rural families who depend on these earnings. Establishing alternative employment options beyond agriculture would provide these families with a much-needed safety net, helping them maintain a stable income even as the agricultural landscape changes.

Importance of skill development

To help agricultural workers transition to new job sectors, skill development is key. As traditional agricultural tasks are met with low demands, these workers need training in skills that fit other growing industries, such as manufacturing, construction, or services. Programmes that focus on building these skills would empower agricultural labourers to secure better-paying, sustainable jobs, giving them an opportunity to improve their financial outlook and move beyond agriculture-based income.

The need for steady income sources

A reliable income stream is crucial for the well-being of rural families. When families have a consistent income, they can invest in essentials like education and healthcare, breaking the cycle of poverty and building a brighter future. By fostering employment opportunities outside of agriculture, rural families can reduce their dependence on the land, bringing stability and resilience to rural communities as they adapt to modern agricultural practices.

Schemes-the abundance and the lack

The government has several schemes for agricultural labourers but a good amount of them revolve only around insurance and pension. Insurance is a risk mitigation instrument i.e. it exists to make sure that the person who is insured does not find themselves in worse situation than they are in currently. Pension too supports the current situation rather than helping the person to achieve a better standard of living.

The Indian government has enacted the Unorganised Workers’ Social Security Act, 2008, to provide social security benefits to workers in the unorganized sector, including agricultural labourers. This act mandates the creation of welfare schemes for unorganized workers, addressing life and disability cover, health and maternity benefits, old age protection, and other benefits determined by the Central Government.

Several specific schemes fall under this act:

Aam Admi Bima Yojana (Department of Financial Services)

Rashtriya Swasthya Bima Yojana (Ministry of Health and Family Welfare)

In addition, there are three other schemes by the Central Government that offer coverage to agricultural labourers:

• Atal Pension Yojana
• Pradhan Mantri Jeevan Jyoti Bima Yojana-Life Insurance
• Pradhan Mantri Suraksha Bima Yojana-Accident Insurance

Pradhan Mantri Shram Yogi Maan-dhan Yojana (PM-SYM), launched in 2019, is a pension scheme that provides a monthly pension of Rs. 3000/- to unorganized workers, including landless agricultural labourers, after they reach the age of 60.

Beyond these, other schemes might benefit agricultural labour, but they do not specifically address the loss of employment due to farm mechanisation.

In a reply to a question posed by an MP, which asked about details regarding the shift of people from agriculture to other activities, the government did not provide the details of such shift. Instead of a direct answer, the reply talked about unrelated things and concluded by saying that the Government of India has implemented various initiatives and policies to boost economic growth and employment in the country.
The reply listed initiatives aimed at boosting non-agricultural sectors, including the “Make in India” program, “Start-Up India” initiative, “Pradhan Mantri Mudra Yojana,” and skill development programs. However, it lacked specific details on how these programs incentivize a shift from agriculture.[4]

This reply also throws light on the fact that the government has been working with scarce data which could affect efficient and effective policy making.

The reason why agricultural labourers need extra protection is because they are deprived of all kinds of resources necessary to get a better life. They are restricted from accessing benefits urbanisation due to lack of capital or skill to move to the city. They are restricted from agriculture due to lack of land etc. Therefore, their lack of resources cannot be solved by placing basic safety nets that barely help them when something bad happens.

A holistic plan-based upliftment must be undertaken to ensure that they do not get left out as the process of farm mechanisation begins to pace up. Specific manufacturing hubs that prioritise employment of women, near villages, incentivising the employment of women along with providing standard health and education facilities can be effective. Only by creating conditions that ensure the improvement in living conditions of agricultural labourers, the goal of restricting unemployment and poverty in rural poor and agricultural labourers can be achieved.

(The author is part of the legal research team of the organisation)

[1] Pib.gov.in. (2024). Agrarian Land. [online] Available at: https://pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=1601902 [Accessed 6 Nov. 2024].

‌[2] Guru, P., Borkar, N., Debnath, M., Chatterjee, D. and Panda, B. (n.d.). Rice mechanization in India: Key to enhance productivity and profitability. [online] Available at: https://krishi.icar.gov.in/jspui/bitstream/123456789/31952/1/2.8.pdf.

[3] Gousiya SK and Suseela K, ‘IMPACT of FARM MECHANIZATION on INCOME and EMPLOYMENT and CONSTRAINTS in MECHANISATION of RICE CULTIVATION in WEST GODAVARI DISTRICT’ (2021) 49 The Journal of Research ANGRAU 107 <https://epubs.icar.org.in/index.php/TJRA/article/view/133453?articlesBySimilarityPage=4> accessed 6 November 2024.

[4] LOK SABHA STARRED QUESTION NO.228, 2023 Available at: https://sansad.in/getFile/loksabhaquestions/annex/1714/AS228.pdf?source=pqals

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The post Beyond insurance: addressing the needs of India’s agricultural labour force appeared first on SabrangIndia.

All this revals an abject failure of the BJP led NDA government in planning for the Rabi season and having adequate opening stocks of DAP has created a huge shortage and the crisis for farmers. The global feed and food supply crisis has led to massive shortages of fertilisers. The Government of India has continuously denied the claims of any shortages but the official data show pronounced decline in the availability of urea, DAP, and MoP.  Clearly, the Government preparedness and contingency plans were lacking. As against 34.5 lakh tonnes imported during April to September in 2023, this year only 19.7 lakh tonnes were imported during the same period. There has also been a fall in the domestic production. On 1st October, 2024 merely 15-16 lakh tonnes were in stock as against the recommended 27-30 lakh tonnes; this is while the estimated demand during mid-October to mid-December is about 60 lakh tonnes. Farmers are hit by shortages of DAP and also urea, MoP etc. And reportedly having to pay about Rs.300-Rs400 more than the Government fixed MRP of DAP i.e., Rs.1,350/- per 50-kg bag. Rather than accept the failure and take urgent corrective measures, the Government is in a denial mode and indulging in propaganda on Nano-urea and Nano-DAP whose efficacy is questionable. 

India requires expansion of domestic manufacturing of urea and DAP. The rise in prices of fertilisers due to decontrol also is creating problems. The government needs to secure long-term deals for Muriate of Potash and DAP with other nations. Closure of Public Sector Fertiliser factories also has created problems. Public Sector Fertiliser factories should be reopened and strengthened.

The AIKS has also condemned the BJP led union government for its gross mismanagement of procurement of paddy, moong and other crops especially in Haryana, Punjab, Uttar Pradesh and other States.  The sluggish lifting of paddy and mismanagement of the procurement process by the government agencies has forced farmers to make distress sale at prices far below even the meagre Minimum Support Prices (MSP). Similarly, Moong is not being procured at the MSP which is Rs.8682/- per quintal and farmers have been compelled to sell it at a loss of Rs.2000/- per quintal. Kisan Sabha has received reports from Haryana and Punjab that police cases have been framed against farmers and some of the farmers have been arrested for stubble burning. This is in violation of the written assurance given by Union Ministry of Agriculture on 9th December 2021 that farmers shall no more be liable to be persecuted for stubble burning. AIKS warns of united protests against this deliberate act of provocation. 

Immediately demanding an adequate supply of DAP and other fertilisers, guaranteed procurement of Kharif crops at C2+50%, the AIKS has stated that Government take responsibility for stubble management rather than harassing the farmers. The statement has been issued by Ashok Dhawale, President and Vijoot Krishnan, General Secretary of the organisation.

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The post Failure of BJP-led Mahayuti Government in management of fertilisers & procurement appeared first on SabrangIndia.

1. In Maharashtra, there are 53 crore operational holdings covering 205 lakh ha. with an average size of 1.34 ha per holding. 79.52% of the operational holdings are small and marginal holdings with a holding size of less than or equal to 2 hextraes. These small holdings face various challenges related to fragmented l.and Of the total 307.58 lakh hectares geographical area of the State, the gross cropped area (GCA is 241.49 lakh hectares while the net sown area is 165.90 lakh ha. The cropping intensity is 145 per cent as on March 31, 2023. The rainfall in the State varies from a heavy 4000 mm in the Konkan region to barely 500 mm in North Maharashtra. The gross irrigated area of 43.38 lakh hectares forms only 18 per cent of the gross cropped area in the state. 

2. There are 28 Commercial Banks with 11,905 branches, two Regional Rural Banks with 742 branches and Short Term Co-operative credit structure comprising Maharashtra State Cooperative Bank and 31 DCCBs with a branch network of 3,564 branches. There are 20,930 Primary Agriculture Credit Societies in the State affiliated to the DCCBs. Further, there are eight Small Finance Banks with 733 branches, 03 Payment Banks with 46 branches and one foreign bank with 29 The total branch network of the State is 17,019, comprising 5,779 rural  branches (34% of the total bank branches are located in the rural areas) and a per-branch population of 10,652 in rural areas. The Bank of Maharashtra functions as the Convener   of the State Level Bankers Committee (SLBC).

3. As per trends in Ground Level Credit Flow under Priority Sector in Maharashtra, disbursement under Agriculture has shown an increase from Rs. 67,914 crores in 2018-19 to Rs. 1, 45,040 crores in 2022-23. The total under priority sector has grown from Rs. 3,16,755 crores in 2018-19 to Rs. 5,49,397 crores in 2022-23, registering a compound annual growth rate of 11.64% in the last five.

4. For 2023-24, ACP envisages a total credit flow of 6,51,401 crore under Priority Sector, of which Rs. 1,68,481 crore is under agriculture sector.

5. The total deposits of the banks in the State stood at Rs. 34.95 lakh crore as on 31.03.2023, registering an increase of 11.52% over 31.03.2022. Mumbai (suburban and city) with 14% of the branches (2,344 out of 17,019 branches in the State) have 58% of the deposits. The total advances outstanding as on March 31, 2023 in the state stood at ₹65 lakh crore, registering a Y- o-Y growth of 23%.

6. The CD ratio of the State as on March 31, 2023 was 96%. However district wise CD ratio indicates that CD ratio in Mumbai and Mumbai suburban being traditionally high were 151% and 53% respectively. Gadhchiroli district continued to remain credit deficient with a CD ratio of below 40% in 2022-23. Further, the CD ratio of the state without Mumbai and Mumbai Suburban was only 71%. 

7. There are certain interesting trends in total disbursement of agri-credit in Maharashtra as noted in 2022-23. Out of total agri-credit disbursement of Rs. 1,45,040 crores in 2022-23, the share of commercial banks is Rs. 1,15,382 crores (79.55%), followed by Rs. 24,499 crores by cooperative banks (16.89%) and Rs. 5159 crores (3.55%) by RRBs. Though, it generally follows the national pattern of disbursement of agri-credit by banks, the share of cooperative banks in disbursement of agri-credit at nearly 17% of the total bucks the national average of 12% of agri-credit being disbursed by cooperative banks in 2022-23. 

8. But, a very disturbing trend in the disbursement of agri-credit and of the total priority sector is noted in Maharashtra like in many parts of India, where urban branches of banks, for example in Mumbai, disburse more agri-credit than many a rural, semi urban centres, indicating that a significant portion of agri-credit might have reached to big corporates for agri infrastructure (even may be for construction of malls, masquerading as silos). If we take the disaggregated data, we find the following trend: 

The trend noticed in Priority Sector lending is even more disturbing and heavily skewed in favour of city like Mumbai (having only 2 districts), as the banks distribute Rs. 252179 crore out of total of Maharashtra of Rs. 549397 crore, forming 46% of the total in 2022- 23, the highest percentage among all the regions of the state.

9. Low level of irrigation coverage leading to lower crop productivity and mono-cropping, as reflected in the cropping intensity of the State at 145%.

10. Area under sugarcane cultivation and production of sugar/ethanol in Maharashtra is witnessing a rising trend, compared to production of coarse grains and cereals in general. Sugarcane is produced by mostly using the groundwater sources and hence, poses a challenge especially in water scarce regions of Micro irrigation for Sugarcane cultivation is a necessity.

11. Erratic rainfall, climatic variations, small land holdings, non-availability of labour and higher input cost resulting in reduced productivity and income for farmers can be tackled by promoting region specific Integrated Farming Systems, collectivization of small farmers into FPOs, cooperatives, crop advisories and contingency.

12. Weak financial health of rural cooperative institutions which have the highest outreach to Out of the 20,930 PACS in the State, 8,803 PACS (42%) have reported imbalances¹ of Rs. 5,094 crore against the outstanding (principal and interest) of Rs.14,162 crore as on March 31, 2023.

Large number of marginal and small farmers do not have clear titles to the land they till, which acts as a deterrent in availing institutional credit and adversely impacts the borrowers ‘capability to access adequate credit. There is a need to increase coverage of crop loans by financing new farmers, particularly SF/MF, tenant farmers, share croppers, etc., by organizing them into JLG/SHGs and more coverage of Kisan Credit Cards (KCCs).

1. NABARD supplements the resources of Rural Financial Institutions through refinance for Short Term – Seasonal Agricultural Operations and for asset creation & capital formation in rural areas through Long Term refinance with an additional line of credit for Cooperative Banks to diversify lending through Short Term Multi-purpose During 2022-23, NABARD provided short term refinance of Rs. 6,484.27 crore to MStCB, and of Rs. 500 crore to RRBs. Further, the long term refinance of Rs. 12,871.50 crore was extended to commercial banks, RRBs, State Cooperative Banks and NBFCs during 2022-23.

2. Maharashtra is one of the most vulnerable states in terms of impact of climate change on agriculture and rural As per the State Action Plan for Climate Change (SAPCC) and various studies related to climate change, agriculture in Maharashtra is highly vulnerable to climate change impact due to predominance of rainfed farming and small and marginal land holdings. It has been indicated that, increasing temperature and humidity in 2030s, 2050s and 2070s will have adverse impact on crop productivity. Specifically, horticultural crops such as pomegranate, grapes, oranges, and mango will be impacted from increased pest infestation due to increasing temperature. Untimely and extreme rainfall will have direct impact on crop production. Based on the vulnerability index developed as part of the SAPCC, Nandurbar district ranks first in terms of vulnerability to climate change. It is followed by districts of Dhule, Buldhana, Jalgaon, Hingoli, Nashik, Jalna, Gondia, Washim, and Gadchiroli.

So, the trend in agri and priority sector credit disbursement in Maharashtra, depriving the rural Maharashtra to a significant extent, is in tune with the national trend. One may agree that this is not an exercise indulging in mere dilettantism; rather, it is corroborated by official data based on NABARD State Focus Paper, Maharashtra, 2024-25, SLBC, RBI, Govt of Maharashtra data.

(The author is General Secretary, All India Nabard Employees Association –AINBEA; A Brief Note on Agri-Credit in Maharashtra (2022-23))                                                  

The post Maharashtra: How Mumbai grabs a lion share of the agricultural credit in the state appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Watch this critical discussion on how India’s farmers are impacted by funding freezes and the dilution of rural credit.

The post Crippling high interest loans, Freezing of NABARD funds, Suicides I Rana Mitra with Teesta Setalvad appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Among the 38 demands that the Manifesto outlines, the first is Setting up of a Shetkari Kamgar Commission or Agrarian Welfare Commission. This will be a statutory body and comprise not just government officials but eminent independent experts on the agrarian sector. Any new, incoming government must also commit to a special session of the Assembly on the agrarian crisis and related issues, the Manifesto states.

Senior journalist and expert on the rural political economy, P Sainath and scientist Dinesh Abrol released the document.

Empahsising the crucial need to supplement the existing and totally inadequate Minimum Support Price for cash crops like cotton, soybean and sugarcane in Maharashtra with a 20 % bonus, the Manifesto states that both Tamil Nadu and Kerala have long had this practice where the state adds a sum to the Central MSP for their own requirements. (A bonus of 30 % for paddy and 20 % for wheat was announced as PM guarantee in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh during the respective state elections. Why not the same principle in Maharashtra?) Besides, the Farmers Manifesto states that the state should intervene more strongly in the purchase of soya bean and cotton to stabilize the incomes of farmers of Maharashtra.

Besides, the new government must speedily curb the runaway rise in the cost of inputs due to the corporate capture of input production and supply. Maharashtra is in a situation where many farmers did not realize even their production costs across multiple crops last season. Farmers must be compensated for their loss of income. The new government must waive off all outstanding agricultural loans of farmers from suicide-affected families and provide appropriate opportunities to children of all such families.

Recognising the crucial issue of failing agricultural credit, the document states that, “ Mumbai being the headquarters of institutions like NABARD and the financial capital of India, the new government must leverage  its strength to oppose any dilution of apex DFI status of NABARD and ensure that the flow of NABARD concessionary funds are strengthened in the interest of landless, small, marginal farmers and development of people centric cooperative banking in India in general and Maharashtra in particular.

In addition, “The new government will have to take the responsibility of evolving at least 100 bankable models of Integrated farming and processing of farm products to support agro-ecological approaches in the state of Maharashtra. Marketing support by Govt should be part of the plan. The new government will have to ensure an increase in rural branches of banks and increase staff strength to support the holistic development of agriculture and allied sectors.”

The entire detailed document may be read here:

October 28, 2024

Kisan Mazdoor Commission and Nation for Farmers declare a

FARMERS’ MANIFESTO FOR MAHARASHTRA

It is imperative that crucial demands of the agrarian sector feature in the manifestos and debates of all political parties before the elections are held in Maharashtra. There is no state in the country where the impact of the agrarian crisis has taken a greater toll, as for instance, in the distress suicides of farmers. The Kisan Mazdoor Commission and Nation for Farmers believe that all political parties with farmers’ interests at heart should commit themselves to the following:

1. Setting up of a Shetkari Kamgar Commission or Agrarian Welfare Commission. It will be a statutory body and comprise not just government officials but eminent independent experts on the agrarian sector. Any new, incoming government must commit to a special session of the Assembly on the agrarian crisis and related issues.

2. A new government must commit itself to supplementing the existing and totally inadequate Minimum Support Price for cash crops like cotton, soybean and sugarcane in Maharashtra with a 20 % bonus. Tamil Nadu and Kerala have long had this practice where the state adds a sum to the Central MSP for their own requirements. (A bonus of 30 % for paddy and 20 % for wheat was announced as PM guarantee in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh during the respective state elections. Why not the same principle in Maharashtra?) The state should intervene more strongly in the purchase of soya bean and cotton to stabilize the incomes of farmers of Maharashtra.

3. The new government must speedily curb the runaway rise in the cost of inputs due to the corporate capture of input production and supply. Maharashtra is in a situation where many farmers did not realize even their production costs across multiple crops last season. Farmers must be compensated for their loss of income. The new government must waive off all outstanding agricultural loans of farmers from suicide-affected families and provide appropriate opportunities to children of all such families.

4. The new government must waive the debt of small and marginal farmers (owning land less than 10 hectares) to create a clean slate for the holistic development of agricultural and allied sectors in Maharashtra. It must plug the loopholes of the loan waiver process in Maharashtra. The positive process on loan waiver initiated by the Maharashtra government between 2019-2022 was subjected to much damage by the successor government. This must be set right. Agricultural loans must be a right for every farmer.

5. Remunerative prices must be given to all crops including millets, pulses, vegetables, and fruits, milk and other such identifiable produce so that farmers of Maharashtra can move to a developed cropping system while reducing the water footprint.

6. The new government must speedily address land rights issues. For generations, thousands of farmers have been cultivating lands classified as Class 3 Devsthan and Inami lands. These lands are technically owned by the Temple Trusts and as a result, the farmers cannot access any benefits of government agriculture schemes, nor can they create assets such as wells, pipelines, etc. We demand that these land titles be transferred as Class 1 land with the names of the cultivators as owners.

7. In Maharashtra, no government can further delay dealing with the burning issues related to the Forest Rights Act. The new government must stop the uprooting of Adivasi farmers in the name of compensatory afforestation and ensure strict implementation without dilution of Panchayat (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act and Forest Rights Act, 2006. The government must provide land and livelihood rights to the landless and project-affected people, and give them agricultural and homestead land, water for fishing, cultivation, livestock-rearing and mining of minor minerals. The new government shall set up a dedicated state authority to sort out the implementation of FRA. It shall provide necessary financial and technical help to develop as well as implement a plan for the land forest dwellers get under community forest rights so that they can have a dignified and prosperous life based on Jal, Jangal and Jameen.

8. The government must declare there will be no privatization of water in any form. And that all distribution of water will be equitable and just. An equitable minimum of water, necessary for livelihood, to be provided to every rural family living off agriculture and related livelihoods along the lines of the Atpadi tahsil pattern. Given that the idea originated with him, the new government will call this programme the Mahatma Jyotiba Phule Samanyayi Pani Vattap Yojana (Mahatma Jyotiba Phule Equitable Water Distribution Programme).

9. Real cultivators including tenant farmers, sharecroppers, women farmers, lessee cultivators and rural workers will have to be registered immediately to ensure their access to benefits of all schemes for agriculture. The government must identify, recognize, and protect the interests and rights of tenant farmers. Including extending to them the benefits of all official schemes relating to agriculture. The KMC and NFF understand ‘farmer’ to mean and include landed farmers, landless farmers (agricultural labourers), tenant farmers, women farmers, Dalit farmers, Adivasi farmers, livestock (including dairy) farmers, nomadic pastoralists, forest produce gatherers and fisher-folk.

10. The new govt must review the Sagarmala projects and dilution of Coastal Regulation guidelines displacing the fishermen to help corporates in the name of tourism and infrastructure development. It will take all efforts to declare traditional fishermen as scheduled tribes and provide them adequate subsidies for fuel and equipment.

11. A new government must ensure the distribution of Gairan/wasteland grazing land for scheduled caste and scheduled tribe landless labourers. It must also implement measures for land distribution and housing for SC/STs; (enactment Maharashtra GR of 1978 and 1991). Further, it must ensure that the Atrocities Act is strictly implemented to ensure that encroachers on land granted to SCs under this law, are removed and other preventive measures under the law implemented.

12. In 2019, Maharashtra State government formed Gopinath Munde Corporation for Sugarcane. The corporation was to give ID cards to all sugarcane cutters, provide life insurance, accident cover, hostel facilities for children of sugarcane cutters and medical facilities at work, but lies dormant. We demand the Corporation be made active and functional and fulfil its mandate.

13. The new government will have to ensure that every woman in the village wishing to start “parasbaug” cultivation is given 100% subsidy to cultivate the backyards of their houses. Women mostly take care of all domestic work and also take care of children and the elderly and also then do agricultural work on their own farms. They should be given Rs. 5000 per month to compensate for the unpaid work by the state government.

14. The Dongrgaon (Sangola taluka, Solapur district) pattern of collective farming by the Dalit families (who have fragmented small holdings and also highly degraded lands) should be evolved into a generalized system of farming for the farmers of similar means. Greenhouses for protected cultivation should be supported to supplement the incomes. The government will have to monitor caste-based atrocities and ensure land parcels to landless SC/ST labour.

15. The new government should stand against GM food crops until and if their safety has been established through unbiased, neutral, third party studies. It must legally recognise land rights, water rights, bio-resource rights, rights of rivers and abandon projects which include diversion of rivers for so-called interlinking of rivers to protect rights over common property resources. It must withdraw the sanction to pesticides that have been banned elsewhere.

16. The new government will undertake the agenda of health impact assessment of workers doing hazardous (e.g. pesticide spray) work in the case of agriculture and allied sectors. The government will have to announce a policy for the promotion of agro-ecological approaches in cultivation and farming systems being pursued in the state of Maharashtra, and revive local seed diversity, so that farmers can build economically viable, ecologically sustainable, autonomous and climate resilient agriculture.

Land rights

17. Vast areas of agricultural land and forest are being handed over for urban and industrial development without the required assessment of essentiality of SEZs, expressways and due diligence in respect of ecological, social and economic impacts of the neo-colonial type of land and water transfer from the villages to cities and metropolis promoting dependent import and export-oriented development. Land is the progenitor of food and water, a basic for human survival. The new government must enunciate a policy for the restoration of balance and revitalization of health of vital and diverse ecosystems in the state.

18. The new government must immediately stop land acquisition or land pooling without informed consent of farmers; there can be no acquisition or diversion of agricultural land for commercial development or for creation of land banks; it must prevent the bypassing or dilution of the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act 2013, at the state level; and evolve land use and agricultural land and common lands protection policy at once to prevent agrarian distress.

Reviewing hydropower and green energy projects and assessing potential vulnerabilities 

19. Massive expansion of pumped storage based in hydropower projects is being planned in the entire western ghat areas of Maharashtra. This would entail construction of new reservoirs either upstream or downstream of the existing reservoirs and can be destructive to the fragile western ghat ecosystem and the lives and livelihoods of people living in these areas. We demand that the new government immediately announce stopping of the projects planned to benefit Adani Green Power. These projects must be reviewed and sanctioned on a case by case basis for any further steps. The new government will have to assess the costs and vulnerabilities of the green energy projects and explore the alternatives for storage and decide how much of pumped storage should be built.

20. The new government should prevent unscientific and undemocratic use of common property resources for green energy projects such as solar panel parks and pump storage. We urgently need a democratic and scientific land and water use policy. The unmet real needs of ecological infrastructure for food, water security and sustainable livelihoods must be prioritized if Maharashtra’s people as a whole are to survive democratically even in the near future. The Shaktipeeth Highway project should be fully scrapped.

Reimplementation of 2015 GR on PDS benefits for families affected by farmers’ suicides 

21. The new government will have to delink benefits of state or central government schemes for agriculture and allied sectors, crop insurance or farm subsidies from land ownership. It must implement the Government Resolution dated June 18, 2019, announced by the state revenue department for women from suicide-hit farm families. That 2015 GR promised public distribution (PDS) benefits for families in 13 districts affected by farmers’ suicides. This GR was cancelled in 2023. We demand immediate restoration of implementation of this GR.

Centre intervention in providing the mandatory medical, life insurance, and loan cover policy for farmers 

22. There must be a complete overhaul of the Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana. Several states have already set up their own, or hybrid schemes (like Gujarat). Insurance in this sector must be run by public providers and not by corporate insurance providers who have milked thousands of crores from the scheme – with little benefit to the farmer. The latest of these scandals is the loot of farmers in Parbhani district. In fact, corporate insurers routinely dismiss lakhs of claims across the country. We demand medical and life insurance cover to all farmers premium of which should be paid by government. Besides, compulsory loan cover policy should be there for all farmers for which the government should pay premium.

Timely crop and livestock compensation due to natural calamities

23. The new government must ensure timely, effective and adequate compensation for crop and livestock loss due to natural disasters; implement comprehensive crop insurance that benefits farmers and not corporations, and which will cover all types of risks for all types of losses in agriculture with the individual farmer as the unit of damage assessment. The new government must reverse anti-farmer changes in the Manual for Drought Management.

24. Agriculture in Maharashtra is increasingly impacted by climate change. The new government must move swiftly to protect the health and safety of farmers and farm workers. For instance, enable the creation of dug out shelters on every farm. This past summer, farm labourers were toiling in temperatures of 45 C and worse. We also demand creation of common storage and shelters to help small farmers and agricultural workers cope with the coming heat waves. Public investment in the management of rainfall and irrigation water to ensure availability of critical moisture for cultivation and livestock rearing and for meeting drinking water needs is a must. The new government must take the required steps to provide protective irrigation through sustainable means for farmers, especially in the rain-fed areas.

To benefit the women farmers the MNREGA wages to not be less than the statewide announced minimum wage

25. The performance of the state in terms of providing work under the MNREGA has moved from poor to dismal. The result is a deepening of agrarian distress. The new government must commit to expanding and deepening the wage rate and number of workdays available to rural households. The wage in MGNREGA should under no circumstances be less than the statewide announced minimum wage. Beyond the MNREGA, landless labourers desperately need other sources of sustenance and support. These would particularly foreground the rights of women landless labourers to small plots of land enabling them to engage in livestock rearing, poultry and kitchen gardens. They must have priority in access to common lands. Women farmers, landed or landless, are in a terrible situation in Maharashtra. The above measures would include full and equal rights of landless farmers to common assets, like water resources, including access to community wells, tubewells, and more. All these above rights would particularly focus on Dalits and Adivasis.

Robust employment and pension schemes

26. We demand a minimum of Rs. 5000/-as pension per month per family of farmer. We demand free education at all schools/colleges/universities for farmer’s children. There should be a policy for reservation of vacancies in agriculture-based industries for farmers’ children. Hostel facilities for farmers’ children should be ensured at taluka and district level for all the relevant places in Maharashtra. The new government must commit to immediately launching a robust pension scheme for small and marginal farmers and agricultural workers. It needs to also rejuvenate and make robust the crumbling public distribution system. The new government will have to ensure remunerative guaranteed prices for milk and eggs and its procurement from dairies and poultry to supplement nutritional security through Mid Day Meal Scheme and Integrated Child Development Scheme etc.

27. The new government must introduce a new “Urban Employment Guarantee Scheme” with focus on meeting local milk needs and allowing land use for livestock rearing, waste to wealth, municipal food forests, vegetable gardens, home gardens etc, The new government will have to prepare a 5 year plan for credit with involvement of farmer organisations, urban agriculture producers and local bodies to support a systematic development of rural and urban agriculture.

Leveraging the role of NABARD, cooperative and public sector banks to evolve bankable models of integrated farming practices.

28. Mumbai being the headquarters of institutions like NABARD and the financial capital of India, the new government must leverage  its strength to oppose any dilution of apex DFI status of NABARD and ensure that the flow of NABARD concessionary funds are strengthened in the interest of landless, small, marginal farmers and development of people centric cooperative banking in India in general and Maharashtra in particular.

29. The new government will have to take the responsibility of evolving at least 100 bankable models of Integrated farming and processing of farm products to support agro-ecological approaches in the state of Maharashtra. Marketing support by Govt should be part of the plan. The new government will have to ensure an increase in rural branches of banks and increase staff strength to support the holistic development of agriculture and allied sectors.

30. Public sector Banks (PSBs) should not be privatized to protect the interests of the farmers, and their governing boards should have the representatives of organizations of small and marginal farmers. In the state of Maharashtra, credit deposit ratio should be at least 80% for every branch and every block. The new government will have to stop the banks from collecting bank charges from small depositors. The new government will have to constitute a committee for agricultural and rural credit and recommend steps to remove regional imbalances in banking. The new government will have to give representation to the farmers on state level bankers committee at State level, District level, and block level.

31. Any digital database of farmers being created should be inclusive, and not be limited to land owning farmers. All farmers (as defined by the census, Swaminathan commission, and Doubling Farmers Income committee) should receive benefits of all government schemes for agriculture. The methodology to create such an inclusive database can be announced by taking the best from the process followed by the Governments of Odisha and other such states where the rights of tenant farmers, women farmers and dalit farmers have been recognised.

32. The new Maharashtra government should abandon the Aadhaar Number Database and related National Population Register, the Farmers digital ID-based Database, and resist these and databases like AGRISTACK being handed over to private corporates It must stop biometric profiling based land-titling, and hand over control of data on land and cultivation for open and transparent policy-making and data use by farmers and state, district and village governments. The government must universalize benefits of the Public Distribution System including cereals and nutria-cereals, pulses, sugar and oils without linking it to Aadhaar Number, or biometric identification, and without shifting to direct cash transfer.

33. The new government will have to address the menace of stray animals by removing all legal and vigilante-imposed restrictions on cattle trade, also compensating farmers for the destruction occurring through the invasion of crops by wild animals and supporting proactively animal shelters. There is an urgent need to encourage biomass-based infrastructure development.

34. The new government will announce the review of projects sanctioned in the case of foreign direct investment on open general license by the central government to carry out due diligence on the front of ecological, economic and social impacts, and take up with the central government the issue of removing agriculture from FTAs and WTO negotiations.

35. The new government will have to protect the farmers from corporate plunder in the name of contract farming by reviewing the Contract Farming Act 2018. It must bring a white paper on Farmer Producer Organizations and stop corporatization of agriculture and takeover by MNCs. The new government must stop permission to collect any further data from the farmers of Maharashtra by corporates like ITC, Agribazaar, Amazon, CISCO, ESRI, JIO, Microsoft, NeML, Ninjacart, Digital Green and Partanjali.

36. The policy of no to corporate control in agricultural R&D and innovation domain will have to be implemented in the case of SAUs. R&D and innovation directions will have to be supported by the new government to promote agroecological approaches & biomass based industrialization.

37. The newly launched Shetkari Kamgar / Agrarian Welfare Commission would have to immediately address the dismal conditions of power supply and irrigation in the farm sector. It must begin by ending the loot of these sectors in Maharashtra.

38. The above measures would go way beyond rural benefit to also lessen the pressure in the urban migration crisis of the state. This nature of public investment will have a multiplier effect across Maharashtra. All the above measures would create jobs, regenerate natural resources, enhance well-being, and add to agricultural productivity.

It’s worth remembering that our treatment of farmers, both in Maharashtra and across India stands now for decades in violation of the rights guaranteed to them under the Constitution of India. Fundamentally, the Indian Constitution, through Articles 14, 15 and 19 in Chapter IIII guarantees the Right to Life, Equality before the Law, Life without Discrimination to all Indians, including obviously to every farmer and all peoples working in Rural India. Besides, the Directive Principles of State Policy in Chapter IV guarantee adequate means of livelihood, equitable distribution of material resources, prevention of concentration of wealth all of which assert that Farmer and Rural Workers Rights are Human Rights. Can anyone claim that farmers are in reality enjoying these rights?

And yet, it was the Kisan andolan at the gates of Delhi that defended these rights for all citizens, indeed defended the Constitution itself. It is now our turn to defend these rights for the kisan and mazdoor.

Related:

Can MVA Reverse Modi Govt’s Broken Promises to Farmers? | Vijay Jawandhia & Teesta   Setalvad

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