Violence | SabrangIndia https://sabrangindia.in/category/violence/ News Related to Human Rights Fri, 20 Dec 2024 07:42:17 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=6.2.2 https://sabrangindia.in/wp-content/uploads/2023/06/Favicon_0.png Violence | SabrangIndia https://sabrangindia.in/category/violence/ 32 32 State-sanctioned brutality? Dalit communities targeted in Parbhani “combing operations”, women, children abused https://sabrangindia.in/state-sanctioned-brutality-dalit-communities-targeted-in-parbhani-combing-operations-women-children-abused/ Thu, 19 Dec 2024 12:59:40 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=39240 The custodial death of Dalit law student Somnath Suryawanshi, systemic police violence against Ambedkarite communities, and government inaction have ignited protests across Maharashtra, exposing deep-rooted caste injustices and institutional impunity

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A 35-year-old Dalit man, Somnath Suryawanshi, tragically died on December 15, a victim of alleged police brutality and custodial torture. The post-mortem report revealed the cause of death as “shock due to multiple injuries,” underscoring the horrific circumstances surrounding his demise. Suryawanshi had complained of chest pain on the morning of December 15, just a day after being transferred to judicial custody following two days in police detention. His death has sparked a wave of protests across Parbhani and Maharashtra, fuelled further by the state’s inaction and failure to address the underlying injustices.

The entire tragedy at Parbhani, marked by violent police atrocities and custodial torture, was mitigated, in part, by the timely intervention of senior activists, their legal teams, and local journalists. As the combing operations began, Advocate Pavan Jhondhale and his colleagues swiftly made their way to the police station, where they encountered the terrified families of the victims, who were visibly cowering in fear. Advocate Jhondhale, speaking to SabrangIndia, recounted the chilling scene: “We could hear screams of pain coming from inside the locker room when we were at the police station after the combing operations.”

Advocate Jhondhale highlighted how the advocates were being stopped from meeting the victims. He stated“Following this, they visited the affected areas and made contact with the victims. On December 12, when the victims—seen as accused by the police—were brought to court, their injuries were unmistakable: bleeding, swollen limbs, and other visible signs of torture. The police’s behaviour at the Magistrates Court was hostile. They blocked the advocates from meeting the victims, erecting barricades to prevent communication. This occurred on December 12.”

Sharing how the victims of custodial torture, even after being presented to the court, could not express their pain and abuse that they were facing, Advocate Jhondhale said “Earlier, at the police station, the team had gathered details of the FIRs and the sections under which the victims had been booked. In FIR 590, 27 individuals had been arrested, while in FIR 591, 5 were detained. The advocates requested that the Magistrate ask the accused if they had any complaints about their treatment in police custody. However, out of sheer fear, the victims did not respond. The advocates urged the Magistrate to ask them again, as there were clear signs of injury.”

“When the Magistrate asked again, they still could not detail their treatment, out of intimidation,” Advocate Jhondhale explained. This led Advocate More, his colleague, to argue against extending the police remand due to the ill-treatment the victims had endured. Despite the compelling evidence, the court granted two more days of police custody.

Advocate Jhondhale  stressed on how the conditions of the victims worsened during the next two days that they spent in police custody, “On December 14, the advocates appeared in court again, and by this time, the condition of those who had been arrested had significantly worsened. It was then that the Magistrate ordered the victims to be transferred to Magistrate Custody (MCR). On December 15, a Sunday, all of the victims, including Somnath Suryawanshi, were transferred to MCR. Later that evening, the heartbreaking news came that Somnath Suryawanshi had died.”

While dealing with the fact that Somnath Suryawanshi died due to custodial torture, the team of advocates was also tasked with ensuring that the truth of how Somnath died gets documented and fair procedure is followed. Advocate Jhondhale said “Arguably, had the police custody remand (PCR) not been extended so routinely, a life might not have been lost. The advocates, in their efforts to seek justice, were also directed to the Sessions Court. On the very day of Somnath Suryawanshi’s death, December 15, Advocate Jhondhale provided that they had urgently requested an In Camera post-mortem and forensic examination to be conducted on Suryawanshi not in Parbhani, but in Shambhajinagat (Aurangabad). To ensure this, the advocates had to take the issue of the alleged death in police custody directly to the District Collector at her residential quarters on Sunday evening. They presented the guidelines and cited a Supreme Court judgment to support their demand. As a result of their persistent efforts, the transfer was finally ordered.”

Speaking to the SabrangIndia team, Advocate Pavan Jhondhale was categorical that it was this proactiveness that mitigated what could have turned out to be a far worse situation on the ground. His timely intervention, alongside the efforts of his colleagues and the local community, played a crucial role in addressing the police atrocities and ensuring that the victims’ suffering did not go unnoticed. Without this vigilance and persistence, the situation could have spiraled into something even more tragic.

Notably it was the combined legal and activist efforts of Pavan Jhondhale, Vijay Kale, Mahendra More, Imtiaz Khan, Vishwanath Anbhure, Vijay Sable that ensured some semblance of return to rule of law, in Parbhani post December 10, 2024.

Demands for a judicial inquiry have been made by the local affected population since December 17. In addition to the violent crackdown, several of those who reportedly are either residents of Parbhani or those who were peaceful protesting the desecration of the Constitution on December 10 were arrested on false charges. Among those arrested was Somnath Suryawanshi who succumbed to injuries allegedly inflicted in police custody after he had moved to judicial custody. Speaking to Sabrangindia on the status of the Ambedkarite protestors arrested on charges of rioting, advocate and activist, Rahul Pradhan Pradhan revealed that 26 individuals had been granted bail by the Sessions Court on December 18 and were expected to be released soon. However, five accused remain in jail, though none of them are women or minors.

Opposition protests, growing public discontent with the state government

The custodial death and the sarpanch’s murder became focal points for the opposition during the winter session of the Maharashtra legislature. Members of the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA), including the Congress, Shiv Sena (UBT), and NCP, staged a walkout accusing the government of neglecting law and order. Congress leader Nitin Raut criticised the police and the administration, stating, “The interim medical report confirms police brutality. This is a gross failure of governance, and the government must act immediately to ensure justice.”

Speaking in the Assembly, Raut raised the issue of brutality against Dali women by male officers as well. He also took to social media and stated “After the desecration of the Constitution in Parbhani, the police administration took the precautions that should have been taken while this was happening. The police have lathi-charged Buddhists, Bhim Sainiks and those protecting the Constitution. The police have beaten up the mother of a one-and-a-half-month-old child in her house. All this is an outrage. The government demanded in the House to immediately register a case against the guilty police officers and take action.”

Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Ambadas Danve expressed similar concerns, emphasising that the right to protest was being suppressed under the current regime. Congress MLA Nana Patole argued that the government’s mismanagement of the Parbhani violence and the Beed murder had heightened tensions across the state. Speaker Rahul Narwekar, however, rejected an adjournment motion to discuss these issues immediately, stating that the matter would be taken up later, leading to further outrage among opposition members.

The dual tragedies have led to mounting public anger, with activists, residents, and political leaders demanding accountability. In Parbhani, local residents staged protests alleging that the police crackdown disproportionately targeted Dalit communities. In Beed, Maratha leaders accused the administration of failing to address growing caste tensions.

Activists have raised contentions that the incidents highlight systemic flaws in governance, including police overreach, caste discrimination, and ineffective conflict resolution mechanisms. Opposition parties have called for judicial inquiries into both cases and immediate reforms to prevent such incidents in the future.

Protests and police brutality

The backdrop of these protests lies in the desecration of the Constitution on December 10, an incident that initially led to peaceful demonstrations by Ambedkarite groups. However, according to reports of eye-witnesses from the ground, these protests escalated into violence—an outcome many believe stemmed from law enforcement’s deliberate inaction. Advocate and  activist Rahul Pradhan, who has been on the ground in Parbhani since the incident, told SabrangIndia that the narrative pushed by the police does not reflect the truth. According to Pradhan, the Ambedkarite protests were entirely peaceful and concluded amicably after discussions between protest leaders—including activists Vijay Wakode, Sudhir Salve, and Ravi Kamble—and the police. He emphasised that the violence that later unfolded was not instigated by Ambedkarites but by unknown outsiders who engaged in arson, rioting, and stone pelting while the police stood by as passive onlookers.

Pradhan accused the police of enabling the violence, alleging that law enforcement allowed the hooligans to wreak havoc unchecked for hours. He noted that it wasn’t until the late evening of December 11 that the police began arresting individuals—but shockingly, their focus was on Ambedkarite activists who had peacefully protested rather than the actual perpetrators of the violence. “It seemed as if the police had an agenda, some instructions from above, and they were working according to it,” Pradhan stated.

The arrests of Ambedkarites were part of what Pradhan described as a targeted “combing operation” in Dalit and Buddhist-majority settlements. Such operations typically involve searching areas for individuals accused of cognisable offences, but in this case, the execution was brutal and indiscriminate. Pradhan and other activists recounted chilling accounts of police brutality during these raids, with men, women, and even children reportedly beaten savagely.

The horrors inflicted on these communities are deeply disturbing. Women were not spared, with male police officers allegedly assaulting them in particularly degrading and inhumane ways. Pradhan narrated the ordeal of a woman who had delivered a baby just a month prior—she was reportedly beaten without mercy. In another instance, police officers allegedly grabbed a woman by her hair, stood on her thighs, and struck her with sticks. Independent journalist Sharmistha Bhosale, who has been documenting the aftermath, shared harrowing images of the victims, corroborating these allegations of police excesses.

Rahul Pradhan’s accounts lay bare a grim reality: these raids were not about maintaining law and order but appeared to target Dalit and Buddhist communities in a manner that suggests systemic bias and state complicity. The violence unleashed by the police has left these communities traumatised, with many continuing to demand accountability and justice for the atrocities they endured. Suryawanshi’s death and the events that followed stand as a stark reminder of the deep-seated inequalities and institutional failures that plague the justice system in India. The outrage and protests sweeping Maharashtra are not just calls for justice for one man but a cry against the entrenched caste-based oppression and unchecked state violence that has gone on for far too long.

Sharmistha Bhosale, an independent journalist, also reporting from Parbhani, also shared her perspective with SabrangIndia, expressing deep anguish over the brutality inflicted upon the Dalit community, particularly women. “The way these people, especially the women, have been brutalised is beyond imagination. The targeted individuals are daily wage workers. Male police officers have, with impunity, used excessive force against Ambedkarites. Would male police inflict such gendered violence on women, even older women without the impunity born of political protection,” she asked. Sharmistha Bhosale shared exclusive photographs from Parbhani with Sabrangindia.

A woman showing her foot which was damaged when she was trying to escape from the lathicharge | Credit- Sharmistha Bhosale
This is police violence upon one of the daily wage workers. He said he had just come home that evening after finishing his day at work. The police and SRP came out of nowhere, dragged him out of his house | Credit- Sharmistha Bhosale
Most of the people in Priyadarshini Nagar had flown away with fear after the combing operation. Still the traumas and nightmares are in the air. | Credit- Sharmistha Bhosale
A woman pointing at the fragile, tin door which was damaged by police during the combing operation | Credit- Sharmistha Bhosale
The Ahilyadevi Nagar residents say that police had targeted their vehicles and damaged them as they saw Babasaheb Ambedkar’s sign or symbols on them | Credit- Sharmistha Bhosale

Advocate and activist Rahul Pradhan raised serious questions about the conduct of the police and their one-sided investigation into the Parbhani incident. According to Pradhan, the authorities are deliberately diverting attention away from the desecration of the Constitution, which initially triggered the protests. “Why have the police not checked the CCTV footage from the area where the desecration occurred? Did the perpetrator drop from heaven? Why is there no investigation against him?” he asked, pointing to glaring omissions in the police’s approach.

Pradhan also criticised the government for its inaction against the police officers involved. He argued that the absence of suspensions, transfers, or any punitive measures suggests tacit state support for the excessive use of force. “Even after the death of one Dalit man in custody and allegations of mass brutalisation, the government has taken no action against the police. If the state were not backing the excessive use of force against the marginalised, why would it stay quiet till now?” Pradhan remarked.

Pradhan, along with other activists, has demanded an independent judicial investigation into the entire series of events in Parbhani, beginning with the desecration of the Constitution and its underlying causes. He attributed the act of desecration to a climate of hate speeches prevalent in the area. Additionally, he called for the registration of an FIR against the erring police officers, including charges of custodial torture and murder in the case of Somnath Suryawanshi.

The demands for justice—ranging from a transparent investigation to accountability for the police—highlight the systemic flaws in how marginalised communities are treated by law enforcement and the state. The Parbhani incident is not merely a local tragedy but a reflection of a larger pattern of oppression and impunity that continues to plague India’s justice system.

“They took my son’s life” says deceased Somnath Suryawanshi’s mother

Under the scorching December sun in Parbhani, Vijaya Venkat Suryavanshi mourned the death of her eldest son, Somnath Suryavanshi, a 35-year-old law student from the marginalised Vadar community. Speaking to BBC Marathi, Vijaya recounted the heartbreak of losing her son while he was in judicial custody. “They deliberately took my son away. They beat him up and took his life. Then they called me to tell me he was gone,” she said, holding back tears. Somnath had travelled to Parbhani to take an exam but was arrested by the police in connection with the violence that erupted in the city on December 11. The police claim Somnath died of a heart attack, but the family strongly disputes this, pointing to the autopsy report that lists “shock following multiple injuries” as the cause of death.

The violence began after the desecration of a copy of the Indian Constitution placed near a statue of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar. Protests led by Ambedkarite groups culminated in a citywide bandh that escalated into stone-pelting and arson. Somnath, according to his family, had no involvement in the unrest but was arrested on December 11. He was held in police custody for two days before being transferred to judicial custody. By December 15, he was dead. The Suryavanshi family alleges that Somnath was subjected to severe custodial torture, with his brother Premnath detailing how the police “stripped him and beat him for days, trying to keep him alive with medical treatment until he succumbed.”

BBC Marathi’s on-ground reporting revealed accounts from Bhimnagar residents, who described widespread police brutality in the aftermath of the violence. Sudhakar Jadhav, a kidney patient recovering at home, claimed the police forcibly entered his house, dragged him and his son outside, and beat them ruthlessly. “They beat my son so much that his skin peeled off. The marks of their sticks are still visible on his back and thighs,” he said. Women in the area also alleged that they were assaulted, with one blind woman recounting how her son was beaten on his back and head. Activists from the Ambedkar movement accused the police of conducting targeted combing operations in Ambedkarite and Buddhist settlements, indiscriminately attacking residents, including women and children.

Rahul Pradhan asserted that the police “created terror” in these settlements under the guise of maintaining order. Vijay Wakode, another activist, accused the police of orchestrating Somnath’s death, alleging, “They beat him for two days in police custody and continued the assault in judicial custody.” Wakode himself passed away from a heart attack on December 16, adding another layer of tragedy to the unfolding events. Notably, Wakode had also been booked for rioting by the police.

Despite the mounting allegations, Special Inspector General Shahaji Umap dismissed claims of combing operations or misconduct. In a statement to BBC Marathi, Umap maintained that only individuals involved in the December 11 violence were detained and denied reports of police raids in residential areas. On Somnath’s death, Umap refrained from making further comments, suggesting that the medical report would provide definitive answers. There is however no response on the violence inflicted and injuries suffered by victims, evident from not just the post-morten but strong eye-witness accounts.

The Suryavanshi family and the residents of Bhimnagar continue to demand justice, accusing the police of unchecked brutality and systemic targeting of marginalised communities. This case has reignited concerns over custodial violence in India, with activists calling for accountability and reform to address the institutional impunity that enables such incidents. BBC Marathi’s detailed coverage sheds light on the devastating consequences of this alleged abuse of power, offering a grim reminder of the cost of silence and inaction.

Parbhani: Custodial death of a Dalit man

The unrest in Parbhani began on December 10 when a replica of the Indian Constitution placed near a statue of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar was vandalised. The desecration led to widespread protests by Dalit organisations, culminating in violence and clashes with the police on December 11. Incidents of stone-pelting and arson were reported, prompting the police to arrest several individuals. Among those arrested was 35-year-old Dalit law student Somnath Suryawanshi, who had reportedly returned to Parbhani to appear for an exam.

Somnath was taken into police custody on December 12 and subsequently transferred to judicial custody after having spent two days in police custody. On December 15, he complaint of chest pain, and when taken to the hospital was declared dead, with an interim postmortem report stating that the cause of death was “shock following multiple injuries.” His family alleged that he was subjected to severe custodial torture, with his brother, Premnath Suryawanshi, stating, “Somnath had nothing to do with the protests. He was beaten for days until he succumbed to his injuries.” Activists have accused the police of targeting Dalit settlements in the aftermath of the protests against the desecration of the Constitution, claiming that innocent people, including women and children, were subjected to violence during combing operations.

Detailed report on the same may be read here.

 

Beed: Murder of a Maratha sarpanch raises caste tensions

In Massejeog village of Beed district, the kidnapping and murder of Maratha sarpanch Santosh Deshmukh on December 9 has also caused significant unrest. Deshmukh, known for his leadership in the Maratha community, was allegedly killed in a caste-related dispute. The prime accused, Vishnu Chate, belongs to the OBC-Vanjari community, which has historically been at odds with the Marathas over issues such as reservation and local dominance.

As per multiple reports, Deshmukh’s body was discovered on the highway, and initial reports suggested he was tortured before being killed. Opposition leaders criticised the delay in apprehending the main accused, with NCP MLA Sandeep Kshirsagar noting that despite an extortion case being filed, no murder charges had been officially registered. BJP MLA Namita Mundada from Kaij described Deshmukh as a respected community leader whose death had shocked the region.

Custodial Violence in Parbhani: Tragedy and allegations of police brutality

The custodial death of 35-year-old Dalit youth Somnath Suryawanshi in Parbhani and the kidnapping and murder of Maratha sarpanch Santosh Deshmukh in Beed have triggered widespread condemnation from various political parties, Dalit organisations, and social groups. Both incidents have exposed systemic governance failures and reignited debates on caste-based discrimination and police brutality in Maharashtra.

In Pune, the Matang Ekta Andolan and the Republican Party of India (RPI) organised protests in front of the district collector’s office. RPI leader Parshuram Wadekar called for an independent inquiry into the incidents and demanded stringent action against those found responsible. A Dalit organisation released a statement condemning police actions in Parbhani, claiming that the authorities conducted brutal search operations targeting Dalit youths and women after the protests. The statement read, “After Dalit youths agitated in Parbhani, the police conducted search operations and beat the youths and women. Action should be taken against those found guilty.”

Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) city president Prashant Jagtap announced agitations outside the Pune collector’s office, stating, “Both the Parbhani custodial death and Beed sarpanch murder reflect a breakdown of law and order. This government must be held accountable for failing to protect its citizens.”

 

Related:

No quality education without teaching equality, secularism, fraternity value: SC

Supreme Court issued stay on suits on survey against religious places, interventions had highlighted the Act’s intent to preserve India’s secular character

Fierce backlash grows against Yati Narsinghanand’s Dharam Sansad as fears of incitement to violence escalate; plea moved in SC

 

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Sambhal Violence: State crackdown intensifies, thousands accused, and allegations of police misconduct ignite a political and communal crisis in Uttar Pradesh https://sabrangindia.in/sambhal-violence-state-crackdown-intensifies-thousands-accused-and-allegations-of-police-misconduct-ignite-a-political-and-communal-crisis-in-uttar-pradesh/ Fri, 29 Nov 2024 07:21:55 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=38976 As families of the 5 dead Muslims mourns its dead, the state government faces criticism over aggressive tactics and arbitrary arrests, communal targeting, victim threatening and political scapegoating

The post Sambhal Violence: State crackdown intensifies, thousands accused, and allegations of police misconduct ignite a political and communal crisis in Uttar Pradesh appeared first on SabrangIndia.

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On November 24, 2024, the peaceful town of Sambhal, Uttar Pradesh, was thrown into chaos as a court-ordered survey of the Shahi Jama Masjid, a Mughal-era Mosque, sparked violence in the area, with protestors having to face the brunt of the high-handed and aggressive measures of the Uttar Pradesh police. The violence, which resulted in the deaths of five Muslim young men and left several others injured, has ignited a firestorm of controversy. While the police have maintained that the deaths were caused by gunfire exchanged between members of the mob, eyewitnesses, including Zafar Ali, the chairperson of the mosque’s managing committee, have alleged that the police themselves were responsible for firing on the crowd. Ali’s testimony contradicted the police’s version of events, claiming that he witnessed police officers firing bullets and carrying country-made weapons, a stark contrast to the police’s claims of using only non-lethal methods such as tear gas and rubber pellets.

The violence erupted as an aftermath of the survey conducted on the Mosque premises based on a petition that was filed in the UP court urging for ASI survey of the mosque, claiming it had been built on the site of a Hindu temple. Tensions had been brewing in the area since the court directed the survey, which was initially conducted on November 19. A second survey, scheduled for November 24, led to protests as rumours spread that the mosque was being desecrated. The protests quickly escalated into violent clashes with the police, who responded with force, resulting in the deaths of the four victims. The police have insisted that the violence was a result of confrontations between the protestors, but the post-mortem reports confirmed that the victims died of gunshot wounds, and the allegations against the police have continued to mount.

In the aftermath of the violence, a slew of arrests has been made, including of political figures and activists. Samajwadi Party MP Ziaur Rahman Barq and the son of a local MLA, Sohail Iqbal, have been named in FIRs, accused of instigating the violence. The administration has deployed extensive efforts to track down and arrest the culprits, including offering rewards for information. Meanwhile, political leaders, including Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav, have raised serious concerns about the role of the state government in the incident, with some claiming that the violence was orchestrated and that the police were acting under political pressure. Allegations of threats against the families of victims, including the forced thumb impressions taken by police from the relatives of the deceased, have further complicated the situation, drawing calls for a Supreme Court-monitored investigation.

With conflicting reports from the police, local witnesses, and political figures, the situation in Sambhal has highlighted deepening divisions, questions of police accountability, and concerns over the administration’s handling of communal tensions in the region. As investigations continue, the community and political leaders alike are demanding justice for the victims and transparency in the probe.

Previous report may be read here.

Aggressive measures in Sambhal after violence

The Uttar Pradesh government is taking aggressive measures in response to the violent clashes in Sambhal on November 24, during the second round of the Shahi Mosque survey. The incident resulted in five deaths and many injured, which included a few police personnel’s, exposing deep fissures in the state’s handling of communal and political tensions.

As per media reports, A.K. Singh, Moradabad Divisional Commissioner, has now announced that authorities have identified 75 suspects through CCTV footage and videos, with ongoing efforts to identify more individuals. To aid their search for the suspects, their photographs will be displayed publicly on hoardings to solicit assistance to UP police in tracing and arresting them. Singh added that the administration also plans to recover damages caused to public property from those identified as perpetrators.

Heavy-handed measures: The Uttar Pradesh government’s response, which includes naming individuals in FIRs and publicly displaying photographs of suspected rioters, has raised serious concerns about due process and the implications of public shaming. The deployment of such measures suggests a push for rapid action but risks creating an atmosphere of fear and mistrust.

At least 25 individuals, including three women, have been arrested, with seven FIRs filed against 25 named individuals and around 3,000 unnamed ones. Among the accused are high-profile figures, including Samajwadi Party MP Zia-ur-Rehman Barq and Sohail Iqbal, son of seven-time MLA Iqbal Mehmood. While the state asserts that these measures aim to restore order and accountability, the move is being criticised as politically motivated and disproportionately harsh.

A government spokesperson confirmed that posters of the accused would be displayed in public, adding that rewards might be announced for information leading to their arrests. “The administration is committed to recovering damages and taking strict action against those responsible,” the spokesperson stated. However, critics argue that this approach risks stigmatising entire communities and escalating communal tensions.

Political fallout: The incident has sparked significant political outcry, particularly from the Samajwadi Party (SP). MP Zia-ur-Rehman Barq alleged that his inclusion in the FIR was part of a deliberate attempt to silence dissent and deflect from administrative failures. “The police are trying to scapegoat me to hide their incompetence. I will continue to fight for the rights and justice of my people,” Barq declared while speaking to Indian Express.

SP MP Dharmendra Yadav called for a Supreme Court-monitored probe, citing widespread mistrust in the state administration. “This investigation cannot be left to those who are complicit in the violence. Only an independent inquiry under judicial supervision can ensure justice,” he argued to the IE.

The state government’s stance has also drawn criticism from opposition MPs in Parliament. SP MP Dimple Yadav accused the administration of inhumane behaviour and demanded a full discussion on the Sambhal violence. “We will not allow this issue to be swept under the rug,” she said.

Allegations of involvement of political undertones: Adding to the complexity is the narrative pushed by the BJP-led state government, which attributes the violence to long-standing rivalries between two prominent families in Sambhal—the Barqs and the Khans. Minister Nitin Agarwal framed the incident as a “Turk vs Pathan” conflict, claiming that the violence stemmed from political dominance struggles between these communities.

The Barq family, descendants of the Turk community, and the Khan family, representing the Pathans, have been political adversaries for decades, as per the explanation provided by a member of the Yogi government. Zia-ur-Rehman Barq, the current MP, and Iqbal Mehmood, the MLA from Sambhal, represent these rival factions within the Samajwadi Party. This narrative, amplified by sections of the vernacular Hindi media, shifts the focus from administrative failures to communal rivalries, a move critics say is a calculated political distraction.

The Turk-Pathan dispute has disrupted peace and endangered the safety of ordinary citizens,” Agarwal stated while taking to social media, commending the police for their swift action. However, this framing has been criticised for oversimplifying a complex situation and stoking communal divisions.

A pattern of escalation: The Sambhal violence is not an isolated incident but part of a broader trend of communal tensions in Uttar Pradesh. The state government’s reliance on aggressive policing, public shaming, and property recovery measures underlines a pattern of punitive action often disproportionately affecting minority communities. While these actions are framed as necessary for maintaining law and order, they also reveal a lack of trust in judicial and investigative processes.

The decision to suspend internet services in affected areas and maintain heavy police deployment underscores the administration’s precarious control over the situation. Despite claims of normalcy, these measures indicate a fragile peace, with tensions simmering beneath the surface.

The violence has exposed critical gaps in governance, including the lack of preventive measures and the failure to address underlying communal and political tensions. Instead of fostering dialogue and trust, the state’s response risks alienating communities further and exacerbating the divide.

The administration’s attempts to portray the incident as a product of local rivalries fail to address broader systemic issues. It also deflects accountability for law enforcement’s role in escalating tensions, a concern highlighted by opposition leaders and local residents alike.

Without a transparent and impartial investigation, the state risks deepening divisions and eroding public confidence in its ability to maintain peace and justice. The crackdown in Sambhal raises pressing questions about the balance between maintaining order and upholding democratic values, questions that the Uttar Pradesh government must confront with urgency and accountability.

Details about the FIRs file by the state police

A total of seven First Information Reports (FIRs) have been registered in connection with the violence that broke out in Sambhal, of which five are in Sambhal Kotwali and two in Nakhasa police station. Among those named in the FIRs are SP MP Zia-ur-Rehman Barq and Sohail Iqbal. Both are accused of inciting the mob violence that resulted in the deaths of four individuals and left many others, including police personnel, injured.

Incident and FIR Details: Advocate Qamar Hussain, who is involved in the case, spoke to SabrangIndia and provided them with details regarding the FIRs filed in the case. The FIR filed by Deputy Collector Ramesh Babu (FIR 336 filed in Sambhal PS) on November 24 describes the situation as follows: “Around 9:10 am, while the survey was being conducted in compliance with a directive from the court, a crowd of 800-900 unidentified individuals arrived at the Jama Masjid, reportedly armed with deadly weapons. The police and administrative officials, including Babu, tried to engage with the crowd and informed them that the survey was being conducted under a court order and that the mosque would not be harmed in any way. Despite these assurances, the crowd refused to disperse and continued to escalate the situation. The mob allegedly stole weapons and ammunition from the police, including a 9mm pistol, cartridges, a box of rubber bullets, and plastic pellets, which were reportedly used during the scuffle.”

Inspector Tomar, in FIR 337 filed in Sambhal PS, described the mob as “chanting religious slogans and moving towards the mosque with the intent to disrupt the survey.” Tomar also noted that the police attempted to reason with the crowd, but they were met with aggression and resistance. He further claimed that when the police declared the assembly unlawful and warned of the use of force, the mob began firing at the officers, leading to an intense confrontation. Tomar reported that many police officers were injured in the exchange, and the mob also damaged public and private property, including government vehicles. To control the situation, the police resorted to using water cannons, followed by the deployment of tear gas shells and rubber bullets, in line with orders from the District Magistrate to use “non-lethal force” in an attempt to disperse the crowd.

As provided by Advocate Qamar Hussain, in the two FIRs filed in the Nakhasa PS (FIR 304 and 305), three Muslim women have been identified in one and 6 Muslim men have been identified in the other, with a total of 350 people having been booked unidentified.

In FIR 334 of Sambhal PS, 800 unidentified people have been booked.

When asked by SabrangIndia if any case had been filed by the police against the group of people shouting the slogan of “Jai Shri Ram” while accompanying the survey team, Advocate Hussain said “there is no mention of these people anywhere. What can we even do? All the people accused and arrested are Muslims”.

Arrests and legal charges: As of now, 25 individuals have been arrested in connection with the violence, which includes 3 women and at least 3 minors. with charges under various sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (2023) BNS including Section 190 (vandalism), Section 191 (rioting), Section 132 (assaulting a public servant), Section 109 (attempt to murder), and Section 326-f (mischief by fire or explosives). Additionally, charges have been filed under the Prevention of Damage to Public Property Act, 1984, for the intentional destruction of property using fire or explosives, and the Arms Act, 1959, for the illegal possession and acquisition of firearms.

The ongoing investigation is being closely monitored, and authorities are considering the invocation of the stringent National Security Act (NSA) against those involved in the violence. Moradabad Divisional Commissioner Aunjaneya Kumar Singh confirmed that efforts are being made to identify and arrest all the perpetrators of the violence, with a heightened focus on accountability for those who caused damage to public property.

SP MP Zia-ur-Rehman Barq, condemned the survey and claimed that the violence was a premeditated attack against Muslims. He alleged that the survey was part of a broader effort to target the Muslim community, citing the way in which the Places of Worship Act had allegedly been violated. In his statement to the media, Barq argued that such actions were part of a wider pattern of marginalising Muslims in India. “People were stopped from offering Namaz, and the survey was conducted hastily without understanding the community’s concerns,” Barq stated. He also questioned the necessity of conducting a second survey, suggesting that the entire incident was orchestrated to inflame tensions.

Continuing investigation: The FIRs have named Barq and Sohail Iqbal, alongside 2,750 other unnamed individuals. The authorities are currently working to identify and apprehend more individuals involved in the violence. The investigation is still ongoing, and police are conducting further searches to gather evidence and identify additional suspects. The situation remains volatile, and the outcome of the investigation will likely have significant implications for both local governance and communal relations in the region.

Akhilesh Yadav’s criticism of Sambhal violence and police actions

Samajwadi Party (SP) chief and Kannauj MP, Akhilesh Yadav, has strongly criticised both the administration and the petitioners involved in the events that led to the violence in Sambhal on November 24, 2024. Yadav has accused the administration of mishandling the situation, which led to unnecessary bloodshed. As per reports, Yadav alleged that the police responded to stone-pelting by local residents by firing bullets from both their official and private weapons, an incident that he claimed was captured on video. Yadav’s accusations point to a grave misuse of power by the police, further aggravating the already volatile situation in Sambhal.

Political allegations and arrests: The violence has also sparked a political row, with several members of the Samajwadi Party, including MP Zia-ur-Rehman Barq, being arrested. Despite Barq’s absence from the scene, his name was included in the FIRs, which Yadav described as politically motivated. He questioned the integrity of the investigation, claiming that Barq had not even been in Sambhal during the violence. Yadav’s statement implies that the government is using these arrests as a means of political targeting rather than addressing the root causes of the violence.

Threats to victims’ families: One of the most disturbing allegations made by Yadav concerns the treatment of the families of victims. Yadav urged the Supreme Court to take cognizance of claims that the Uttar Pradesh Police had threatened the family members of Naeem, one of the five victims. According to media reports, around 20 policemen visited the family on the night of November 25, warning them against speaking to the media about the incident.

Naeem’s brother, Tasleem, who spoke to the Quint, claimed that the police had taken his thumb impression on a blank piece of paper. Tasleem, who is illiterate, expressed fear that the authorities might write something incriminating on the blank paper. Yadav condemned this action as a criminal act and called for immediate judicial intervention, urging the Supreme Court to hold those responsible accountable.

Naeem, a sweetmeat shop owner, was out buying groceries when the violence erupted as per the report of the Observer Post. His brother, Tasleem, has stated that Naeem was unaware of the clashes and was simply going about his daily routine when he was shot and killed by the police. Tasleem’s account paints a picture of an innocent man caught in a tragic and unnecessary escalation of violence, further fuelling the claims of police misconduct.

In his statements, Yadav underscored the need for judicial scrutiny of the entire incident, demanding accountability from the authorities and calling for the intervention of the Supreme Court to ensure that justice is served to the victims and their families. He concluded by expressing hope that the court would take cognizance of the situation and prevent such incidents from recurring in the future.

Questioning the survey and role of BJP activists: Yadav further questioned the necessity of conducting a second survey of the mosque, given that the first survey, conducted on November 19, had gone without incident. He argued that if a second survey was deemed necessary, the local administration should have consulted with the community to prevent unnecessary tensions. The lack of dialogue, according to Yadav, contributed to the violence.

Additionally, Yadav speculated that BJP activists may have been involved in the violence, suggesting that they were present during the second survey and were seen raising provocative slogans. He raised concerns about the administration’s failure to address these provocations, which, according to him, led to the escalation of the situation. Yadav’s comments highlight what he believes is a deliberate attempt by the administration to ignore the provocations and prevent the violence from being defused.

Yadav’s statements also carried a veiled criticism of Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath. He suggested that there is a political rift within the BJP leadership, particularly between the central leadership in Delhi and the state leadership in Lucknow. Yadav implied that this rift is exacerbating tensions in the state, with both factions engaged in a competition for political dominance. He criticized the BJP for using divisive tactics that undermine communal harmony, which he believes directly contributed to the unrest in Sambhal.

Arbitrary arrests

On Sunday night, Uttar Pradesh Police arrested Muslim activist Javed Mohammed for a Facebook post he shared regarding the recent violence in Sambhal, which resulted in the deaths of six Muslims. Mohammed’s post was reportedly critical of the police’s use of force during the protests against the survey of the Shahi Jama Masjid in Sambhal. The authorities accused him of spreading unrest and took action under Sections 126, 135, and 117 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), which pertain to various offenses related to public order and incitement.

Mohammed was arrested from his rented residence in Prayagraj, a city in Uttar Pradesh. After his arrest, the police forced him to delete the Facebook post in question. Despite his arrest, he was granted bail on the next day itself, but he spent an additional day in custody due to his failure to meet the bail conditions. Specifically, he was unable to provide the required bail bond and two sureties at the time. Mohammed was then released on November 26, 2024, once he satisfied these bail requirements.

Javed Mohammed, 58, has a history of being a vocal critic of the Uttar Pradesh government, particularly its handling of Muslim issues. Notably, in June 2022, he was accused of being the “mastermind” behind a protest in Prayagraj that was sparked by derogatory remarks made by BJP leaders about Prophet Mohammed. The protest led to widespread unrest, and Mohammed was arrested on June 10, 2022, in connection with the event. He was imprisoned for 21 months before being granted bail in March 2024. In a related development, Mohammed’s family was allegedly subjected to mistreatment during his recent arrest. His wife and daughter were reportedly “illegally detained” by the police on the night he was taken into custody. According to reports, the police released them only after they were coerced into giving assurances that they would not return home or interfere with the demolition of their house, which was scheduled for the following day.

It is essential to note that Mohammed has vehemently denied all the allegations against him, asserting that they are politically motivated. He has also taken legal action against the demolition of his house, challenging it in court, calling the destruction of his property unlawful and an act of retaliation.

Claims of protestors firing at each other false: Zafar Ali, the chairperson of the Shahi Jama Masjid’s managing committee

On November 25, the administration in Sambhal, Uttar Pradesh, further found itself embroiled in controversy after Zafar Ali, the chairperson of the Shahi Jama Masjid’s managing committee, publicly accused the police of firing bullets at the crowd during the violent clash. Ali’s claims directly contradicted the police’s official narrative, which maintained that they had used only non-lethal methods such as tear gas, lathi-charge, and rubber pellet guns to disperse the crowd. Ali’s statements added to the tension, as they suggested the police were responsible for the deaths, not the protestors as the police had suggested.

Zafar Ali’s allegations and police response: Ali, in a press conference on November 25, had claimed that he had witnessed the police firing at the crowd during the chaos that erupted over the survey of the Shahi Jama Masjid. As per the report of The Wire, Ali had stated, “I saw that the police were firing bullets. It happened right in front of me. There was no bullet fired from the public in my presence.” This assertion directly contradicted the police’s statement, which claimed that the deaths were a result of gunfire from country-made weapons used by members of the mob. The police further suggested that the situation was chaotic, with individuals firing on each other, and assured that a magisterial probe would clarify the circumstances.

Following his public accusations, the police summoned Ali for questioning. The authorities also held their own press briefing, calling his allegations “misleading” and accusing them of being “politically motivated.” Despite the backlash, Ali was allowed to return home after his questioning, with the police clarifying that he had not been detained or arrested.

Police claims vs. Ali’s eyewitness account: The violence resulted in the deaths of four Muslim men, all of whom died from gunshot wounds. The police have suggested that the injuries were caused by bullets from country-made weapons, commonly known as “desi kattas,” which were reportedly in the hands of the protestors. However, Ali maintained that the police were armed with similar weapons and were the ones responsible for firing at the crowd. He further added that the police had also vandalised and set fire to their own vehicles near the mosque, casting doubt on the police’s account of events.

Ali’s account has raised questions about the authenticity of the police’s narrative. He questioned the logic behind the claim that protestors shot at each other, stating, “If they had to fire, they would have fired at the police and not the public. This is something to think about.” This contradiction between Ali’s statement and the police’s version has led to heightened scepticism regarding the actions of law enforcement on that day.

The lead-up to the violence- Rumours and miscommunication: In addition to his claims about the police’s actions during the incident, Ali also provided further context regarding the days leading up to the violence. He revealed that on the night of November 23, he had been informed by Sambhal’s Sub-Divisional Magistrate (SDM), Vandana Mishra, and Circle Officer (CO) Anuj Kumar Chaudhary, that a second survey of the Shahi Jama Masjid would take place the next morning. Ali stated that he had not given a “No Objection” to the survey, yet it went ahead regardless the following day.

The morning of the survey saw the area heavily surrounded by police, and Ali claimed that the SDM insisted on draining the water from the Hauz (water tank) even though the Superintendent of Police (SP) and District Magistrate (DM) had suggested that a simpler measurement could be taken with a stick. Ali’s description of the situation indicated a lack of coordination and communication between the local authorities and raised concerns about the handling of the survey.

Ali also pointed to the spread of a damaging rumour that claimed the Jama Masjid was being dug up without the court’s permission. This rumour caused panic in the community, and soon, large crowds began to gather near the mosque. According to Ali, this rumour sparked the violence and chaos that ultimately led to the deaths and injuries. The misinformation surrounding the mosque’s survey may have been a key factor in escalating the situation from a routine survey to a violent confrontation.

The conflicting statements from Zafar Ali and the police have only added to the tension and confusion surrounding the incident. While the police have promised a thorough investigation, including a magisterial probe, the allegations against them remain unresolved. Ali’s eye-witness testimony, combined with the rumoured causes of the violence, calls into question the transparency and fairness of the police’s actions during the event. As the investigation continues, the community and the wider public await further clarity on the role the police played in the tragic events of November 24.

Addressing the fault lines- Need of the hour

The Sambhal violence serves as a stark reminder of the deep communal, political, and administrative fissures in Uttar Pradesh. The state government’s aggressive response—ranging from arrests and FIRs to public shaming and punitive measures—underscores its prioritisation of swift action over due process. However, these tactics risk further alienating communities, exacerbating tensions, and eroding public trust in the justice system.

The framing of the violence as a result of local rivalries, while politically expedient, deflects attention from the systemic failures in governance and law enforcement. Allegations of police misconduct, coupled with the narrative of communal rivalries, reveal a troubling pattern where accountability is side-lined in favour of divisive rhetoric.

Calls for a Supreme Court-monitored investigation highlight the widespread mistrust in the state administration’s ability to impartially handle the situation. Without a transparent, unbiased inquiry into the events leading up to and during the violence, the cycle of mistrust and division is likely to persist.

The Sambhal incident is not an isolated case but part of a broader trend of escalating communal tensions and heavy-handed responses in Uttar Pradesh. For long-term peace and stability, the state must address the underlying causes of these tensions, foster dialogue, and rebuild trust in democratic institutions. Balancing law and order with the protection of constitutional rights is essential to prevent such incidents from becoming recurring flashpoints in an already polarised environment.

 

Related:

Uttarakhand High Court orders security, condemns hate speech over Uttarkashi Mosque

Divided & strife-torn Manipur: intensified violence, abdication by state & union governments, demands of accountability from BJP MLAs

Rajasthan HC finds no caste intent in words like ‘Bhangi’, ‘Neech’, ‘Bhikhari’, ‘Mangani’, drops SC/ST Act charges

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Divided & strife-torn Manipur: intensified violence, abdication by state & union governments, demands of accountability from BJP MLAs https://sabrangindia.in/divided-strife-torn-manipur-intensified-violence-abdication-by-state-union-governments-demands-of-accountability-from-bjp-mlas/ Thu, 21 Nov 2024 12:17:36 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=38904 Sitting MLAs from the ruling party have given calls for Chief Minister Biren Singh's removal and resignation of Home Minister Amit Shah, even whilto ongoing tribal protests and a divided state, Manipur's unrest continues as ethnic clashes deepen, with political leaders and civil society groups demanding urgent action for peace and justice.

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Manipur, caught in the throes of an enduring ethnic conflict, is witnessing a deepening political crisis as violence between the Meitei majority and the Kuki-Zo tribal community continues unabated. The complete abdication by the state and union governments has enabled and allowed the unchecked violence. Over 18 months of unrest have strained the state’s fragile peace, prompting widespread calls for change. Amid mounting tensions, tribal legislators, including several from the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), have united to demand the removal of Chief Minister N. Biren Singh and the establishment of a separate administration for their community. With the situation spiralling further, protests are planned in Delhi, highlighting the unresolved ethnic divisions and the failure of both state and central governments to restore order. Meanwhile, civil society groups continue to push for military action and a political solution to the crisis that has claimed over 240 lives. The government’s inability to effectively address the situation has sparked widespread criticism, leaving the future of Manipur uncertain as both communities remain entrenched in their positions.

Educational institutions to remain closed until November 23: As a precautionary measure, the Manipur government has ordered the closure of schools, colleges, and universities in the Imphal Valley until November 23. An official notification issued by Daryal Juli Anal, Joint Secretary of the Higher and Technical Education Department, cited concerns over the safety of students, teachers, and staff amid the ongoing curfew.

The decision was influenced by the widespread violence in several districts, particularly Imphal East and Imphal West, following the recovery of the missing bodies on November 15 and 16. The government decided to prioritise safety, suspending all educational activities in government and government-aided institutions, including state universities, in the affected districts.

The letter by elected MLAs may be read here

 

Timeline of escalating violence in Manipur following Jiribam attack

The recent cycle of violence that engulfed Manipur from November 7, 2024, began with a harrowing incident in Zairawn village, Jiribam district. A Hmar woman, a schoolteacher and mother of three, was allegedly raped, shot in the leg, killed, and set ablaze by unidentified attackers. The Hmar community, a subgroup of the Kuki-Zo ethnic group, was devastated by this act, and Kuki civil society groups quickly attributed the crime to Meitei militants.

The initial attack and looting: In the aftermath of the incident, the assailants reportedly torched 19 houses, looted cash, stole mobile phones, LPG cylinders, and six two-wheelers, and even killed village dogs. Some residents alleged negligence on the part of the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) stationed in Zairawn, accusing them of failing to intervene despite being capable of protecting the village. The violence escalated when suspected Kuki militants retaliated by targeting Meitei individuals in the district.

Retaliatory killings and unrest in Bishnupur: On November 9, the violence intensified as a Meitei woman working in a paddy field in Bishnupur district was allegedly shot dead by suspected Kuki militants. Two days later, on November 11, the CRPF killed 10 suspected Kuki militants in a confrontation in Jiribam. According to police reports, the militants were armed with automatic weapons and a rocket-propelled grenade (RPG) and had attacked the Borobekra police station and a CRPF camp in Jakuradhor. These assailants were believed to have travelled from Kuki-dominated districts such as Churachandpur and Pherzawl.

Displacement and missing persons: During the same encounter, three women and three children, including an eight-month-old baby, went missing. These individuals were among 13 displaced Meiteis seeking refuge in a relief camp located near the Borobekra police station and a CRPF post. Their disappearance further fuelled ethnic tensions in the region.

Jiribam, a district with a multi-ethnic population comprising Meitei, Kuki-Zo, Naga, and other communities, had remained relatively peaceful until June 2024. However, tensions erupted earlier this year when the body of a Kuki teenager was discovered in a river, allegedly killed by Meitei armed groups. Shortly after, the body of a Meitei man was found, reportedly in retaliation by Kuki militants.

Discovery of bodies and public outrage: On November 15, three bodies—those of a woman and two children—were discovered floating in the Barak River in Assam’s Cachar district. These were confirmed to belong to the missing family. The discovery triggered widespread protests in Imphal, with enraged mobs ransacking the homes of three legislators, including R.K. Imo, a BJP MLA and son-in-law of Chief Minister N. Biren Singh. Protesters also targeted the residences of Y. Khemchand, the Minister of Municipal Administration, and L. Susindro Singh, the Minister of Consumer Affairs, prompting security forces to use tear gas to disperse the crowds.

The unrest escalated further when protesters marched toward Manipur CM Biren Singh’s ancestral home in Luwangshangbam, only to be stopped by security forces.

Continued violence and accusations: On November 17, the bodies of another woman and child from the missing family were recovered in Lakhipur, bringing the total to six victims—all from the same family. The Indigenous Tribal Leaders’ Forum (ITLF), a prominent Kuki-Zo organisation, accused Meitei assailants of setting fire to five churches, a school, a petrol pump, and 14 tribal homes in Jiribam.

Meanwhile, in Imphal, a mob targeted the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) office in Haraorok, Imphal East, and later attacked the BJP and Congress offices in Jiribam town. Police reportedly opened fire to disperse the mob, resulting in one fatality.

Erosion of public trust: The violent attacks on political offices and leaders underscored deep public disillusionment with the state’s governance and leadership. The widespread violence has not only deepened the ethnic divide but also exposed the fragile state of law and order, leaving a trail of devastation and mistrust in its wake. The authorities face mounting challenges as they attempt to restore peace while addressing the grievances of the affected communities.

Manipur administration’s measures to address spiralling violence

In response to escalating violence in Manipur, the state administration has implemented stringent measures, including the suspension of mobile internet and data services across seven districts in the Imphal Valley, the imposition of curfews, and the re-enforcement of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) in six police station areas, including the violence-hit Jiribam, Manipur. To strengthen security, the central government deployed 20 additional companies of Central Armed Police Forces (CAPFs)—comprising 15 from the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) and five from the Border Security Force (BSF)—bringing an additional 7,000 personnel into the state.

The National Investigation Agency (NIA) has also taken up investigations into three key cases linked to the recent violence: the murder of a woman in Jiribam, the attack on a CRPF post, and the arson and killings in Borobekra. These steps aim to address the unrest, but significant challenges remain.

Civil society groups express scepticism: Despite these measures, civil society groups have raised concerns about the lack of a unified and effective approach to the crisis. Khuraijam Athouba, spokesperson for the Coordinating Committee on Manipur Integrity (COCOMI), a Meitei civil rights organisation, urged state representatives and MLAs to hold comprehensive discussions and take decisive action to resolve the ongoing conflict.

Divergent demands from the warring communities underscore the complexities of the crisis. While Meitei groups have called for the removal of AFSPA, Kuki groups have demanded the withdrawal of CRPF personnel from Kuki-dominated areas, reflecting the deepening rift over security arrangements.

Calls for leadership accountability: Prominent voices have called for accountability from the state government. Rights activist Irom Sharmila urged Chief Minister N. Biren Singh to take moral responsibility for the unrest and step down.

Political fallout- NPP withdraws support: The crisis has also led to political repercussions. The National People’s Party (NPP), the BJP’s second-largest ally in the state, formally withdrew its support for the government, accusing it of failing to restore law and order. In a letter to BJP President J.P. Nadda, NPP leader Conrad Sangma criticised the administration’s inability to resolve the crisis. However, the withdrawal does not pose an immediate threat to Chief Minister Biren Singh’s government, as the ruling NDA coalition holds a strong majority with 46 MLAs in the 60-member Manipur Legislative Assembly.

Curfews, internet bans and relaxation amid ongoing law and order concerns

Internet suspension extended: The Government of Manipur extended the suspension of mobile internet services in seven districts for an additional three days, citing the prevailing law and order situation. According to a state Home Department order issued on November 20, this decision aims to maintain communal harmony and prevent the spread of misinformation through social media platforms.

Initially imposed on November 16 for two days, the suspension was subsequently extended on November 18 and again on November 20. The affected districts include Imphal West, Imphal East, Bishnupur, Thoubal, Kakching, Kangpokpi, and Churachandpur. Commissioner (Home) N Ashok Kumar stated in the order that the extension would be effective from 5:15 PM on November 20 to 5:15 p.m. on November 23, with exemptions granted only in specific cases, such as government operations. Separately, internet services in Jiribam and Pherzawl districts were also suspended from 11:45 AM on November 19 for two days. However, exceptions were made for leased lines and fibre-to-the-home (FTTH) connections used by government offices or individuals with state-approved exemptions.

The suspension follows heightened tensions after the discovery of six bodies—three women and three children—who had been missing since an encounter on November 11, in which security forces killed ten armed militants. The recovery of the bodies sparked protests, prompting curfews and increased security measures.

Curfew relaxation announced for essential activities: In light of the ongoing curfew imposed in several districts, authorities announced a partial relaxation to allow residents to purchase essentials. The curfew, in effect across Imphal West, Imphal East, Bishnupur, Kakching, and Thoubal districts, was relaxed from 5:00 AM to 12:00 Noon on November 21. On the previous day, November 20, the curfew had been relaxed from 5:00 AM to 10:00 AM.

An order issued by K. Jadumani Singh, Additional District Magistrate of Imphal West, stated that the restriction of movement was temporarily lifted to facilitate the purchase of necessities, including food and medicines. The order also specified that no public gatherings, protests, or rallies would be permitted without prior approval.

Essential services such as healthcare, electricity, water supply, telecom, banking, and media were exempted from the curfew restrictions. Additionally, individuals traveling to and from the airport with valid permits and contractors/workers with airport entry permits were allowed to move freely beyond the relaxation hours.

District magistrates from Imphal East, Bishnupur, Kakching, and Thoubal issued similar directives, ensuring uniformity in the implementation of curfew relaxation across the affected areas.

Union government’s calculated response: The union government has faced consistent criticism for its callous approach to the Manipur crisis. Despite growing calls to either replace Chief Minister Biren Singh or impose President’s Rule, the Modi administration has refrained from taking decisive action. Analysts believe this reluctance stems from political considerations.

As a Meitei leader with considerable influence in the Imphal Valley, Biren Singh is pivotal to the BJP’s electoral strategy. Of the 60 assembly seats, 40 are concentrated in the Meitei-dominated Imphal Valley, making Singh’s leadership crucial for maintaining the BJP’s political base. His removal could destabilise the party’s standing in the region and further polarise the state’s fragile social fabric.

The imposition of President’s Rule is also seen as a politically risky move. In Manipur’s complex socio-political environment, such a step could be interpreted as overreach by New Delhi, potentially alienating local stakeholders. Moreover, it would signal an admission of governance failure, a narrative the Opposition would readily leverage on a national stage. Internationally, instability in Manipur, which borders sensitive regions like Myanmar and China, could have strategic ramifications. Any hasty decision by the Centre risks emboldening insurgent groups or inviting external interference.

A state in crisis: As the conflict in Manipur deepens, the state and central governments face mounting challenges in balancing security, governance, and public sentiment. The unrest has laid bare the complexities of managing ethnic tensions and the consequences of political inertia. While immediate measures like troop deployment and AFSPA enforcement have been implemented, long-term peace and stability will require inclusive dialogue and meaningful reconciliation between the deeply divided communities.

Kuki-Zo MLAs condemn “one-sided” resolutions by Manipur government

On 19 November, a group of 10 Kuki-Zo MLAs in Manipur issued a sharp critique of resolutions adopted during a meeting chaired by Chief Minister N. Biren Singh on 18 November. The meeting, attended by 26 National Democratic Alliance (NDA) MLAs, sought to address the recent violence in the state, including the November 11 Jiribam incident, where three women and three children from a Meitei family were abducted and killed. The Kuki-Zo MLAs accused the state government of exploiting the incident to suppress the tribal community and push a one-sided agenda.

Kuki-Zo MLAs: “Government exploiting tribal community”

The 10 MLAs, comprising seven from the BJP, one Independent, and two from the Kuki People’s Alliance, released a joint statement alleging that the state government has consistently acted against the interests of the tribal community.

Time and again, the one-sided state government has taken undue advantage of the Jiribam incident in suppressing and curtailing the rights of the disadvantaged tribal community,” their statement read.

They criticised the government’s resolution to act decisively if certain demands were not implemented promptly, interpreting it as a veiled threat to the Central NDA government. The resolution had called for reviewing the exemption of AFSPA in six police station areas of the valley. The Kuki-Zo MLAs, however, countered this demand, asserting that AFSPA should be reimposed in all 13 police station areas of the Meitei-majority valley, which currently enjoy exemptions.

Demand for comprehensive mass operations: The BJP MLAs also criticised the state government’s demand for “mass operations” against Kuki militants, labelling it as biased and unfair.

“Mass operations must be conducted all over the state to recover all illegal arms from all militia groups,” the MLAs declared, calling for an impartial crackdown on armed elements across both hill and valley regions.

While the government sought to hand over three specific cases, including the Jiribam killings, to the National Investigation Agency (NIA), the Kuki-Zo legislators demanded a broader scope. They called for all cases of civilian killings in both the valley and the hills to be investigated by the NIA.

Call for balanced accountability: The MLAs criticised the selective labelling of Kuki militants as responsible for the killings, arguing that a fair process should be applied. They urged the government to precede any declarations with the designate on of Arambai Tenggol and Meitei Leepun as Unlawful Organisations under relevant laws. They further alleged that youth volunteers defending their villages against militant attacks were being unfairly targeted.

Village volunteers are not an organisation, but youth defending their villages from murderous attacks by Arambai Tenggol, the so-called G5 (a conglomerate of five underground Meitei outfits) aided by the state police and, in the case of Jiribam, by the CRPF,” the statement read.

Appeal for peaceful dialogue and condemnation of mob attacks: The Kuki-Zo MLAs also highlighted the need for peaceful dialogue as the path forward, urging the government to prioritise negotiations over escalations. Additionally, they condemned the mob attacks on the homes of Meitei legislators, which occurred following public outrage over the November 11 incident.

The statement underscored the need for balanced governance, expressing concern over the deepening divide and calling on authorities to ensure justice for victims of violence, regardless of their community.

It is imperative that the state moves towards reconciliation and equitable justice, avoiding actions that could further marginalise the tribal community,” the MLAs asserted.

The Kuki-Zo legislators’ response highlights the continuing ethnic and political tensions in Manipur, as communities and their representatives remain divided over issues of accountability, security, and governance. Their critique underscores the urgent need for inclusive and impartial measures to restore trust and peace in the state.

Congress calls for resignations of Home Minister Amit Shah and CM Biren Singh over Manipur violence

At a press conference held on 19 November 2024, the All India Congress Committee (AICC) in New Delhi demanded the resignation of Union Home Minister Amit Shah and Manipur Chief Minister N. Biren Singh. The party accused them of failing to control the ongoing violence in Manipur and called for immediate intervention by Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

The press conference was led by Keisham Meghachandra, Congress’s Manipur president, along with Jairam Ramesh, the party’s general secretary in charge of communications, and Girish Chodankar, Congress’s Manipur in-charge.

Addressing the media, Keisham Meghachandra referenced Prime Minister Modi’s 2017 remark that leaders who cannot maintain peace in the state have “no right to govern Manipur.” Meghachandra questioned whether this principle applied to the current BJP-led “double-engine” government in Manipur, given the ongoing ethnic violence and governance failure.

Congress’s five-point charter of demands: During the press meet, Congress outlined a detailed five-point charter of demands aimed at addressing the crisis:

  1. Prime Minister Modi must visit Manipur: Congress insisted that Modi visit Manipur before the winter parliamentary session, scheduled to begin on 25 November. The party urged Modi to engage with residents of relief camps, consult local leaders, and assess the ground situation.
  2. Engagement with delegates from all parties: The Congress demanded that the Prime Minister meet delegations comprising representatives from all political parties, including the BJP and Congress, as homes of legislators from both sides have come under attack amidst the violence.
  3. Appointment of a dedicated governor: Highlighting the absence of a permanent governor, Congress called for the appointment of a full-time governor for Manipur. The post has been held in additional charge by Assam Governor Laksman Acharya since July 2024, after the departure of former governor Anusuiya Uikey.
  4. Accountability from HM Amit Shah and CM N. Biren Singh: The party criticised the alleged “jugalbandi” between HM Amit Shah and CM Biren Singh, accusing them of prioritising political survival over public welfare. The Congress further alleged favouritism and questioned the BJP government’s failure to address drug-related cases in the state.
  5. Immediate action on Supreme Court concerns: The Congress demanded swift action on the Supreme Court’s observations about the state’s constitutional collapse. The apex court had previously flagged the breakdown of law and order in Manipur, which Congress claimed remains unaddressed.

BJP’s inaction under fire: Congress’s Manipur in-charge, Girish Chodankar, criticised the BJP for focusing on protecting Chief Minister Biren Singh instead of restoring stability in the state. “For the past 18 months, the Prime Minister has done nothing but protect the Chief Minister of Manipur,” Chodankar remarked as per India Today, accusing the BJP of neglecting the state’s welfare.

Chodankar reiterated the Congress’s commitment to restoring peace, asserting that “We have tried every possible way to bring stability, but this government has failed. The Prime Minister must respond immediately.”

Rising violence and administrative inaction: The ethnic conflict in Manipur, which began in May 2023, has intensified recently, with 20 deaths reported in November alone, according to some estimates. The violence is rooted in long-standing tensions between the Meitei and Kuki-Zo communities, which have led to physical segregation enforced by buffer zones patrolled by security forces.

Despite Home Minister Amit Shah’s earlier promise of compensation for victims’ families, the Congress criticised the Union Home Ministry for failing to disburse sufficient funds to cover the 226 lives lost, as per official figures.

Congress urges swift action: The Congress party concluded its press conference by demanding urgent measures to address the crisis and restore normalcy in Manipur. The party emphasised that failure to act decisively risks further destabilising the state, worsening the humanitarian crisis, and eroding public trust in governance.

Manipur CM issues notices to MLAs over absence at key meeting amid political turmoil

On November 18, 2024, the Manipur Chief Minister’s Secretariat issued notices to 11 MLAs, including ministers, for failing to attend a crucial meeting convened by Chief Minister N. Biren Singh. The meeting was called to address the worsening law-and-order situation in the state, which has been grappling with persistent ethnic violence.

Among those who did attend the meeting was Manipur’s Rajya Sabha member, Leishemba Sanajaoba, who has been aligned with the ruling BJP. However, seven Kuki-Zo MLAs from the BJP, who have been residing outside the Imphal Valley since the ethnic clashes began on 3 May 2023, were notably absent. This reflects the continuing ethnic divide and the reluctance of Kuki-Zo representatives to participate in valley-centric governance activities.

NPP legislators under scrutiny after party withdraws support: The list of MLAs served notices includes Sheikh Noorul Hassan of the National People’s Party (NPP), representing the Kshetrigao constituency. His absence follows the NPP’s formal withdrawal of support for the BJP-led government on 17 November 2024.

Meanwhile, the NPP has also issued show-cause notices to three of its seven MLAs who defied the party’s decision and attended the meeting. These MLAs are:

  • Mayanglambam Rameswhar Singh (Kakching constituency)
  • Thongam Shanti Singh (Moirang)
  • Irengbam Nalini Devi (Oinam)

An NPP leader based in the Imphal Valley claimed that a signature purportedly belonging to the party’s Tamenglong MLA, Janghemlung Panmei, was forged to suggest his attendance at the meeting. The leader added that the NPP’s State Committee had informed its national president and Meghalaya Chief Minister, Conrad K. Sangma, about the breach, prompting the issuance of show-cause notices.

Most absentees belong to the BJP: Aside from Sheikh Noorul Hassan and Sapam Nishikanta Singh, an independent MLA representing Keishamthong, the remaining MLAs served notices are members of the BJP. Among them are:

  • Khumukcham Joykisan (Thangmeiband)
  • Md Achab Uddin (Jiribam), both of whom had previously defected from the Janata Dal (United).
  • Two other NPP MLAs – N. Kayisii (Tadubi constituency) and Khuraijam Loken Singh (Wangoi) – were notably absent from the meeting but did not receive notices, unlike Mr. Hassan.

Political signals in low attendance: The meeting, attended by only 26 NDA MLAs apart from the Chief Minister, has sparked criticism and raised questions about the BJP’s standing in Manipur. The Manipur Assembly has 60 seats, and the BJP-led NDA coalition held 46 MLAs after the NPP’s withdrawal. However, attendance at the meeting revealed cracks within the ruling coalition.

Prominent Congress leader Jairam Ramesh commented on the development, posting on social media platform X:

The Manipur Assembly has 60 MLAs. Last night, the CM of Manipur called a meeting in Imphal of all MLAs belonging to the NDA. Other than him, only 26 showed up. Of these 26, 4 belong to the NPP whose National President has already written to the BJP National President withdrawing support to the present CM.”

Ramesh suggested the low turnout was a clear indication of the BJP’s dwindling support in the state.

A fractured coalition amidst a state in crisis: The political situation in Manipur remains volatile, with the BJP-led government facing increasing challenges from within its coalition. The ethnic violence, coupled with growing dissatisfaction among allies and legislators, has left the government struggling to maintain cohesion. The absence of MLAs from critical meetings highlights the deep divisions within the ruling coalition, further exacerbating the challenges of governance in a state already wracked by communal tensions.

Former Manipur Governor questions PM Modi’s absence amid ongoing violence

Anusuiya Uikey, former Governor of Manipur, has expressed her surprise and disappointment over Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s failure to visit the violence-stricken state despite multiple appeals from civil society and her own repeated requests.

Speaking to ThePrint in an interview on 20 November 2024, Uikey emphasised the importance of restoring trust in the state, which has been plagued by ethnic violence between the majority Meitei community and the Kuki-Zo tribal population since May 2023.

Appeals to the Prime Minister ignored: Reflecting on her tenure, Uikey revealed that during her time as Governor, from February 2023 to July 2024, she regularly relayed the demands of the people to the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO). These included fervent calls for the Prime Minister to visit Manipur to address the escalating crisis.

“People of the state wanted the PM to visit, and they kept making requests, which I sent to the PMO. But I don’t know why he has not visited,” Uikey said, expressing her bewilderment at the lack of response. Her comments highlight a growing sentiment of alienation among Manipur’s population, who feel their concerns have been overlooked by the central leadership.

Renewed violence a setback to peace efforts: Uikey also shared her distress over the recent resurgence of violence in November 2024, following a brief lull in hostilities. She described the fresh outbreak as deeply disheartening, particularly given the fragile stability that had been achieved in the preceding months.

Traditionally, Manipur has been a state of rich culture and art. It is a beautiful state, but the recent violence has disrupted the peace that was established. I am deeply shocked by the brutality of events, like the killing and burning of a Hmar woman in Jiribam district on 7 November, which is a stark reminder of the ongoing turmoil,” she said.

A call for trust-building and mutual peace: Uikey believes that the restoration of mutual trust between the two communities, facilitated by the central government, is the only path to lasting peace.

“The central government needs to take concrete steps to build confidence and mutual trust among the communities. Without this, enduring peace will remain elusive,” she asserted while speaking to The Print.Her tenure as governor during the conflict’s peak provided her with firsthand insight into the complexity of the crisis. Despite her efforts to mediate between communities and defuse tensions, the violence persisted, underscoring the deep-seated mistrust and ethnic divide.

An ‘international hand’ behind the conflict? Adding another layer to the discourse, Uikey suggested the possibility of an international influence exacerbating the conflict.
There is an international hand behind the conflict, which is why the violence cannot be stopped despite the Centre’s efforts,” she alleged. While she refrained from elaborating on this claim, her comments suggest the presence of external actors who might be exploiting local tensions for geopolitical gains, particularly given Manipur’s strategic location near the borders with Myanmar and China.

A plea for peace amidst chaos: Amid growing calls for Chief Minister N. Biren Singh’s resignation over his handling of the crisis, Uikey defended his leadership. She implied that external factors, rather than Singh’s governance, were responsible for the prolonged unrest in the state.

How it has unfolded, I don’t know, but I appeal to all people in Manipur to build confidence and mutual trust for enduring peace,” she said, reiterating the need for unity and reconciliation.

In her closing remarks, Uikey issued an earnest appeal to the people of Manipur to prioritise confidence-building and mutual understanding. She expressed hope that these efforts, combined with decisive action by the Centre, could pave the way for stability in the region.

The former governor’s candid reflections highlight the depth of the crisis in Manipur and the urgent need for both local and central leadership to take meaningful steps toward resolving the conflict and addressing the grievances of the affected communities.

Licypriya Kangujam claims censorship of Facebook account amidst activism

Licypriya Kangujam, a 13-year-old climate activist from Manipur, has alleged that her official Facebook account has been restricted in India following her outspoken comments on the recent abduction and killing of six Meitei women and children in Jiribam.

Taking to social media platform X (formerly Twitter) on Wednesday, Kangujam directly addressed Prime Minister Narendra Modi, accusing him of being fearful of her activism.

Mr @narendramodi, scared of me? That’s why you work on his behest?” she questioned, insinuating that her account was restricted under the government’s directive as an attempt to suppress her voice.

 

Criticism of Meta and claims of injustice: Kangujam did not mince words in her criticism of Meta, Facebook’s parent company, for what she described as an unjust action. She shared a notification from Facebook explaining that her profile had been restricted within India under Section 69A of the Information Technology Act, which permits the government to block access to digital content deemed harmful to public order or national security.

I didn’t violate any policy or community standards of Facebook,” she wrote in her post. “Kindly unrestrict it ASAP. Never ever think to attempt to silence my voice,” she added, emphasising her commitment to continuing her activism despite attempts to suppress her.

The teenager’s frustration was evident as she accused the authorities and Meta of targeting her for speaking out about the tragic Jiribam killings.

Activism and alleged silencing: Kangujam has been vocal about the ongoing ethnic violence in Manipur, which has sharply divided the state along communal lines. Her comments on the Jiribam incident—in which six individuals from the Meitei community were abducted and killed—have brought renewed attention to the issue. Her social media activism has often placed her at the forefront of raising awareness about human rights and environmental issues in the region. However, her outspokenness has also made her a target for criticism and, now, alleged censorship.

Government’s use of Section 69A of the IT Act: The restriction of Kangujam’s Facebook account under Section 69A of the IT Act has sparked questions about the application of this provision. While the government can use this law to block digital content that it considers a threat to national security, public order, or sovereignty, critics argue that it is sometimes employed to stifle dissent and suppress voices critical of the administration. Kangujam’s case has reignited debates about the balance between maintaining public order and safeguarding freedom of expression in a democracy.

A voice for change: Despite the challenges, Kangujam remains resolute in her activism. Her stance reflects the resilience of a young generation unafraid to confront authority and raise awareness about critical social and environmental issues. The incident underscores the growing role of digital platforms in enabling activism while also highlighting the risks of censorship and the contentious intersection of government policies with online freedoms. As Kangujam’s allegations gain traction, they add another layer to the already complex and volatile situation in Manipur.

No end in sight: Manipur’s spiralling crisis deepens

‘Coffin Rally’ announced by Kuki organisations: Manipur’s volatile situation shows no signs of abating, with Kuki organisations planning a ‘coffin rally’ in Churachandpur on Tuesday, November 21, to commemorate 10 Kuki-Zo youths allegedly killed in a gunfight with security forces in Jiribam district on November 11.

The rally, organised by the Zomi Students’ Federation (ZSF), Kuki Students’ Organisation (KSO), and Hmar Students’ Association (HSA), calls on schools and colleges to send students from Class 10 onwards, clad in black shirts, to participate in the procession. A notice issued by the groups on Monday stated that 10 symbolic coffins would be carried during the rally to honour the deceased. The actual bodies remain in the mortuary of a local hospital.

The bodies, initially sent to Assam’s Silchar for postmortems, arrived in Churachandpur—a Kuki-majority district—on Saturday afternoon. However, the Indigenous Tribal Leaders’ Forum (ITLF), a prominent Kuki-Zo organisation, announced on Sunday that the funerals would be delayed until the families receive postmortem reports.

Allegations against security forces: Manipur Police have reported that the deceased were suspected militants killed in an encounter with security forces. The alleged insurgents, dressed in camouflage gear and wielding sophisticated weapons, reportedly attacked the Borobekra Police Station and a nearby CRPF camp in Jakuradhor, Jiribam district, on November 11. The attack included the abduction of six civilians, comprising three women and three children, according to police accounts.

The incident has drawn criticism over the handling of the situation by security forces. The CRPF, tasked with restoring peace in the region, has faced allegations of bias and inaction from both sides of the conflict. Meitei organisations claim that the previously deployed Assam Rifles were too lenient with Kuki militants, while Kuki groups have expressed distrust in the CRPF’s ability to safeguard their communities.

Growing discontent with central leadership: Adding to the frustration is Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s absence from Manipur, despite 16 months of continuous ethnic violence. Civil society and opposition groups have repeatedly urged the Prime Minister to visit the state, but he has remained silent on the crisis. Similarly, Union Home Minister Amit Shah has faced criticism for failing to take decisive action, especially as over 6,500 firearms and thousands of rounds of ammunition have been looted, with disarmament efforts remaining insufficient.

Polarised demands and escalating divisions: The ethnic conflict has polarised the demands of the Meitei and Kuki communities. Meitei organisations like the Coordinating Committee on Manipur Integrity (COCOMI) have called for immediate military action against Kuki militants, along with the repeal of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA), which they argue has exacerbated the conflict. In contrast, Kuki groups continue to push for a separate administration, asserting that coexistence with the Meitei majority is no longer feasible.

Critics have pointed to a broader political conspiracy behind the violence. Some Meitei groups link the escalation to remarks made by Mizoram Chief Minister Lalduhoma in the United States. Lalduhoma advocated for a “Christian nation” uniting Kuki-Zo populations across India, Myanmar, and Bangladesh. Meitei leaders argue that such declarations have emboldened cross-border Kuki groups to seize land, allegedly to further the goal of a larger Kuki-dominated region.

Security forces under scrutiny: The role of security forces remains contentious, with both communities accusing them of partiality. Meitei groups distrust the Assam Rifles, while Kuki organisations criticise the CRPF’s ability to protect their interests. This breakdown in faith towards security agencies has left many civilians vulnerable, exacerbating the crisis in a state where law and order appears non-existent.

A humanitarian crisis without resolution: As the violence continues, the human toll mounts. The state remains deeply fractured, with buffer zones patrolled by security forces separating Kuki and Meitei areas. Amidst the chaos, the fundamental need for restoration of trust between communities and decisive action from the central government has never been more urgent. The ‘coffin rally’ symbolises not just the grief of the Kuki community but also the enduring wounds of a conflict that shows no signs of resolution. Without meaningful intervention, the cycle of violence in Manipur risks deepening an already tragic humanitarian crisis.

Manipur Tribal MLAs plan joint protest in Delhi, demand CM’s removal and separate administration

Unified protest by tribal legislators: In a significant development, ten tribal legislators from Manipur, including seven from the ruling BJP and three Independents, have announced plans for a joint protest in Delhi during the first week of December. Their primary demands include the removal of CM N. Biren Singh and the establishment of a separate administration for tribal communities. This will mark the first time these MLAs, who have previously raised these demands individually, are uniting on a common platform.

The decision to hold the protest at Jantar Mantar was finalised during a meeting in Churachandpur involving three of the ten MLAs, representatives of Civil Society Organisations (CSOs), and members from 25 Kuki groups that have signed the Suspension of Operation (SoO) agreement.

One of the legislators, speaking on condition of anonymity with The Wire, said, “We have previously written or spoken about the need for the Chief Minister’s removal and other issues, but the recent events have compelled us to come together and present a unified voice.”

Route to Delhi- circumventing Imphal: Security concerns have forced most of the MLAs to avoid Imphal, the Meitei-majority state capital. Instead, they will travel to Aizawl before flying to Delhi. This reluctance stems from perceived threats in Imphal, despite the state government’s assurances of their safety. These MLAs, who represent tribal constituencies, have not attended any assembly sessions or recent government meetings, including a key one held by CM Biren Singh earlier this week.

Renewed ethnic clashes worsen crisis: Manipur has been embroiled in ethnic violence for nearly 18 months, with over 240 people killed and tens of thousands displaced. The state is deeply divided along ethnic lines, with Meiteis predominantly in the plains of the Imphal Valley and Kuki-Zo communities concentrated in the hills. Despite deploying additional troops and reimposing the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) in conflict-hit areas, the Centre has struggled to contain the escalating tensions.

Suspension of operation agreement- a contentious issue: Representatives of the SoO groups—comprising 25 Kuki militant organisations—also participated in the Churachandpur meeting. The SoO agreement, a tripartite pact signed in 2008 between the Centre, the Manipur government, and Kuki militant groups, has been annually renewed to maintain peace. However, the agreement expired earlier this year, leaving its future uncertain.

In February, the Manipur Assembly unanimously passed a resolution urging the Centre to abrogate the agreement, accusing militant groups of violating its terms. The CM has since demanded its termination, while tribal groups argue for its continuation as a safeguard for their communities. Although the SoO representatives will not participate in the Delhi protest, their presence at preparatory meetings underscores their vested interest in the ongoing conflict and its resolution.

Protest agenda- amplifying tribal voices: The tribal MLAs plan to present a detailed account of the October 15 meeting between 15 state legislators from Meitei, Kuki-Zo-Hmar, and Naga communities and central government representatives. This meeting, convened by the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA), was an attempt to broker peace.

The MLAs have been advised to clarify their stance on critical issues, including their demands for a separate administration, the ongoing ethnic strife, and the central government’s role in facilitating dialogue. Additionally, they are expected to share updates with their constituencies if the MHA initiates another round of talks.

A political and humanitarian impasse: Manipur’s society remains fractured, with communities retreating into ethnic strongholds. Meiteis dominate the Imphal Valley, while the Kukis control the surrounding hills. This geographic and ethnic segregation has only worsened amid escalating violence and reprisal attacks.

The planned protest highlights not only the discontent within the tribal community but also the failure of administrative and political mechanisms to address the root causes of the conflict. The unified front of the ten MLAs signals a turning point in their strategy to press for political and administrative changes, potentially increasing pressure on the central government to intervene decisively in Manipur’s prolonged crisis.

Without effective dialogue and resolution, the state risks further descent into instability, with ethnic hostilities threatening to undermine Manipur’s social fabric.

 

Related:

Fresh violence grips Manipur: Clashes in Jiribam and widespread protests after rape and brutal killings

“Leaked Intelligence report” on alleged Kuki militants entering Manipur from Myanmar sparks panic, later retracted by authorities

Manipur plunges into deeper turmoil amid fresh violence and drone attacks since early September

Manipur on Edge: Violent Clashes Erupt on the day following Kuki-Zo Protests Demanding Separate Administration, action against state CM based on leaked tapes

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‘We are considered servants, not humans’: Women of Jai Bhim Nagar reveal the violence of domestic work https://sabrangindia.in/we-are-considered-servants-not-humans-women-of-jai-bhim-nagar-reveal-the-violence-of-domestic-work/ Mon, 18 Nov 2024 12:35:43 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=38823 As the first rays of dawn hit the broad, grey-bricked footpaths of Powai’s Hiranandani locality, Darshana begins her day. Inside the blue hues of her current “home”— the tarpaulin-covered dwelling within which she, her family, and hundreds of others rendered homeless by the BMC-led demolition of their houses, have been living for the past five months—she starts her day with work. She washes dishes, cleans the cement side-walk on which rest the mattresses her family and she sleep on, and prepares meals on wood-fired chulas using the limited utensils she was able to salvage before the kitchen in her home was destroyed by bulldozers. By the time the sun shines bright, she has readied her two children, fed them, and sent them to school.

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Now her work begins. Darshana and many like her march into one of the double-digit numbered apartments among the many high-rise Hiranandani buildings.  From 10 am to 7:30 pm, she manages the household of her employers. Her tasks involve doing the dishes, dusting, mopping, laundry, cooking, and often additional tasks around the house that go unaccounted for. She has been working with this family for around four years now. While in that time, life as she knew it has entirely upturned, almost none of that reflects in the everyday realities of her job: she is still expected to arrive on time, stay beyond mutually decided work hours, and do all of the household chores with utmost precision. “Woh bada log hai, galat karte hai toh gussa ho jaate, 2 baat toh sunna hi padta hai.” (They’re big people. If we do something wrong, they get angry, and we have to listen to their two cents), she says, elaborating that mistakes include forgetting a task or making too much noise while organising the dishes. On Sundays, her employers are at home while she works and she faces more scrutiny, in her ability and her movement around the house.

On June 6, 2024, when her home was demolished, Darshana’s employers had permitted her a couple of days off work to deal with the disruption her life had faced. However, three days later, she received a phone call from them, asking her to return to work. “Woh boli ‘agar tum nahi aayi, dusre bai ko lagaungi’ ”.  (She told me that if I don’t come back, they will keep some other bai, and I will be out of a job),  Darshana shared. “Unko adjust nahi ho raha tha. Woh boli dusre bai logg wapis aa gaye…Boli ‘bhaade mein room le lo aur aa jao kaam pe’. Aasan thodi hai! (She said she wasn’t able to adjust and that all the other bai logg had returned to work, so I must also. She just said, ‘Quickly rent a room or something somewhere, and come back,’ as if it is an easy thing to do.)

Despite this, Darshana maintains that her ‘madam’ is good and one of the nicer ones. When her neighbour, Jaya returned to work two days after the demolition, she was asked to leave as her employer had “kept” someone else. “Woh batayi, ‘ghar ka thikana nahi, kaam kaise karogi? Ghar dekh lo, phir kaam pe aana’. 2000 de ke nikaal diya.” (She told me, ‘You have no home, how will you work? First figure your home situation out, and then go back to work’, and saying this, she paid me Rs. 2000 and removed me from work.) Two weeks later, Jaya felt lucky to find another job at a different building, which paid half of her previous job. Many, many other women in the basti have faced similar job loss, after already facing the destruction of their homes. Many of them have not been able to procure another job yet. They yearn for the meagre 2000-4000 per month, as it would have been better than the debilitating lack of income they face now.

In this moment of pronounced systemic injustice, the regular and everyday uncertainty of the nature of their livelihoods as domestic workers—which offers none of the rights justly exercised by their white-collar employers or those in the organised sector—is made clearer. Domestic work is not part of the statutory employment list, leaving them outside the ambit of basic worker protections such as minimum wages, paid leaves, collective bargaining, workplace safety, ESI/Provident Fund, annual bonus, and so on.

The imagined separation of the home as the woman’s abode of unpaid labour and the world outside as that of the productive male bread-earner is a patriarchal myth used by the capitalist mode of production. Recognising the home as a place of work is a struggle against the public – private gendered division of work. Most women domestic workers do not have any written contract specifying the exact services being bought, with many unpaid tasks being extracted. They can be terminated without serving any notice period. Even when the Maharashtra government recently set up the Gharelu Kamgar Kalyan Mandal, a welfare board envisioned by a 2008 state law, it clearly avoided recognising domestic work as ‘work’. Roughly ten thousand of the fifteen lakh domestic workers estimated to be working in Maharashtra’s major cities are covered by this welfare measure to provide one-time cash transfers for maternity and old age. As a result, workers are either left to the employer or State’s dole or benevolence, as worthy recipients of charity, or criminalised as “suspicious elements” in the city. It is not uncommon to find false cases of theft being lodged when workers demand basic rights, even facing violence and sexual abuse at the hands of the employers.

The women of Jai Bhim Nagar, who work in similar gated colonies, face distinct shades of this continued violence. They recount their experiences of being thoroughly screened at the gates of the buildings upon their entry and departure. “Guard purse mein haath dal kar check karte, dekhte hai kitna paisa hai, kya kya hai. Aur exit ke time, wapis check karte. Jab paghar milta hai, madam ko gate paas likhna padta hai.”(The guards put their hands inside our purses when we go in, and make a list of all of the items and money in it. When we return, they check again, to make sure that it is the same. When we get paid, our madams have to write us a gate-pass to allow us to take our salary home) shares Sarita, who recognises the implicit discrimination inherent in these routine practices. Jaya shares a similar anecdote, following up with the request to not have her real name mentioned, “Madam-sir dekh liye toh, unke groups mein daal denge ki hum kaise hai, aur phir koi nahi rakhega,” (If my sir and madam find out I am saying this, they will remove me and tell all the other houses not to keep me). She laments that this network of domestic work employers are brutal and their actions, ironic: while the women entering to work in their buildings are given no basic respect, they are expected to maintain the same for their employers. Upon not adhering, they will be replaced.

Since the demolition, Jai Bhim Nagar’s women’s lives, which have always carried the double burden of domestic labour, have become even harsher. The drudgery of their work at home was multiplied by the absence of electricity, water, and household assets they had spent years accumulating. This has meant that they spend longer hours working—the lives of most women at Jai Bhim Nagar and across the slums of Mumbai, has always been mired by the multiple types of labour that every waking hour is spent completing. For instance, irregular water supply and unsanitary toilets, giving rise to diseases, affect them more as taking care of the children and the aged is considered the woman’s responsibility. This is also reflected in how women are at the forefront of the struggle for rehabilitation, leading many delegations and protests demanding regular and clean water supply, sanitary living conditions and fumigation of mosquitoes from the municipality.

The demolition in Jai Bhim Nagar was on the basis of a complaint to the state Human Rights Commission that ‘unauthorised construction’ (referring to Jai Bhim Nagar) violates the human rights of the public at large staying in the said locality. Ironically, for most women living in Jai Bhim Nagar who are domestic workers in its high-rises, their very settlement was premised on improving the quality of life in the area. They were housed there, allowed to live, on the condition that they would not withhold their labour for domestic work, casual construction, electrical and other mechanical jobs, and so on. This is a paradox of neoliberal urbanisation. Cities are de-industrialised, throwing toiling people to the margins of the metropolis, and in their place emerge globally-networked centres of finance and services. The dreams of the land sharks, town planners, and those who come to inhabit these oases of opulence, is to create a ‘world class’ city to function as nodes of circulation of global finance and hi-tech activities of diverse nature, sanitised of all toiling humanity. This has only one roadblock: Essential labour such as domestic work, sanitation, construction, and various types of services requires that working people live near enough to their city without disturbing its lifeless beauty.

The need to exploit people’s capacity to work cannot be eliminated as long as profit remains the motor force of society. The basti, the barrio, the favela, the ghetto, the shanty town – the clinking wine glasses in infinity pools on top of the highest sky-rise face their horrific presence in the skyline. With a grin they seem to declare: Hamin ast -o- hamin ast -o- hamin ast!

This routinely takes on stark appearances when there is a minimum of resistance, such as in 2017 when a Bengali migrant domestic worker, Zohra, in Noida’s posh Mahagun Moderne gated community went to demand her wage dues and was forcefully withheld[1]. As the Uttar Pradesh police hesitated to file a complaint against the powerful employers, the Sethis, agitated residents from Zohra’s slum gathered outside the building complex for her release. This escalated to the private security firing on the crowd and the basti-dwellers being framed for ‘rioting’, theft and other criminal charges. The American estate-management company running the high-rises identified and blacklisted 80+ women domestic workers, a malicious media campaign painted the Bengali-speaking Muslims as ‘illegal Bangladeshi infiltrators’, and Zohra’s entire basti of 60 homes was promptly demolished by the police. Then BJP MP Mahesh Sharma assured the residents that 13 arrested slum-dwellers would not receive bail for years. The usefulness of insecure housing as a disciplining strategy for the urban precarity cannot be emphasised enough.

The precarity of “unauthorized living” unfolding through the demolition of Jai Bhim Nagar has only made visible the violence woven into the lives they live. As many of them have articulated, “Woh humme naukar samjhte hai, insaan nahi.” (We are primarily seen as servants, not as people). In singular systemic moments of crisis or collapse, such as slum demolitions, the reality of “unauthorised living” worsens an existing reality, whether that is of adult women facing precarity in their livelihoods as domestic workers, or young girls beginning to work as domestic workers, losing their right to education.

Capital thrives on cheap labour and segmentation. The working class, after being denied any claims to urban citizenry, ask whose city it is, whose space it is, and militantly asserts its inalienable right to dignity of labour, and all the resources that keep this labour thriving. The working class people of Jai Bhim Nagar are fighting for housing, health, education, and civic amenities such as water and electricity—the cost of their ‘social reproduction’. The movement is now proceeding with the demand for proper rehabilitation which is a political demand for a dignified and free life. Linked to this, is the possibility of taking this struggle against exploitation to the site of production, to the connected workplaces—asking for higher wages and better working conditions.

 

[1] See our earlier fact-finding report. COLLECTIVE. (2017). FF report on the incident in Noida on 11-12 July 2017. Published on 14 July 2017. Accessed on https://collective-india.com/fact-finding-noida-domestic-worker-case/.

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Fresh violence grips Manipur: Clashes in Jiribam and widespread protests after rape and brutal killings https://sabrangindia.in/fresh-violence-grips-manipur-clashes-in-jiribam-and-widespread-protests-after-rape-and-brutal-killings/ Tue, 12 Nov 2024 12:39:23 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=38693 Amid increasing violence in Jiribam, protests grow over the alleged rape of a tribal woman and the government’s response to ethnic violence in the region, death of 11 Hmar men, alleged to be suspected militants, follow at the hands of security forces

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Since the outbreak of violence in May last year, tensions have escalated, displacing thousands, disrupting livelihoods, and leaving lasting trauma in the north eastern state of Manipur. The recent killings of two women in separate incidents have ignited further protests, highlighted the ongoing security concerns and amplified the calls for greater protections and justice. With over 60,000 people now displaced, the conflict has taken on the proportions of a humanitarian crisis, prompting government responses that, for many affected families, fall short of offering a path back to normalcy.

Since November 7, Manipur has witnessed a series of deeply disturbing violent events, heightening ethnic tensions and plunging the region into further unrest. The recent murder of Zosangkim Hmar, a 38-year-old Hmar tribal woman, has left a traumatic imprint on the community. Attacked in her own village in Jiribam district, Zosangkim reportedly endured horrific violence—including being shot, raped, and burned alive by alleged members of the extremist Arambai Tenggoll group. Her brutal death has fuelled intense protests across the state, especially among Kuki-Zo women, who gathered en masse to demand justice and condemn what they view as insufficient action by the authorities. Meanwhile, just days later, another woman was shot dead while working in the fields in Bishnupur district, adding to the growing concerns over safety in conflict-prone rural areas.

In response, security forces have heightened operations in affected areas, leading to an exchange of gunfire with alleged militants, leaving 11 dead and injuring CRPF personnel. While the police are justifying their action under the guise of killing militants, the Kuki community is alleging that they were just volunteers. The violence has not only brought attention to the dire need for more protective measures but has also intensified calls for autonomy from the Kuki-Zo community, who feel systemically neglected and vulnerable. Amid the escalating conflict, over 60,000 displaced residents, including thousands of children, struggle to find stability and security in relief camps, where mental health concerns and substance abuse among youth are rising. Manipur’s prolonged ethnic strife has now reached a critical juncture, with affected communities calling for sustained governmental intervention to curb violence, protect lives, and ensure justice for victims.

Violent rape and murder of Hmar tribal woman sparks outrage

The brutal rape and murder of 38-year-old Hmar tribal woman, Zosangkim, has sent shockwaves through Manipur’s Jiribam district, intensifying the already volatile ethnic tensions in the region. Zosangkim, a mother of three, was attacked on November 7, allegedly by members of the extremist Meitei group Arambai Tenggoll. Reports from the Indigenous Tribal Advocacy Committee (ITAC) suggest that the attackers, armed with sophisticated weaponry, began firing indiscriminately at the villagers of Zairawn. As the villagers fled to nearby forests for safety, Zosangkim, unable to escape due to being shot in the leg, was left behind and subjected to a horrific ordeal. According to ITAC, she was raped and then burned alive in her own home. The gruesome nature of the attack has sparked outrage and calls for justice across the state. It is also essential to note that the attackers had also set fire to 10 houses in the village, further displacing families and escalating the violence.

Her husband has filed a complaint with law enforcement authorities, prompting the registration of a case. Due to limited forensic facilities in Jiribam, Zosangkim’s remains were transferred to Silchar in Assam for a thorough examination. The attack has been condemned by ITAC as an act of ethnic cleansing, with the organisation urging immediate government intervention to protect vulnerable communities in the region. The killing has not only deepened the fear and resentment among the Kuki-Zo tribes but also added fuel to the fire of the ongoing ethnic conflict between the valley-based Meitei community and the hill-based Kuki-Zo groups. ITAC and other tribal leaders have described the attack as a direct assault on the community, warning that such acts of violence could lead to further escalation if left unaddressed. The rising unrest has prompted protests, with the Kuki-Zo community demanding justice for Zosangkim and better security for their people.

“There was a gunfight, and the village was attacked last night. Around ten houses were burnt. The villagers informed us about the death of a Hmar community woman. They have taken the body. Our forensic teams are on the spot. There is no violence at the moment,” senior government officer from Jiribam as quoted by Hindustan Times.

Protests and outcry from Kuki-Zo women against targeted violence

In response to the horrific sexual assault of the tribal woman, hundreds of Kuki-Zo women organised demonstrations, with major protests taking place in Saikul Hill Town. Led by the Kuki Women Union Saikul and supported by the Committee on Tribal Unity (CoTU), the protesters expressed anger over the alleged inaction of the Jiribam District Administration and security forces, including the CRPF and Assam Rifles, accusing them of failing to protect the tribal community despite previous assurances. Protesters carried banners reading “We Condemn the Brutal Killing of Zosangkim Hmar” and “We Demand Union Territory with Legislature.” Prominent leaders, like Ngahpi Chongloi of the Kuki Women Union, expressed their disillusionment with the peace agreement signed in August, which they say gave the villagers a false sense of security. The protestors vowed to continue demonstrations until justice is served and perpetrators are held accountable.

Calls for greater security and autonomy

In the wake of the brutal rape and murder of Zosangkim Hmar, hundreds of Kuki-Zo women organised large-scale protests to demand justice, accountability, and greater security for their community. The protests, which quickly spread across the region, reached a peak in Saikul Hill Town, where a significant demonstration was led by the Kuki Women Union Saikul and supported by the Committee on Tribal Unity (CoTU). The anger of the protestors was palpable as they condemned not only the horrific crime but also the systemic neglect they believe their community has faced. The protesters gathered in the streets carrying banners emblazoned with slogans such as “We Condemn the Brutal Killing of Zosangkim Hmar” and “We Demand Union Territory with Legislature,” calling for urgent government action to address their long-standing grievances.

The demonstrators accused the Jiribam District Administration and security forces, including the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) and Assam Rifles, of failing to protect the tribal communities in the region, despite previous assurances of safety. Leaders from Kuki-Zo organisations expressed frustration over the lack of meaningful intervention, especially after the peace agreement signed in August, which they claim failed to bring the promised stability. Prominent figures like Ngahpi Chongloi, from the Kuki Women Union, openly voiced their disillusionment with the agreement, arguing that it created a false sense of security for the vulnerable tribal villages. They believed that instead of fostering peace, the agreement merely masked deeper issues of systemic violence and ethnic tensions. The protesters pledged to keep the pressure on authorities, vowing to continue their demonstrations until justice is served, the perpetrators are brought to account, and concrete steps are taken to ensure the safety and dignity of the Kuki-Zo community in the region. 

 

Violence in response of violence

Just one day after the violence in Jiribam, which claimed the life of a woman, a fresh attack took place in Manipur’s Bishnupur district, leading to the death of 34-year-old Sapam Sophia Leima. The incident occurred on Saturday morning in Saiton village, a region that lies on the border between the Meitei-dominated Bishnupur district and the Kuki-Zo-dominated Churachandpur district.

According to police reports, a group of armed assailants, believed to be from Kuki-Zo communities, opened fire on a group of farmers working in a paddy field at Lailampat. In response, Border Security Force (BSF) personnel stationed in the area returned fire. However, the situation quickly escalated as local residents, outraged by the incident, staged a protest at the BSF post, holding the deceased woman’s body and accusing the central forces of negligence in handling the situation.

Alleged gunfight between security forces and militants leaves 11 dead in Jiribam

On November 11, violence in Jiribam district saw another escalation when media reported that an alleged gunfight broke out between security forces and suspected militants, which resulted in the death of 11 Hmar men. As per the official version provided, the confrontation began when suspected militants, reportedly armed and dressed in camouflage, launched a coordinated attack on a police station and a nearby CRPF camp. Security forces responded swiftly, resulting in a heavy exchange of fire that lasted over 40 minutes. The clashes led to the deaths of 11 individuals. However, the official narrative has sparked controversy, as many in the local Kuki-Zo community and human rights groups question the accuracy of this classification. Two CRPF personnel were also injured during the battle, with one in critical condition.

 

The officials also provided that the violence did not end with the gunfight itself; the suspected militants had also set fire to several shops and homes near Jakurador Karong market and Borobekra police station. 

This additional destruction has compounded the ongoing crisis in the area, displacing locals and escalating tensions. Security forces have launched further operations to “flush out” the militants, deploying reinforcements from the Assam Rifles, CRPF, and local police.

However, the deaths of the 11 individuals have sparked outrage and growing controversy. While the state has labelled them as militants, the Kuki-Zo community and several human rights advocates have questioned this identification. Many argue that these individuals may not have been militants at all and were instead civilians or non-combatants caught in the crossfire. This recurrent issue of labelling deceased individuals as militants, without independent investigations or clear evidence, has fuelled deep mistrust within the affected communities. The state’s narrative is seen by some as a convenient justification for the ongoing military operations and the suppression of ethnic groups in the region. The calls for impartial investigations into these deaths and the proper classification of the deceased are growing louder, with demands for transparency and justice.

In response to the deadly confrontation, the Kuki-Zo Council declared a shutdown in the hill areas from 5 am to 6 pm on November 12, to “express collective grief and solidarity” with those who lost their lives. 

Despite efforts from security forces to regain control of the area, including additional deployments and increased operations, clashes and intermittent gunfire continue to be reported, particularly in the Imphal Valley. Tensions remain high as armed groups from both the Meitei and Kuki-Zo communities engage in violent confrontations, further exacerbating the already fragile security situation. The ongoing violence, coupled with the controversial handling of the deaths, has intensified calls for a comprehensive peace process that addresses the root causes of the conflict and ensures justice for all those affected.

Mounting ethnic tensions and humanitarian concerns amid Manipur’s escalating crisis

Manipur has been wracked by ethnic violence since last year, primarily between the valley-based Meitei community and the hill-based Kuki-Zo groups. The death of Zosangkim Hmar and other following incidents have intensified these divides, as Kuki-Zo leaders have publicly criticised what they see as the government’s inadequate response to the escalating violence. While central security forces have been deployed, many local residents feel that the conflict is being treated as a mere law-and-order issue, rather than a pressing humanitarian crisis that requires a more comprehensive approach.

The Kuki-Zo organisations and leaders have issued statements urging the government to take decisive action not only for immediate safety but also to establish long-term protections and ensure justice for the victims of the violence. In a statement, one Kuki-Zo spokesperson stressed the ongoing trauma faced by their communities, describing the emotional and physical toll of the violence and urging immediate intervention for peace and stability. As ethnic violence persists in regions like Jiribam and parts of Imphal Valley, residents express fear over worsening conditions and call for stronger, more proactive government involvement to prevent future bloodshed and support conflict-affected communities.

The recent string of violent incidents has also highlighted the precarious situation for farmers in Manipur’s conflict-prone areas, as attacks and gunfire from militants have disrupted the harvest season, with many farmers now fearful of working in the fields. The mounting crisis has displaced thousands, destroyed countless homes, and left hundreds of people dead, with local relief camps struggling to provide adequate shelter and resources. As the conflict between Meitei and Kuki-Zo communities continues, the region faces deepening humanitarian needs that many fears may take years to resolve, underscoring calls for a peace-building process that addresses both immediate security concerns and the underlying ethnic and political tensions fuelling the violence.

Deep homesickness among Manipur’s displaced despite government assistance

The violence that erupted in Manipur on May 3 last year has left a devastating mark, with over 60,000 people displaced, more than 230 killed, 1,500 injured, and 32 missing. Among the displaced are over 24,000 children under 18. Many internally displaced persons (IDPs) are currently living in government relief camps, feeling the pangs of homesickness as they enter another month away from their homes. According to a recent estimate, Manipur’s population has grown from 28.56 lakh in the 2011 Census to around 36.49 lakh in 2024, reflecting the vast scale of displacement in the state.

A report of the Hindustan Times provided an insight into the mental state of the people suffering through this displacement. Lucky, a displaced resident from Moreh, now at Porompat Relief Camp in Imphal East, told Hindustan Times that the government’s efforts to support IDPs have been largely appreciated. He noted that IDPs and displaced students (IDS) receive essential aid, including free education in nearby private and public schools. However, he emphasised that the peace process needs to accelerate to allow IDPs to finally return home.

The psychological toll on children, especially in the early months of displacement, has been severe. According to Lucky, many children experienced intense trauma, often crying and screaming in their sleep with haunting memories of the violence, expressing fears like, “Don’t hurt us” and “Don’t kill us.” The HT report also provides that there is a 12-year-old girl residing at another relief camp in Imphal West district shared her lingering fear of loud noises, saying, “They remind me of the night of May 3 in Churachandpur, when we were fleeing, and my father was assaulted trying to protect us.” Despite the resources at her new school, including uniforms, textbooks, and transportation, she expressed a longing to return home.

Her mother added that the government has organised free health camps and mental health awareness sessions, which have helped all ages to some extent. However, her daughter continues to miss her former friends and school in Churachandpur, longing for a return to normalcy.

The All Manipur School Students’ Transporter Association has shown solidarity with IDS, providing free van services for those who lost parents in the crisis, while offering discounted services to others. Additionally, on October 31, the National Tobacco Control Program and the District Health Society of Imphal East launched the “Tobacco-Free Youth Campaign 2.0” in response to the observed rise in tobacco use among youth in relief camps.

Lourembam Suresh, an IDP staying in Imphal, revealed how the crisis has driven many adults to tobacco use as a coping mechanism. “If I had a job, I might be able to cut down,” he admitted, emphasizing the need for greater employment opportunities within relief camps. Chief Medical Officer of Imphal East, Dr. Lourembam Indira, confirmed that mental health professionals have been visiting camps regularly to help address issues like increased school dropouts and substance use among displaced youth.

Mental health and economic challenges: Government efforts and unmet needs

Deputy Commissioner of Imphal East, Khumanthem Diana, addressed the media, acknowledging the lasting physical and mental effects of the crisis on IDPs. As per the HT report, she stressed the importance of continued health and mental health camps at the relief centers, while IDPs have also benefited from free counseling sessions provided by the government. In support of displaced families, Manipur Chief Minister N. Biren Singh recently announced a grant of ₹1,000 for each IDP to mark Diwali and Ningol Chakouba festivals, with an additional ₹1 lakh in financial support for each IDP family provided in installments.

However, not everyone finds comfort in financial aid. Bijita, an IDP at Sajiwa Relief Camp in Imphal East, voiced a poignant sentiment: “I don’t want any financial assistance for Ningol Chakouba. What I want is for IDP women to return to their homes as a gift for Ningol Chakouba.” Recalling how both her husband’s and maternal homes were destroyed, she expressed a yearning to celebrate in her ancestral home.

The violence has cast a shadow over Manipur’s cultural festivities, with traditional celebrations such as Diwali and Ningol Chakouba largely subdued. Nevertheless, Susila, an IDP from Churachandpur now relocated to the Alternate Housing Complex in Langol, Imphal West, observed some improvements in mental health for IDPs in her new surroundings, where 269 people have been settled. “Last year, we couldn’t celebrate Ningol Chakouba, but this year we’ve received invitations, and many of us are ready to participate,” she said, hinting at a cautious optimism.

Yet, even amidst such hope, economic challenges remain a pressing issue for IDPs without government jobs or stable incomes. The government has ensured that essential supplies are available, but as Susila pointed out, the long-term absence of employment opportunities continues to weigh on many, according to the HT report.

Related:

“Leaked Intelligence report” on alleged Kuki militants entering Manipur from Myanmar sparks panic, later retracted by authorities

Manipur plunges into deeper turmoil amid fresh violence and drone attacks since early September

Manipur on Edge: Violent Clashes Erupt on the day following Kuki-Zo Protests Demanding Separate Administration, action against state CM based on leaked tapes

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Fatal clashes erupt in Bahraich, UP: One dead, multiple arrests as communal violence spirals https://sabrangindia.in/fatal-clashes-erupt-in-bahraich-up-one-dead-multiple-arrests-as-communal-violence-spirals/ Tue, 15 Oct 2024 12:29:30 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=38278 As the vibrant celebrations of Durga Puja turn to chaos, Bahraich grapples with loss, fear, and the urgent quest for justice amidst rising communal tensions; internet ban imposed, police deployed, 30 detained, 10 booked for murder

The post Fatal clashes erupt in Bahraich, UP: One dead, multiple arrests as communal violence spirals appeared first on SabrangIndia.

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The communal violence that gripped Mahsi tehsil in Uttar Pradesh’s Bahraich district, following the killing of a man during a Durga idol immersion procession, has led to widespread unrest. What began as a verbal spat over a request to lower the volume of music escalated into stone-pelting, gunfire, and the tragic death of 22-year-old Ram Gopal. As the situation deteriorated, protesters resorted to arson and vandalism on Monday, setting shops and a hospital on fire. In response, the local administration suspended internet services to control the unrest.

The Uttar Pradesh Director General of Police (DGP) swiftly suspended the Station House Officer of Hardi police station and the Mahsi outpost in-charge. Thirty individuals were arrested in connection with the violence, and a search for the main accused is underway. On Monday (October 14) morning, when protests over the killing turned violent, police resorted to baton charges and tear gas to disperse the crowd. Bahraich District Magistrate Monika Rani confirmed that efforts were being made to regain control of the situation.

The clash initially broke out on Sunday (October 13) evening, when a Durga idol procession passing through a Muslim-majority area was asked to lower its music. A verbal altercation quickly escalated into stone-pelting between two groups, and the situation worsened when gunshots were allegedly fired. Ram Gopal sustained a bullet injury and later succumbed to his wounds at the hospital.

A video that circulated widely on social media captured Gopal standing on the roof of a building, where he was seen tearing down a green flag before energetically waving a saffron flag. Below, a mob encouraged him, shouting slogans like “Jai Bajrang Bali” and “Jai Shree Ram.” In another video, which was shared by multiple journalists on social media, an individual was seen dragging Mishra’s lifeless body down from the rooftop while stones were being hurled at them.

A murder case has reportedly been registered against 10 individuals, including four unidentified persons, based on a complaint by Ram Gopal’s brother, Hari Milan. The complaint claimed that Ram Gopal was dragged into the home of an accused, Abdul Hameed, where he was shot and also attacked with swords. Meanwhile, police continued flag marches in the Maharajganj area, where streets remained deserted under heavy police presence and an ongoing internet blackout.

This report offers a comprehensive look at the events that unfolded, tracing the roots of the violence, the police response, and the prevailing atmosphere of tension and fear in Bahraich, a region now caught in the cycle of escalating communal clashes.

Brief timeline of events: Communal tensions in Mahsi Tehsil, Bahraich

October 13, 2024

3:00 PM

In Maharajganj Bazaar, tensions rise during a Durga idol immersion procession. As the procession passes through a Muslim-majority area, locals object to the loud music being played by the DJ. A verbal confrontation ensues, which quickly escalates, with both sides engaging in stone-pelting. Police arrive but struggle to bring the situation under control.

3:30 PM

Amid the chaos, Ram Gopal Mishra, a devotee, climbs onto a rooftop and replaces a flag with a saffron one. This act fuels further unrest, and the stone-pelting intensifies. Community members, armed with swords and knives, begin targeting the procession, exacerbating the violence.

4:00 PM

Ram Gopal is dragged into a house, brutally beaten, and shot multiple times. Another man, Rajan, attempts to intervene and save Ram Gopal but is critically injured in the process.

6:00 PM

News of Ram Gopal’s murder spreads rapidly. The procession spirals out of control, turning violent. Protesters set vehicles on fire, while an angry crowd gathers outside the hospital, accusing the police of negligence and inaction.

9:00 PM

As tensions escalate, police resort to a lathi charge to disperse the growing crowd. However, stone-pelting continues, further intensifying the volatile situation.

10:00 PM

BJP MLA Sureshwar Singh arrives on the scene, promising swift action against those responsible for the violence. Despite the assurance, the crowd refuses to disperse, demanding immediate justice.

10:21 PM

Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath issues a stern warning, ordering stringent action against those disturbing the peace and escalating the situation.

October 14, 2024

9:00 AM

The autopsy of Ram Gopal Mishra confirms that he sustained fatal gunshot wounds, along with multiple cuts from sharp weapons, confirming the brutal nature of the attack.

9:00 AM – 10:00 AM

Protests flare once again as enraged locals take to the streets, engaging in a rampage. Shops are vandalised, and more vehicles are set on fire. The atmosphere remains tense.

11:00 AM

Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath dispatches senior officials to Bahraich to assess the situation, including Additional Director General of Police (ADG) Amitabh Yash and Home Secretary Sanjeev Gupta, in an effort to restore order.

12:30 PM

With the heavy presence of security forces, including senior officers and reinforcements, calm begins to return to the area. Despite the tensions, the situation gradually stabilises.

1:00 PM

A significant police deployment is made, with four SP/SSP-ranked officers, four DSPs, one company of the Rapid Action Force (RAF), and three companies of the Provincial Armed Constabulary (PAC) stationed in the area to prevent further violence.

1:30 PM

Ram Gopal’s last rites are performed under tight security, as the district administration remains on high alert.

Tensions erupt in Bahraich: Violence and aftermath

As the situation deteriorated, gunfire was allegedly exchanged, and Ram Gopal sustained a gunshot wound. He was immediately rushed to the hospital, where he succumbed to his injuries. Despite efforts to save him, he died during treatment. This incident has left the region on edge, with the local administration working to restore peace and stability.

The case was registered at the Hardi police station, based on a complaint by Ram Gopal’s brother, Hari Milan. The complaint stated that Ram Gopal was dragged into the house of a man identified as Abdul Hameed, where he was beaten and shot. Hari Milan also alleged that his brother was attacked with swords during the assault.

Bahraich Superintendent of Police (SP) Vrinda Shukla confirmed that a member of the Hindu community lost his life after being shot during clashes in Maharajganj Bazaar. “The situation became tense following the shooting, and Visarjan (idol immersion) processions were halted in several areas, allowing mischievous elements to take advantage and create disturbances,” Shukla said.

As per media report, Shukla had also stated that 30 individuals had been detained in connection with the violence. Notably, the police has also launched an investigation, during which a man named Salman was arrested after evidence revealed gunfire originating from his home, which also functions as a shop. Reports from India Today suggest that a case has been registered against ten individuals involved in the violence, under the charge of murder. Six of the suspects have been identified as Abdul Hameed, Sarfaraz, Faheem, Sahir Khan, Nankau, and Marf Ali, with the identities of four others yet to be confirmed. According to India Today, SP Shukla had stated, “A case has been registered against Salman as gunshots were fired from his residence.”

Arson and escalation after Ram Gopal’s death

The unrest further intensified on October 14, a day after Ram Gopal was shot to death, following the release of Ram Gopal’s body to his family after a post-mortem. A large group of people, carrying the body, marched to Mahsi tehsil, where they staged a protest demanding capital punishment for those involved in his murder. The protesters initially refused to conduct the last rites until their demands were met.

Deceased Ram Gopal’s funeral was held on Monday under heavy security, following considerable tensions in the area. The funeral procession, attended by scores of people armed with sticks, was marked by cries for justice from the family and community members, as tensions escalated. Ram Gopal, who was 22 years old, was newly married and had been part of the procession when he was fatally shot. His video of removing the flag atop of a house, and replacing with a saffron flag had gone viral. His mother, speaking to PTI expressed her grief: “My son was going with the idol for immersion when he was dragged inside and shot to death.”

Pramod Kumar, a relative of the deceased, expressed frustration, blaming the police for negligence. “If we had received police protection, this tragedy would not have occurred. We demand justice for Ram Gopal and adequate compensation for his family,” he said, while another relative, Priti, demanded the accused be hanged and their houses demolished. She claimed Ram Gopal had been shot 15 times during the attack.

After the funeral, scores of people, some armed with sticks, walked around the district and indulged in violence and arson. Tensions escalated with shops and homes, particularly belonging to Muslims, being burnt down by the angry crowds out in the streets. During the clashes, homes, shops, and vehicles were damaged, with stone-pelting causing widespread destruction. A two-wheeler showroom in Hardi was also set ablaze. Several individuals, reportedly more than half a dozen were injured in the ensuing stone-pelting and gunfire, and the district administration suspended internet services to curb the spread of rumours and prevent further violence.

Police efforts and situation control

Referring to the violence and arson that gripped Bahraich on Monday, Director General of Police (DGP) Prashant Kumar later stated that the situation in Bahraich had been brought under control. He emphasised that Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath is closely monitoring the situation and has instructed the police to intensify their efforts to track down those responsible for the violence. The police chief also urged local residents to remain vigilant and not fall prey to misinformation or rumours circulating in the region.

Meanwhile, following the assurance of strict police action, the halted Durga idol immersion rituals resumed in the area, providing a semblance of normalcy amidst the heightened tensions. The police, equipped with drones, are reportedly continuing surveillance efforts and conducting raids to apprehend suspects. They are also reviewing video and photographic evidence to identify the attackers.

Despite the situation being largely under control, fresh reports of violence emerged from Nakawa village on Monday night, where several shops and homes were torched by unidentified assailants. The attackers also attempted to target a religious structure before police forces intervened and restored order.

Reactions by ministers and leaders from the BJP party

Yogi Adityanath responds to Bahraich violence, vows strict action: Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath addressed the escalating tensions in Bahraich, particularly in Mahsi tehsil, and assured that those responsible for disturbing the peace would face strict action. “Anyone attempting to vitiate the atmosphere in Mahsi of Bahraich district will not be spared,” he declared in a post on X (formerly Twitter) on Sunday.

He emphasised that while safety would be ensured for everyone, the rioters and those whose negligence contributed to the incident would be held accountable. In his statement, Adityanath also confirmed that the idol immersion processions would continue uninterrupted. He added that police and administration officials had been instructed to be on the ground, communicating with religious groups to ensure the timely and peaceful completion of the immersion rituals.

Deputy Chief Minister Keshav Prasad Maurya calls for peace: Deputy Chief Minister Keshav Prasad Maurya echoed similar sentiments, urging the public to maintain peace and patience. “Any conspiracy to disrupt the peace and harmony in Uttar Pradesh will not succeed,” he said on Monday, warning that those providing shelter to rioters were becoming active again.

Maurya underscored that the state’s bright future would not be compromised and assured that the perpetrators would be brought to justice. He appealed to the public to stay vigilant and calm, reiterating the government’s commitment to ensuring justice for the victims.

Local Leaders express condolences and call for action: BJP MLA from Mahsi, Sureshwar Singh, expressed his condolences to the family of the deceased, Ram Gopal Mishra, and demanded swift action against those responsible for the violence. “We are proceeding with the last rites of the deceased, who was recently married just four months ago,” Singh told PTI.

He conveyed that the family was seeking legal action against the culprits, including the suspension of local police officials for their negligence.

Meanwhile, UP BJP President Bhupendra Singh Chaudhary described the incident as unfortunate and assured that the state government was fully alert. “The accused are being thoroughly investigated, and strict action will be taken against them,” he said. Chaudhary emphasised that CM Adityanath had taken immediate cognizance of the situation and vowed that not only the accused but anyone assisting them would also face consequences.

Security measures and administrative response: As per multiple media reports, CM Adityanath dispatched ADG, Law and Order, Amitabh Yash, and Home Secretary Sanjeev Gupta to Bahraich to oversee the situation. Additionally, four IPS officers and senior police officials were deployed to the region to restore order. In response to the violence, 12 companies of the Provincial Armed Constabulary (PAC), two companies of the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), and one company of the Rapid Action Force (RAF) were stationed in Bahraich to bring the situation under control.

As part of the immediate action taken, Station House Officer (SHO) of Hardi police station, Suresh Kumar Verma, along with a sub-inspector, were suspended for their failure to prevent the unrest.

BJP MLA’s actions amplify communal divisions amid unrest in Bahraich: According to a report of The Wire, a BJP MLA has further inflamed communal tensions on social media by sharing a list of Muslim journalists, questioning their impartiality in reporting on recent events. Shalabh Mani Tripathi, the BJP MLA from Deoria and former media advisor to Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, took to X to state, “Just read the names of the journalists sending news from Bahraich, and you will understand how unbiased and true the news is. A group of YouTubers is also involved. The whole system is engaged in saving the rioters and spreading lies.”

In his post, Tripathi, who has a background as a television journalist before joining the BJP, included a list of 13 journalists—all of whom are Muslim—along with their respective media affiliations, which included outlets like NDTV, PTI, India TV, ANI, News 24, Bhaskar TV, and Bharat Samachar. Notably, while numerous journalists from the Hindu community are also covering the situation in Bahraich, Tripathi chose to single out only those from the Muslim community, thereby exacerbating communal divisions and raising concerns about bias in his own rhetoric.

Failure to implement orders led to Bahraich violence, says government official

The communal violence in Bahraich could have been avoided if the local administration had acted on the directives of Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, a senior state government official told Hindustan Times. The official pointed out that the Bahraich administration failed to deploy additional police forces in the communally sensitive Mahsi area and did not organise regular patrolling to monitor the activities of anti-social elements who later incited violence and disrupted communal harmony.

During a law-and-order review meeting held on October 1, the Chief Minister had instructed police and district administration officers to remain on high alert around the clock, particularly during festival seasons. Reportedly, CM Yogi had emphasised the importance of assessing even small incidents that had occurred during past festivals in the state to prevent any unrest. CM Adityanath had specifically directed the authorities to take necessary measures to prevent any untoward incidents during the upcoming festive period, which included Sharadiya Navratri through to Chhath Puja.

Bahraich Violence Sparks Political Reactions amid By-Election Concerns

Without directly referencing Bahraich, Samajwadi Party (SP) chief Akhilesh Yadav suggested that the “worsening of the communal atmosphere” just ahead of the upcoming by-elections was “not a coincidence.” Criticising the Uttar Pradesh government, Yadav remarked that the administration should have monitored what was being played on loudspeakers during the Durga idol immersion procession.

Appealing for calm from both communities, Yadav called the incident unfortunate and questioned the government’s approach. “The administration, government, and media know why this happened. The government should ensure justice. When the procession started, the administration should have checked its route and ensured sufficient police deployment. If I reveal what was being played on those loudspeakers, the government will offer a different narrative,” he said.

SP leader Fakhrul Hasan Chaand also criticised the BJP government, pointing to the failures in managing law and order. “In the Bahraich incident, the administration’s shortcomings were exposed. It was a failure of both the police and intelligence. This is evident not only in Bahraich but also in the ongoing tensions in Ghaziabad,” he said.

Congress General Secretary Priyanka Gandhi Vadra took to X, expressing deep concern over the violence and the administration’s response, calling it “extremely sad and unfortunate.” She urged the Chief Minister and state authorities to take immediate and strict action, involve the public to rebuild trust, and work to end the violence. “Strictest action should be taken against the culprits. I appeal to the public not to take the law into their own hands,” she wrote.

Meanwhile, SP leader ST Hasan emphasised the need for accountability. “We live in a peaceful country with a history of Hindu-Muslim harmony. Those attempting to disrupt peace, whether political figures or common citizens, should face action,” he said in an interview with ANI.

Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) chief Mayawati also expressed concern over the law-and-order situation in Bahraich. In a Hindi post on X, she wrote, “It is worrying that law and order in Bahraich has deteriorated and is out of control. The government and administration must act without bias, strictly according to the law, so the situation does not worsen, and peace is maintained.”

 

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Inter-Community clashes erupt at Dehradun railway station after interfaith couple meets https://sabrangindia.in/inter-community-clashes-erupt-at-dehradun-railway-station-after-interfaith-couple-meets/ Fri, 27 Sep 2024 06:40:02 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=38029 Members of both  Hindu and Muslim communities reportedly started throwing stones at each other, leading to the parked trains getting damaged, said the police.

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Some people belonging to the Hindu and Muslim communities clashed at the Dehradun railway station in Uttarakhand on Thursday night after confronting an interfaith couple, reported The Indian Express on Friday. 

Tensions ade believed to have escalated as the two groups started throwing stones at each other, leading to the parked trains getting damaged, the newspaper quoted police officials as saying.

According to officials, members of both communities had gathered at the railway station after learning that the couple was present there.

The state police also said the girl is a minor from Uttar Pradesh’s Badaun. According to The New Indian Express, she is from the Muslim community. “A missing report had been filed in Badaun for the girl,” said Dehradun Senior Superintendent of Police Ajay Singh.

The SP added that the government railway police were informed of the girl’s location and provided her details.

“Meanwhile, the matter escalated somehow and both Hindu and Muslim organisations confronted each other,” said Singh.

Though the situation is now under control, a heavy police presence has been deployed in the area, said the senior superintendent of police.

Senior police officials, meanwhile, have said that cases will be registered against those involved in the violence and a thorough investigation will be conducted.

The police are also reviewing CCTV footage to identify those responsible for the violence, reported the media.


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Hyderabad: Interfaith couple attacked, man stabbed to death!

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“Leaked Intelligence report” on alleged Kuki militants entering Manipur from Myanmar sparks panic, later retracted by authorities https://sabrangindia.in/leaked-intelligence-report-on-alleged-kuki-militants-entering-manipur-from-myanmar-sparks-panic-later-retracted-by-authorities/ Thu, 26 Sep 2024 13:22:46 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=38014 A reportedly “leaked report” alleging the infiltration of 900 Kuki militants from Myanmar stoked ethnic tensions and fear in Manipur, only to be refuted by security officials as unsubstantiated, leading to shutdowns and heightened unrest.

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On September 17, a leaked intelligence report from the Chief Minister’s Office of Manipur (CMO) claimed that over 900 Kuki militants had entered Manipur from Myanmar. This report, which circulated widely, alleged that these militants were newly trained in drone-based bombs, projectiles, missiles, and jungle warfare. The militants were reportedly organised into units of 30, scattered along the periphery, and expected to launch coordinated attacks on Meitei villages around September 28. Needless to say that in the one week between September 17 and 25 when it was formally (but in a low key way) denied, it generated its own brand of divisiveness on ground affecting communities and on social media.

On September 25, Manipur’s security advisor Kuldiep Singh and director general of police Rajiv Singh issued a joint statement disputing the CMO’s claims. According to The Indian Express, they clarified that the intelligence report “could not be substantiated on the ground,” leading the CMO to retract its initial statement.

Panic and tensions escalate due to fake news: The circulation of the unverified intelligence report from the Chief Minister’s Office (CMO) alleging the infiltration of over 900 Kuki militants from Myanmar sparked immediate panic and unrest across the already tense state of Manipur.

The inflammatory nature of the report, which included detailed claims of militants equipped with drone-based bombs and coordinated attack plans, amplified existing ethnic divisions between the Kuki-Zo and Meitei communities. Rumours spread rapidly, leading to heightened fear and suspicion, with both sides feeling threatened and vulnerable to violence. Social media platforms, in particular, became a hotbed for the dissemination of this information, further fuelling the chaos as people reacted to the alleged threat without waiting for verification.

The news, which was found to be fake, had tangible effects on the ground, especially in areas with mixed populations of Kuki-Zo and Meitei communities. Kuki groups, feeling targeted by the report, mobilised shutdowns and issued public warnings to stay home, halting daily life and escalating tensions. The Meitei community, on the other hand, became increasingly alarmed, fearing an imminent attack, which led to calls for bolstering security in their villages. The confusion and distrust sown by the report not only strained the fragile peace but also posed a risk of provoking violent confrontations, as both sides were led to believe they were under attack. This chaos was exacerbated by a general atmosphere of uncertainty, further complicating efforts to maintain law and order in the state.

Security response and backlash from Kuki-Zo groups: Despite this, on September 20, Kuldiep Singh informed reporters that security agencies, particularly the Assam Rifles, had been placed on high alert in hill districts bordering Myanmar in response to the intelligence input. He noted that the issue had been discussed in a Strategic Operation Group meeting with senior officials from various security forces, including the Army, Assam Rifles, Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), Border Security Force (BSF), and state police.

Kuldiep Singh’s remarks were met with criticism from Kuki-Zo groups. The Indigenous Tribal Leaders’ Forum (ITLF) accused him of spreading “devious propaganda” to defame the Kuki-Zo people, claiming that the report could be used as a pretext for attacks on Kuki-Zo volunteers. In response to these concerns, Manipur’s top security officials issued a clarification, confirming that while security forces remained on high alert to protect citizens, the intelligence input had not been substantiated. They urged communities to remain calm and avoid spreading or believing in rumours.

Shutdowns and concerns of violence: Following the joint statement, the CMO communicated with the Information and Public Relations Department and security officials, formally retracting its earlier claims.

In reaction to the government’s claims, several Kuki groups called for a shutdown in tribal-dominated areas. The Kuki Inpi Manipur (KIM), an apex Kuki organization, and the Indigenous Tribal Leaders Forum (ITLF), based in Churachandpur, released statements on Tuesday condemning the intelligence report as unfounded. The KIM asserted that the CMO’s report about 900 Kuki militants infiltrating from Myanmar and planning coordinated attacks on September 28 was baseless, accusing the government of fabricating the claim to justify a potential attack on the Kuki-Zo community.

The Kuki organisations called on their people to stay home and avoid travel or work on September 27 and 28. They announced a total shutdown across all Kuki-inhabited regions on September 28, with enforcement to be overseen by Kuki Inpi and the KSO in their respective areas. The groups also expressed concern over potential attacks targeting Kuki areas on the 28th and advised Kuki-Zo village volunteers to reinforce their positions in the ‘buffer zones.’

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Manipur on Edge: Violent Clashes Erupt on the day following Kuki-Zo Protests Demanding Separate Administration, action against state CM based on leaked tapes 

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State-sponsored mobocracy: Fact-finding report reveals anti-Muslim actions in Surat https://sabrangindia.in/state-sponsored-mobocracy-fact-finding-report-reveals-anti-muslim-actions-in-surat/ Fri, 20 Sep 2024 07:19:49 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=37951 The fact-finding report of MCC reveals that the mob in Surat forced the state administration to take anti-Muslim actions; BJP MLA delivered inflammatory speech, provoked a mob, vandalized and burned vehicles and carts, pelted stones over Muslim’s houses and mosques

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Background

The alleged incident occurred on September 8, 2024, near Variavi Bazar Police Station in Gujrat’s Surat district where it was reported that a group of 5-6 Muslim minor boys allegedly pelted stones at a Ganesh Chaturthi pandal near Variavi Bazar Police Station. The incident sparked a communal clash between two groups in the city. The incident resulted in property damage, injuries, and arrests. The Surat Police intervened, using tear gas and lathis to restore order having accused of biased and intentional lethal actions against the members of Muslim Community. After the incident, six juveniles were detained for stone-pelting, and around 28 others were arrested for rioting. The incident has sparked widespread condemnation and calls for peace and harmony.

Findings of report:

A fact-finding report conducted by Minority Coordination Committee, Gujrat over the Surat Stones Pelting incident, has raised serious questions over the handling of incident by district administration and police action in Sayyedpura area. The report highlights discrepancies in the official narrative about the incident, including why the children involved were taken to Sayyedpura Police Station instead of the nearby Variavi Bazar Police Station. Additionally, the driver of the auto-rickshaw, belongs to Hindu community transporting the children was not arrested, sparking concerns of selective targeting. The report also notes that the detained individuals were found at home, not at the scene of the alleged incident, and that the 500–700-meter distance between the incident location and their residences raises doubts about their involvement in stones pelting incident.

The report also highlights that the Ganesh Pandal where the stones were allegedly thrown is located on the main road with no construction nearby. This raises doubts about where the stones came from, suggesting the story may be fabricated.

Allegations on Surat Police’s selective arrest and biased action over the matter

On September 9, around 2 AM, the police entered the Muslim area of Sayyedpura. Policemen forcibly broke the main gate of Al Ilaf Apartment, entered the flats, abused the women and children, and detained the men. They then proceeded to Roshan Park. As report reveals.

Furthermore, the FIR was registered hours after the detentions, fuelling suspicions of fabrication. The report also criticizes the confiscation of CCTV footage by police without explanation. These findings have sparked concerns about communal bias and arbitrary action. A disturbing incident unfolded in Surat city. The children, who arrived in a Hindu-driven auto-rickshaw and accused of stones pelting were apprehended by the public and handed over to the police.

Instead of taking them to the nearby Variavi Bazar Police Station, the police took them to the Sayyedpura Police Station, about 250-300 meters away. In this incident, FIR No. 11210061240446, dated 9-9-24, has been registered. In this FIR, the children have been named as accused, and the case has been filed under sections 189(1), 189(2), 190, 298, and 299 of the IPC. The report found that no action has been taken against the police officers and staff who brutally beat the individuals who were detained.

Police stoles CCTV DVR, which recorded police’s illegal action

It has been alleged in the report that police also stole the CCTV DVR, which recorded their actions. The police reported the incident as occurring at 9:45 p.m. on September 8, 2024. All the detainees were arrested in the early hours of September 9, 2024, but the FIR was only registered at 6:30 a.m. on the same day i.e. September 9, whose number is FIR No. 11210061240447 in which it is written that a crowd of Muslims gathered and they carried out vandalism while we can clearly see in the video that the crowd of Hindu people is being instigated by the leaders, in the first FIR 27 Muslim people have been named and a crowd of 200-300 has been written and FIR no. 11210061240448 in which a crowd of 70 to 80 people has been accused of vandalizing vehicles, there is no named accused in this, in this FIR 3 Hindu people were arrested and granted bail.

The report points out that no action has been taken against the police officers who confiscated the CCTV DVRs from the apartments and roadside cameras.

Mob insisted authorities to demolish houses of Muslims

According to the report, a crowd of Hindu community gathered at Sayyedpura Police Station, mobilized by Hindu community leaders via phone. The mob repeatedly chanted demands such as handing over the children to the mob, demolishing the houses of Muslims, and other aggressive calls. Surat North MLA Kanti Balar, Mahila Morcha leader Sezal Ben, Corporator Rakesh Mali, Aarti Ben Patel, Mayor Dakshesh Bhai Mavani, and other leaders also arrived and gave provocative speeches through a microphone.

Surat Administration defying Supreme Court direction, carried out demolition

On September 9, in a shocking and retaliation move, the Surat Municipal Corporation (SMC) carried out a demolition drive in Sayyedpura area allegedly forced by Hindu community leaders and mob gathered near the police station, despite Supreme Court’s order (staying all the demolitions and bulldozer actions without due procedure) dated 02.09.2024. The move has been condemned as a form of punitive punishment, raising serious questions about the rule of law, due process and direction of the Hon’ble Supreme Court violated by the Surat Administration. The Supreme Court’s warnings have been blatantly ignored in this incident.

Full story may be read here

BJP MLA Kanti Balar delivered inflammatory speeches and provoked mob

A video also surfaced in social media that BJP MLA Kanti Balar while addressing the crowd in the presence of the police said that no Muslim will be spared and Bharatiya Janata Party is also with you. He said that “No Muslim will be spared, I am with you, those who have been caught will not be released, we will not engage in stone pelting, and we don’t want to do this either.” After this, a police officer whispered something to the MLA, who then said, “Repeated stone pelting at any place will not be tolerated; I am with you, and the Bharatiya Janata Party is with you.”

Following the provocative and inflammatory statements made by BJP MLA Kanti Balar and other leaders, the mob vandalized and burned vehicles and carts selling snacks. The mob repeatedly shout for the accused children to be handed over to them. Later, the mob also pelted stones at houses of Muslim community and mosques. When the mob was gathered there, the members of the Muslim community contacted police officers for protective measure but appropriate action was taken by the police. The police arrived but remained passive. It was alleged that no action has been taken against MLA Kanti Balar, who gave a provocative speech in front of the police.

A video surfacing on X, posted by Gujrat Police shows plainclothes officers smashing gates and locks allegedly to apprehend suspects. In the video, state Home Minister Harsh Sanghvi is also shown vowing to take strict action and arrest the people over stone pelting allegations before sunrise. The video shows those arrested could not walk properly suggesting that they were subjected to violence in the police custody.

September 9, 2024

However, Minority Coordination Committee’s fact-finding report highlighting State-sponsored mobocracy in Surat incident, demands that;

  1. An FIR should be registered against the police personnel who entered the houses without proper authority or an FIR at the time of detainment. The authority and order for such actions should be investigated.
  2. An FIR should be registered immediately against the policemen responsible for breaking the doors and windows of the houses.
  3. An FIR should be registered immediately against the policemen who entered the houses and abused the women and children present.
  4. An FIR should be registered against the policemen who stole the CCTV DVRs from the apartments and roadside locations.
  5. An FIR should be registered immediately against Surat North BJP MLA Kanti Balar for giving an inflammatory speech in front of the police, and he should be arrested.
  6. If the incident occurred near Variavi Bazar Police Station, the reason for transferring the children to Sayyedpura Police Station should be investigated to determine if it was intended to harass Muslims.
  7. The mobile phones of Hindu community leaders who mobilized the crowd at Sayyedpura Police Station should be examined. An FIR should be registered against them for inciting mob violence.
  8. Compensation should be provided to the owners of all damaged and burned vehicles, trucks, and property, including doors and windows of houses.
  9. The police officers and employees who brutally beat the detained individuals should be arrested, and an FIR should be registered against them.
  10. Given the suspicions surrounding the incident, a fair and impartial investigation should be conducted by a sitting judge of the High Court.

Notably, the police produced the accused in court on September 10, 2024 at 4 p.m. During this time, the police severely beat the accused, rendering them unable to walk properly, and did not permit them to meet their family members. As the report disclose.

The report can be read here:


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Violence against Dalits exposed: brutal police torture and arson attack shake BJP-ruled states https://sabrangindia.in/violence-against-dalits-exposed-brutal-police-torture-and-arson-attack-shake-bjp-ruled-states/ Fri, 20 Sep 2024 04:06:52 +0000 https://sabrangindia.in/?p=37939 From the death of a teenage boy in police custody to the destruction of homes in Bihar, the latest incidents highlight severe shortcomings in law enforcement and governance in protection of the marginalised communities

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In the past few days of September, two shocking incidents in BJP-ruled states have brought to the forefront the persistent and systemic violence faced by Dalit communities across India. A 16-year-old Dalit boy from Uttar Pradesh was brutally tortured by police in custody, allegedly beaten for days in connection with a theft case. His subsequent death after prolonged suffering has sparked outrage, with his family and community protesting against the unchecked police brutality they believe caused his demise. This tragedy, unfolding in the village of Sisawan Kala, has ignited protests demanding justice, but it also speaks to a broader pattern of how marginalised Dalits are often subjected to the very violence and oppression the state is meant to guard against.

In Bihar’s Nawada district, over 20 Dalit homes were torched in a violent attack that has left entire families homeless and traumatised. Miscreants reportedly stormed the Dalit settlement, beat residents, set their homes ablaze, and fired shots into the air to instil fear. This attack, allegedly over a land dispute, has prompted widespread political condemnation and reignited concerns over the state’s failure to protect vulnerable communities from caste-based violence. Opposition leaders have pointed to this incident as a glaring example of how lawlessness and caste-based oppression are allowed to flourish under the current regime.

While these events are alarming in their own right, they are emblematic of a much larger, deeply rooted problem: the culture of anti-Dalit discrimination and violence that persists throughout the country. Dalits, who have long been at the receiving end of oppression, often find themselves with little recourse when targeted by upper-caste groups or even the state itself. The two incidents in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar illustrate how Dalits remain vulnerable to brutality, whether at the hands of law enforcement or by criminal groups that operate with impunity. The failure to adequately protect these communities not only erodes trust in the state but also allows a toxic environment to fester, where caste-based violence can thrive.

These incidents took place in BJP-ruled states, casting a critical light on the policies and governance that have allowed such violence to escalate. In both states, opposition leaders have pointed out how caste-based violence has surged, calling it a symptom of a deeper malaise within the system. In Uttar Pradesh, the boy’s death has raised fresh questions about police accountability and the use of excessive force against Dalits. His family’s desperate calls for justice, as they block highways with his body in protest, reflect the larger struggle of Dalits to be heard and treated with dignity in a country that continues to marginalise them. The police’s shifting narrative and claims of innocence only deepen the distrust, as Dalits are left wondering if their cries for justice will ever be answered.

Similarly, the arson attack in Bihar highlights the plight of Dalits who live under constant threat of violence, often over land disputes, which are frequently laced with caste-based animosity. The destruction of homes in Nawada, while tragic, is not an isolated case. It is part of a broader trend of caste violence that is often met with delayed government action and sporadic justice. Despite the police arresting several suspects, many Dalit families in the area remain fearful, living in temporary shelters with little assurance of long-term support or protection.

Political reactions to these events have been swift and sharp, with opposition leaders accusing the BJP of fostering an environment where caste-based violence is tolerated, if not encouraged. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi, BSP chief Mayawati, and RJD leader Tejashwi Yadav have all issued statements condemning the attacks and questioning the ruling government’s commitment to protecting Dalits. Gandhi went so far as to accuse the BJP and its allies of sheltering criminals who target marginalised communities, while Mayawati demanded full financial support for the victims’ rehabilitation.

These incidents highlight the glaring failures of the state to uphold justice and equality for Dalits, despite the constitutional protections afforded to them. In BJP-ruled states like Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, where caste dynamics are deeply entrenched, Dalits often find themselves at the mercy of both local hierarchies and institutionalised neglect. The growing list of atrocities against Dalits—from police violence to attacks over land—points to a troubling trend of rising caste-based violence that cannot be dismissed as isolated incidents.

As India continues to grapple with the legacy of caste discrimination, these two incidents serve as stark reminders of the work that still needs to be done. The deaths, displacement, and trauma endured by Dalit communities demand more than just political outrage; they require systemic change. Without meaningful intervention and accountability, the culture of anti-Dalit violence will continue to thrive, leaving the country’s most marginalised to bear the brunt of a system that fails to protect them.

Incident 1: Custodial torture resulting into death

A 16-year-old Dalit boy has died after being allegedly tortured by the police in Uttar Pradesh. The boy was picked up by Kheri police on September 3 in connection with a theft case. He was severely beaten up by the police during questioning. The boy was admitted to a hospital in Lucknow where he died on Saturday, reports said.

“A detailed inquiry has been ordered into the death,” The Indian Express reported quoting SP Ganesh Prasad Saha in a statement. Circle Officer Ramesh Kumar Tiwari said Akash was suffering from septicemia and had been unwell for a long time, the report added.

However, the victim’s kin and the residents of Sisawan Kala village blocked a state highway outside the police station for several hours demanding to file an FIR against the cops responsible for the boy’s death.

His family alleges that he was beaten in custody for three days, and his health deteriorated while in police detention. Despite being transferred to a hospital in Lucknow, Akash died on September 13.

Following his death, Akash’s family protested by placing his body on the Lakhimpur-Gola highway, demanding action against the officers responsible.

Former Samajwadi Party MLA Ramsaran also joined the protest. The family accused the police of brutality and sought the arrest of the officers involved. The protest led to a massive traffic jam on both sides of the highway, but by late evening, authorities were still struggling to clear the blockade.

The police, however, maintain that Akash was only questioned and later released to his family. They claim his health worsened at home, and they are awaiting the post-mortem report to determine the cause of death. The situation highlights the deepening distrust between the villagers and law enforcement.

On September 15, another incident involving the police in Uttar Pradesh’s Lakhimpur district sparked widespread outrage after a video of a confrontation between villagers and the police went viral on social media. In the video, shared on platform X (formerly Twitter), a police officer can be seen verbally and physically assaulting a villager. The officer is heard using derogatory language, saying, “The bastard will raise his hand on the police… of this mother— of this sister—,” while physically attacking the man.

The video has drawn sharp criticism, with people expressing anger over the police’s abusive behaviour and use of excessive force. Many have taken to social media to condemn the officer’s actions, pointing out the growing trend of law enforcement officials mistreating civilians, particularly in rural areas. The incident has intensified discussions about the police’s unchecked power and the lack of accountability in such cases.

This viral video has further deepened the distrust between local communities and law enforcement, as many view it as yet another example of police brutality and the culture of impunity that surrounds such actions. The uproar over this latest confrontation reflects a growing frustration among the public, who are increasingly questioning the behaviour of the police and their treatment of ordinary people. The incident also underscores broader concerns about how marginalised communities are disproportionately affected by such acts of police aggression.

 

Incident 2: Arson and violence

Over 20 houses in a Dalit settlement in Bihar’s Nawada district were set on fire by miscreants on Wednesday night, allegedly over a land dispute. This violent attack has intensified concerns over rising caste-based violence in the state, sparking political outcry and widespread criticism of the ruling government. The police have arrested 15 people, including the prime suspect, in connection with the incident, while opposition parties like the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and Congress have called it further proof of the “jungle raj” prevailing in Bihar under the NDA government.

The attack occurred in Manjhi Tola, within the Mufassil police station area of Nawada district. Initial reports suggested that over 80 homes were set ablaze, but police later confirmed that 21 houses were destroyed. Villagers from the settlement allege that a group of armed miscreants stormed into the Dalit neighbourhood, beating several families, setting their homes on fire, and allegedly firing shots into the air to instil fear.

One villager recounted how the attackers arrived suddenly, thrashing anyone who tried to resist. “They beat us mercilessly and then started torching the houses,” said one resident, as per a report of India Today, visibly shaken. Though there were no fatalities, the destruction of homes has left many families displaced and destitute. Police have denied the claims of aerial firing, with Superintendent of Police (SP) Abhinav Dhiman stating that no bullet shells were found during their investigation. He added that, fortunately, no one was physically harmed in the incident.

A large contingent of police officers has been deployed to the area to prevent any further escalation. Despite their presence, the community remains tense, fearful of another attack. Villagers continue to demand accountability and swift justice, as many of them have lost their homes and belongings, with little hope of recovery without government support.

It is essential to note that the Bihar police have registered a case in connection with the arson and are continuing their investigation. As of Thursday, 15 people have been arrested in connection with the attack, including the prime suspect. Nawada SP Abhinav Dhiman stated that initial investigations suggest a land dispute may have triggered the violence, though further investigation is required. “The district police have arrested 15 people for allegedly torching the houses. A Special Investigation Team (SIT) has been formed to investigate further, and searches are ongoing to apprehend the remaining suspects,” said Nawada District Magistrate Ashutosh Kumar Verma.

Senior police and administrative officials have been stationed in the area to maintain peace and prevent any further violence. Fire engines were brought to the scene promptly after reports of the fire broke out, helping to extinguish the blaze. Officials have confirmed that no lives were lost in the fire, and rumours of cattle being charred in the incident were also dispelled by the district administration.

Political Reactions and Government Response: The incident has sparked political outrage, with leaders across the spectrum condemning the attack and criticising the state government for its failure to protect marginalised communities. Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar convened an emergency meeting with senior officials following the attack. He instructed the Additional Director General of Police (Law and Order) to personally visit the site and oversee the investigation. In addition, a Special Investigation Team (SIT) has been formed to expedite the probe. Nitish Kumar promised strict legal action against the perpetrators, assuring that “no one will be spared.”

The district administration, led by District Magistrate (DM) Ashutosh Kumar Verma, has begun providing immediate relief to the displaced families. “We are distributing food packets, drinking water, and other essentials to the affected families. Temporary tents have been set up to provide them shelter,” said DM Verma, as per ETV Bharat. The district administration is also conducting a damage assessment to ascertain the extent of property loss and determine compensation for the victims.

Furthermore, Verma confirmed that the attack likely stemmed from an ongoing land dispute in the area. However, police and local officials continue to investigate other possible motives behind the violence. While relief efforts are underway, the government has faced criticism for its slow response and lack of long-term rehabilitation plans for the victims.

Outrage from Opposition Leaders: The attack has drawn sharp criticism from opposition leaders, who accused the BJP-JD(U) government of fostering a climate of lawlessness that allows caste-based violence to thrive. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi, taking to social media, condemned the incident, calling it a horrifying example of the state’s failure to protect Dalits. In a strongly worded tweet, Gandhi wrote, “Burning down an entire colony of Mahadalits in Nawada highlights the horrifying picture of injustice against Bahujans in Bihar. Such anarchist elements find shelter under the leadership of the BJP and its NDA allies. The silence of the Prime Minister is a seal of approval for this big conspiracy.”

Gandhi’s remarks reflect a broader sentiment of frustration over the rising violence against marginalised communities in Bihar and across the country. He accused the NDA of sheltering criminals and suppressing Bahujans so they cannot demand their social and constitutional rights. His comments also placed blame on Prime Minister Narendra Modi for remaining silent on these atrocities, suggesting that this silence emboldens perpetrators.

Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) chief Mayawati also expressed her outrage, demanding strict legal action against those responsible and full financial support for the rehabilitation of the victims. “The incident of burning down many houses of poor Dalits in Bihar’s Nawada by goons is extremely sad and serious. The government must take swift legal action against the culprits and provide full financial help for the victims’ rehabilitation,” she posted.

Former Bihar Deputy Chief Minister and RJD leader Tejashwi Yadav was equally vocal in his condemnation. He warned that atrocities against Dalits would no longer be tolerated in the state and called on Chief Minister Nitish Kumar to wake up from his “slumber.” Yadav, echoing widespread public sentiment, said, “The NDA is not concerned about Bihar but about protecting criminals. The Chief Minister, who leads the third-largest party in the state, has not spoken up for months.” He accused the government of wilful neglect of marginalised communities, particularly Dalits.

This attack has once again shone a spotlight on the deep-rooted caste tensions in Bihar, where Dalit communities often find themselves the target of violence, particularly over land disputes. The incident is being seen as part of a broader pattern of attacks against marginalised communities across the country, with opposition parties blaming the government for allowing such violence to continue unchecked. The Congress and RJD have framed the incident as part of a larger “jungle raj” narrative, wherein lawlessness and caste-based oppression have flourished under the NDA’s rule.

Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge, in his critique of the state government, described the arson as a terrifying example of Bihar’s failure to maintain law and order. He said, “It is condemnable that around 100 Dalit houses were set on fire, there was firing, and everything the poor families had was stolen in the dead of night.” Kharge accused the NDA of disregarding the plight of Dalits and encouraging anti-social elements to thrive under its rule.

As investigations continue, the focus now shifts to how the Bihar government will handle the aftermath of the attack, provide justice for the victims, and prevent similar incidents from happening in the future. The victims, having lost their homes and livelihoods, await both immediate relief and long-term support to rebuild their lives amidst the ongoing political outcry.

 

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Seeking caste census? Sharp rise in move to portray caste as Hindu protective shield

Cruelty for Caste: Dalit youth, Scholar, Student targeted in shameful attacks

 

 

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