According to the monitoring by the Centre for Study of Society and Secularism (CSSS), India witnessed 59 communal riots in 2024, a significant rise compared to 32 riots in 2023, reflecting an 84% increase. These 59 incidents of communal riots resulted in 13 deaths—10 Muslims and 3 Hindus. The western region of India, particularly Maharashtra, emerged as the epicenter of these conflicts, with the state of Maharashtra accounting for 12 of the 59 riots. The CSSS’s monitoring is based on reports from prominent newspapers- the Mumbai editions of The Times of India, The Hindu, Indian Express, Sahafat (Urdu), and Inquilab (Urdu).

Most communal riots were triggered during religious festivals or processions. These included four riots during the Pran Pratishthan ceremony at Ram Mandir in Ayodhya in January, seven during Saraswati Puja idol immersions, four during Ganesh festivals, and two during Bakri Eid. This data highlights how religious celebrations are increasingly being used to fuel communal tensions and political mobilization.

In addition to the communal riots reported in the above newspapers, 13 mob lynching incidents were reported in 2024, resulting in 11 deaths—one Hindu, one Christian, and nine Muslims. While this marks a decline from the 21 incidents of mob lynching recorded in 2023, the continued occurrence of such attacks remains a serious concern. This report provides a detailed analysis of both communal riots and mob lynching in 2024, the physical manifestation of communal violence in the country.

 Methodology:

Centre for Study of Society and Secularism bases its findings on the reports on communal riots that appear in Mumbai edition of five leading newspapers –The Hindu, The Times of India, The Indian Express, Shahafat and The Inquilab. These newspapers are thoroughly studied for the reportage of communal violence. Communal riots that are either not reported or are reported in other editions of these newspapers are not included in this monitoring.

The Ministry of Home Affairs and National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) maintains comprehensive records of communal riots in India but has stopped publishing its data regularly. Due to their wider sweep and better access to the criminal justice system, the numbers recorded by these institutions are invariably several folds higher than the number of communal riots reported in the newspapers monitored by the CSSS.

1. Physical violence

This part of the report looks at physical violence stemming from communal attitudes. Other two parts will look at structural and symbolic violence based on communal attitudes. Physical form of communal violence encompasses communal riots, mob lynching and hate crimes. Physical violence, includes actions that cause death, inflicts physical injuries, and/ or targets and damages properties, including homes, shops and commercial establishments, vehicles, and other movable and/or immovable properties.

Salient Features of Communal Violence in 2024:

Increase in the number of Riots:

As compared to the year 2023, according to the monitoring of CSSS, the number of communal riots in as reported in the abovementioned five newspapers in 2024 has increased by 84%. While the above-mentioned five newspapers reported 32 communal riots in the year 2023, the same newspapers reported 59[2] communal riots in the year 2024. Maharashtra (12) followed by Uttar Pradesh (7) and Bihar (7). These communal riots claimed 13 lives – 3 Hindus and 10 Muslims. This increase in the number of communal riots belies the narrative of the state that India is free from communal riots as there are no communal tensions and the state has maintained communal harmony.

The spike in the number of communal riots in India in the year 2024 can partly be attributed to the general elections that were held in April/ May, 2024. Similarly, important states witnessed assembly elections including Maharashtra, Haryana and Jharkhand. Hate speeches with communal overtures were used to polarize communities on religious basis. Part of the spike in the number of communal riots can be attributed to the ecosystem of impunity that is promoted by the state. This point will be elaborated further below in the report.

Theatre of Violence:

As in the year 2023, in 2024, Maharashtra witnessed maximum number of riots – 12.  Bihar and Uttar Pradesh followed with seven each. Maharashtra constituted for almost 20% of the total number of communal riots in 2024 as per the reports in the five newspapers. Maharashtra electorally and politically is a significant state where both the NDA and INDIA Alliance was trying to wrest control from the NDA. Interestingly, amidst intense factionalism in Maharashtra and hotly contested electoral contest, Maharashtra underwent acute communal churning – communal riots, hate speeches, and mob lynching. The last five years especially in Maharashtra have been particularly strenuous for its social fabric. It is noteworthy that until a decade back, the communal riots took place mostly in urban areas. However, in the last few years as in 2024, communal riots have spread to rural areas- villages and towns.

The region wise distribution of riots is also telling about the nature of communal riots in India and its motivation. Traditionally, the cow belt comprising of Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Haryana and Bihar, witnessed higher number of communal riots along with the state of Maharashtra. Traditionally, the southern states of India have reported far lesser number of communal riots. The same is the case with the state of West Bengal. However, in the last few years, especially since 2022, there is a spike in communal riots in western region of India- Maharashtra, Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh. Thus, in the last few, the theatre of violence though continues in the cow belt- Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh, it has expanded to newer regions especially that of Maharashtra, West Bengal and Haryana. In 2024, the western zone of India comprising of Maharashtra (12), Gujarat (5) Madhya Pradesh (5) and Rajasthan (3), according to the reports in the above newspapers, accounted for 25 communal riots, constituting almost 42 percent of the total communal riots in 2025.

Northern region comprising of Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, and Haryana have reported 13 communal riots – comprising 22 percent of total communal riots. Similarly, eastern region comprising of Bihar, Jharkhand, West Bengal and Odisha North India have witnessed 13 riots constituting 22 percent of total communal riots 2024. The Southern zone, comprising Karnataka and Telangana reported seven communal riots constituting 12 percent of total communal riots. The North Eastern region though reported only one riot in Tripura, it is important to note that the conflict in Manipur, which is largely ethnic having communal overtures, is ongoing.  CSSS has elaborated on Manipur violence in a separate report[3].

Ruling Regimes:

Out of the 59 communal riots in the year 2024, 49 communal riots took place in states where the BJP is ruling either on its own, or in coalition with other parties. The coalition partners include Shiv Sena (Eknath Shinde faction) and National Congress Party (Ajit Pawar faction) in Maharashtra and Janata Dal in Bihar. Seven out of 59 communal riots took place in the states ruled by Indian National Congress while three communal riots took place in West Bengal where the Trinamool Congress is in power. This data also can be explained by pointing out that BJP ruled states have taken little action to deter communal violence and religious polarization. The state authorities in these states have used bulldozers as a form of “collective punishment” against Muslims. The non BJP ruled states have desisted from such actions and deterred communal riots to some extent.

Nature of State and changes in trends:

In 2024, communal riots exhibited a familiar pattern observed in previous years. These riots were mostly low-scale and under the radar, typically lasting only a few hours, with fewer casualties, and confined to smaller areas. However, these communal riots have led to polarization and deepened communal consciousness. The reported number of fatalities remained relatively low. A significant characteristic of the communal riots in 2024 was the lesser planning compared to previous years.

This planning ranged from identifying properties of individuals from “other” communities, employing specific trigger to start the communal riots and arranging combustibles like gas cylinders, stockpiling weapons, mobilizing mobs to inflict maximum damage on the communities attacked. This was the characteristic of the institutionalized riot system (IRS) that was prominent in the major riots in the past. In the recent years, this planning is limited as there is a pervading atmosphere of communal consciousness causing tensions, making it easier for a communal riot to take place. The smallest reason makes it easier to trigger communal riot as will be evident from the communal riots listed below. It’s become common that even in case of the most mundane arguments between persons from two different religious groups, the incident is given a communal turn. The most common trigger observed is that of organizing aggressive rallies and derogatory sloganeering in public spaces during religious festivals as will be discussed in details.

Historically, communal riots often involved groups from two religious communities clashing, with both sides inflicting and suffering losses. These included acts of arson, assaults, and even heinous crimes such as rape. However, in recent years, the nature of larger riots has shifted. Instead of clashes between two communities, many significant riots now involve state actions disproportionately targeting the Muslim community. These actions include using bulldozers to demolish properties owned by Muslims, causing significant economic damage. Additionally, the state has slapped cases and implicated the members of the Muslim community, even in instances where they are victims of violence during communal riots.

The disproportionate and seemingly one-sided state action have led to social discord, communal consciousness, and polarization. This atmosphere of communal tension has been steadily intensifying over recent years. For instance, the Pew Research Center, a respected research institution, categorized India in 2022 as “very high” on its Social Hostilities Index (SHI), with a score of 9.3. Social hostilities index (SHI) factors in levels of religion-relate harassment, mob violence, terrorism, militant activity, and conflicts over religious conversions or the use of religious symbols and attire. PEW Research also pegged India high at 6.4 out of 10 on Government Restriction Index (GRI). The GRI measures laws, policies, and actions that regulate or limit religious beliefs and practices. These include policies banning particular beliefs or practices, the unequal granting of benefits to certain religious groups, and bureaucratic rules requiring religious groups to register to access benefits (The Hindu, 2025).

Similarly, in 2020, India’s SHI score of 9.4 out of a possible 10 was worse than that of neighbouring Pakistan and Afghanistan. These trends underscore a consistent decline in India’s performance on this index, reflecting a troubling pattern of rising communal hostility.

Area Hegemony/ Assertion of Hindu Rashtra:

The communal riots in 2024 are marked by a bold assertion of Hindu right-wing power in public spaces, characterized by deliberate processions passing through Muslim-majority neighborhoods with loud music or provocative slogans. This trend is a continuation of developments from recent years. Numerous right-wing Hindu groups are emerging at the grassroots level, and in their efforts to gain popularity and influence, they often organize processions or protests in front of mosques or other Muslim places of worship, as well as in Muslim neighborhoods, aiming to provoke or humiliate the community. The aim is not just to establish hegemony in Muslim inhabited areas but also public spaces where Hindus reside. The outcome of such rallies is also the gaining of considerable clout of the Hindu organizations and its members in Muslim and Hindu neighbourhoods.

Historically, India has had a rich cultural heritage where Hindus and Muslims celebrated each other’s festivals and respected one another’s religious spaces. There was a mutual understanding regarding the routes of processions, ensuring that potential misunderstandings or clashes were avoided. Consultations at local levels are held to decide routes. For example, it was common for Hindus to participate in Urs processions, while Muslims would set up stalls to welcome Ram Navami processions and offer refreshments to devotees. These events were expressions of faith, with local residents participating, rather than political statements.

However, in the current political climate, these processions have shifted from being expressions of faith to displays of political hegemony. These processions are fueled by political mobilization. They are increasingly driven by agendas of asserting Hindu supremacy in Muslim-majority areas, with the aim of showing that these neighborhoods can be breached at will by right-wing groups. This assertion of dominance has become a key factor in the communal riots of 2024.

Implicating of Muslims in Criminal cases:

Recent communal riots point to an emerging three trends that result in marginalization of the Muslims. The first trend, already discussed, is the domination or hegemony in public spaces by Hindu right-wing groups. The second trend is the implicating of Muslims in serious criminal cases, and the third trend one involves meting out collective punishment to Muslims through the demolition of their properties and places of worship.

The first aspect, area domination, involves provoking and humiliating the Muslim community by Hindu right-wing groups. When even the slightest retaliation from the Muslim community occurs, it is often used as a pretext to disproportionately arrest Muslims or impose severe charges on them. This has become a disturbing norm: even when Hindu right-wing groups march aggressively into Muslim-majority areas and vandalize property, a large number of Muslims are still named in FIRs. These individuals are frequently charged with serious offenses, and investigations are handed over to agencies like the NIA, likening these cases to terror-related cases. It is ironic that even in places where Muslims are named in large numbers in the complaints, the injured or dead are also Muslims and they also suffer the most damage to property.

Muslims accused in such cases face long legal battles, making them vulnerable not only to imprisonment but also to extra-judicial killings as witnessed in Bahraich. Most of these accused come from economically disadvantaged backgrounds, with many being the sole breadwinners for their families. They often cannot afford to fight lengthy legal cases, leaving them in a state of ongoing hardship and fear.

Bulldozers and demolitions used as “collective punishment” against the Muslims:

Apart from the threats of demolitions to mosques and contestations related to places of worship that have been one of the reasons for communal riots, the Muslim community is dispossessed and face disproportionately higher losses in communal riots owing to the “collective punishment” meted out by the state in the form of demolitions of their homes and shops. In the year 2024, out of 59 incidents of communal riots, in four incidents, the state resorted to demolish the properties belonging to Muslims. The authorities alleged that the properties were illegal. However, as is the case from previous years, no due process was followed including serving of adequate notice or opportunity of hearing before the demolitions. The demolitions took place immediately after the communal riots, making its timing suspicious. It is noteworthy that all these demolitions took place in BJP ruled states.

In Mumbai, Maharashtra, the state demolished fifteen properties belonging to the Muslims in Haidary chowk in Mira Road after communal riots took place in January (details given below). In the state of Uttar Pradesh known for arbitrary demolitions, in Bareilly, the state demolished 11 houses of Muslims after communal riots took place during Muharram procession on 18^th July (details given below).

In a shocking incident yet giving insights into how demolitions are used brazenly by states, in the state of Rajasthan in Udaipur, demolished the house of a 15 years old Muslim boy who allegedly stabbed his Hindu schoolmate to death on 16^th August (Mateen & Meena, 2024). In Surat, demolitions took place in Sayedpur after communal riots took place over allegations of stone pelting on Ganesh pandal during Ganesh festival.

Triggers for Communal Riots:

Religious Processions and Public Celebrations of festivals:

In 2024, religious processions and public celebrations of festivals were the triggers for the majority of communal riots, accounting for 26 out of 59 incidents. This amounts to almost half the incidents of communal riots. These included four riots during the Pran Pratishthan ceremony at the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya in January, four during Ganesh Chaturthi, seven in Bihar during Saraswati idol immersions, two each on Ram Navami and Bakri Eid, and one each on Muharram, Urs, Durga idol immersion, Eid Milad-un-Nabi, Karthik Puja and a local Hindu procession. These 26 incidents do not account for numerous disruptions to Christmas celebrations or attacks on Christians across India.

These riots resulted in the loss of three lives, all of whom were Hindus. A notable pattern in these incidents was the systematic targeting of Muslims, often orchestrated by right-wing Hindu groups, with the state also playing a partisan role and taking one-sided action against Muslims.

Contested placed of Worship:

The year 2024 witnessed six communal riots over the issue of contested places of worship, mainly the state and right-wing fringe groups alleging that mosques and dargahs were illegal or that they were built on Hindu place of worship. This narrative kept the communal pot churning and tensions high in different places. The total number of lives claimed by these communal riots was ten (nine of Muslims and one Hindu) and nearly all arrested were Muslims. It is notable that most of these conflicts have been festering in the two states of Uttarakhand and Uttar Pradesh.

Desecration of Places of Worship:

Five communal riots took place due to desecration of places of worship. One took place over a severed head of a calf found in a temple in Ratlam, Madhya Pradesh. Second one took place over a piece of tail of a cow in a temple in Bhilwara in Rajasthan. Third communal riot was in Jirania in Tripura when an idol of goddess Kali was defaced. In Karnataka’s benguluru, a mosque in Katipalla near Surthka was pelted with stones. In Hyderabad, a man allegedly tried to damage an idol of the local deity in Muthyalamma area temple.

Other Triggers:

The other triggers for communal riots also reflect the communal discourses prevalent in our society. One narrative often cited by the state is that of ‘infiltration of Bangladeshi immigrants’. These riots took place in Ghaziabad and different places in Maharashtra. These riots were a result of aggressive rallies organized by Hindu right-wing organizations to ‘protest’ the violence against Hindus in Bangladesh.

Other triggers included the accusations of ‘love jihad’ and other trivial personal disputes between individuals from different communities which were given a communal twist.

Mob Lynching

According to the monitoring of CSSS based on the above-mentioned five newspapers, India witnessed thirteen (13) incidents of mob lynching in the year 2024. These 13 incidents of mob lynching resulted in 11 deaths: one Hindu, one Christian, and nine Muslims. While this represents a decline from 21 incidents of mob lynching recorded in the year 2023, the persistence of these attacks remains a concern. The decline in the number of incidents of mob lynching may be attributed to the guidelines of the Supreme Court in favour of strict action by the state in cases of mob lynching. The constant rebuking by the judiciary especially when Hindus were victimized in mob violence compelled state to take action in incidents of mob lynching. However, the mob lynching in the case of cow vigilantism continues.

Seven of these incidents of lynching were linked to cow vigilantism or accusations of cow slaughter. Other cases of lynching were on the accusations of interfaith relationships and assaults targeting Muslims for their religious identity. Geographically, Maharashtra accounted for three lynching along with Uttar Pradesh, while Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Haryana, and each reported two incidents, and Karnataka recorded one.

It is noteworthy that as in the case of communal riots, Maharashtra accounts for maximum number of mob lynching incidents. Uttar Pradesh too accounts for three incidents of mob lynching.

The thirteen cases of the incidents of mob lynching, classified according to the accusations or triggers, are listed below.

Seven out of thirteen, that is over 50 percent or over half of the cases, can be attributed to the pretext of cow slaughter. Chand Miyan (23) and Guddu Khan (35) from Uttar Pradesh were lynched by cow vigilantes near temple town Arang, in Chhattisgarh while transporting buffaloes on 7^th June, 2024. Saddam Qureshi, the third victim, survived with critical injuries. According to the account of the survivor, 14-15 people chased them in a car and attacked them, beat two of them to death and threw their bodies from the bridge onto the riverbed. The survivor reported that he jumped off the bridge to save his life. Reportedly, the body of one of those killed shows multiple fractures, with one foot split apart, indicating the extent of the torture inflicted on the victims. The police filed a FIR (Times of India, 2024).

In another incident that took place in Charkhi Dadri, Haryana, Sabir, on 27^th August, a migrant and scrap dealer from West Bengal was lynched and died in the attack. Asiruddin from Assam was also beaten up by the accused but survived. The police arrested five people and two juveniles in conflict with law were detained on charges of being involved with the attack. The accused suspected that both the victims had consumed beef. The accused lured the victims to a local bus stand claiming that they had some scrap to dispose. At the bus stand, the group of accused attacked them and beat them.  When passers-by intervened, they took the two to some other location on their motorcycles. Sabir was later found dead near a canal in Bhandwa village. Asiruddin was found dumped at another location (The Hindu, 2024).

In another incident reported from Haryana, Aryan Mishra (19) on 23^rd August, had gone for a drive with his friends — brothers Harshit and Sagar (alias Shanky) Gulati — and two others in their Renault Duster. A group of cow vigilante saw the speeding vehicle of Aryan and assumed that they were cow smugglers in the speeding car. A 30-km chase from Faridabad Sector 21 to Palwal’s Baghola ensued. The accused then opened fire, killing Aryan. Five men, including the leader of an outfit called ‘Live for Nation’, Anil Kaushik, were arrested (Raj, 2024).

One Haji Ashraf Munyar (72) who was onboard Dhule-CSMT Express on – was attacked by a group of men who accused him of carrying beef in his tiffin. The incident came to light after the incident was captured on video which went viral. On August 28, 2024, Mr. Munyar boarded a train from Chalisgaon in Jalgaon district to visit his daughter who lives in Kalyan. Mr. Munyar was travelling alone in a general compartment where over a dozen men began to harass him. According to the newspaper report, the goons in the video are seen slapping, hitting and kicking him on his face, eyes and head constantly, asking him to show what was he carrying in his bag. Munyar in the video as reported is seen begging with folded hands to the assaulters requesting them to spare him. The assaulters were heard responding, “We will call Bajrang Dal to chop your body. We will rape your mothers and sisters.” The police filed an FIR but it didn’t include section 307- attempt to murder. The family of the victim demanded that this charge should be added to the FIR (Sah, 2024).

In another incident from Maharashtra, 28-year-old Mohammad Hazek, a footwear trader, was attacked by cow vigilantes in Beed district. The incident occurred on the night of 5th September at around 12:15am. Hazek was at a paan shop, speaking with his fiancée on the phone, when he witnessed a speeding vehicle hitting a stray cow before driving away. Hazek attempted to take a photo of the vehicle but was unsuccessful. However, he managed to photograph the injured cow and shared the image with his fiancée. A few minutes later, as Hazek was walking back home, he was ambushed by a group of men armed with sticks and rods. The group accused him of being a cow transporter and began attacking him. Out of the eight men named in the FIR, the police have identified and arrested four individuals: Mandar Deshpande, a 30-year-old resident of Karanja Road, and three others—Omkar Lande (23), Anil Ghodke (26), and Rohit Lolge (20).(Akhef, 2024).

Mishrikhan Baloch, 40 years old, was lynched by five people in Aagthala village of Banaskantha district in Gujarat on 23^rd May, 2024. The cause of the lynching was the ongoing conflict between the victim and the five accused and he was last attacked in July 2023 for ferrying buffaloes. On the fateful day, Baloch was on his way to the animal market in Deesa with two buffaloes when the pickup van was chased and ambushed by the accused. The accused were identified as Akherajsinh Vaghela, Nikulsinh, Jagatsinh from VatamJoona village, Pravinsinh from Chibhda, and Hamir Thakor from Deodar, all located in Deodar taluka of Banaskantha. The assailants struck Mishrikhan with iron rods, pipes, machetes and the handle of a jack, inflicting severe injuries. The accused were booked for murder, wrongful restraint, rioting, rioting with deadly weapons, issuing death threats, and criminal conspiracy under the Indian Penal Code (Times of India, 2024).

In Majhola area in Moradabad of Uttar Pradesh, 37 years old Shahedeen Qureshi was beaten to death on 30^th December, 2024, by cow vigilantes who were part of Rashtriya Bajrang Dal. The functionaries of the Rashtriya Bajrang Dal reportedly claimed that they came to know that Qureshi had slaughtered a cow and caught him red handed and handed him over to the police. The police have filed two FIRs- one against unidentified persons for the murder of Qureshi and the other FIR is related to cow slaughter (Singh K. , Times of India, 2024)

Accusations of interfaith romance or relationships, derogatorily termed as ‘love jihad’ has been used to foment communal tensions and target innocent people. In a not very surprising incident, a 19 years old Muslim student of Savitribai Phule Pune University was attacked by five persons who accused the student of “love jihad”. According to the police, the attack took place on 8^th April when the male student was accompanying two female students on the campus. They started questioning the student and asked him to show his Aadhaar card. Upon seeing the student’s Muslim man, the assailants attacked him. The police have registered FIR against unidentified persons (New Indian Express, 2024).

Other pretext for mob lynching included accusation of theft. In Aligarh, Uttar Pradesh, Mohammad Farid, 35 was lynched to death. Farid, his brother Zaki and their aides were accused by a woman, wife of textile trader Mukesh Chand Mittal, of dacoity in Mittal’s house. She claimed that Farid threatened her at gunpoint, snatched her gold chain, and took INR 2.5 lakh cash and jewellery from her. A group of men caught Farid when he was running out of the house and beat him to death with sticks. Zaki, Farid’s brother claims that Farid was targeted for his religious identity. Case is filed against Farid, Zaki and five others under IPC sections 395 (dacoity) and 354 (assault or criminal force to woman). The FIR has mention unidentified persons in connection to lynching (Lavania, 2024).

People from vulnerable social groups were targeted under the most trivial pretext, exposing the pervading atmosphere of impunity and lawlessness. In the Jalalabad area of Shamli district, Uttar Pradesh, Mohammad Firoz, 31 years old was beaten to death on 5^th July, after he was accused of entering a house “in an intoxicated state”. The men of the house brutally thrashed Firoz and handed him over to the police. Firoz later died at his home. Afzal, Firoz’ brother reported that Firoz was promoting his business over the loudspeaker when he got into an altercation with the other party and was thrashed. A case was registered against Mohalla Ganga Aryanagar in Jalalabad – Pinki Kumar, Pankaj Kumar and Rajendra Kumar and their associates under section 105 (culpable homicide) of BNS. The accused were not arrested for the lack of evidence (Sharma, 2024).

Pavan Kumar, Rahul and Binayak were assaulted in Chikkabettahalli in Benguluru, Karnataka on 18^th April, 2024. They were allegedly assaulted by accused Farman and Sameer for raising ‘Jai Shri Ram’ slogans on Ram Navami. Reportedly, a case was registered under IPC sections 295A, 298, 143, 147, 504, 324, 326, 506 and 149 (Times of India, 2024)

Salman Vohra (23), who went to watch a cricket tournament match in Chikhodra, Gujarat on 22 June, was mercilessly beaten to death by a group of men. According to the reports, the mob had been heckling Muslim players with Hindutva slogans like “Jai Shri Ram” as the Muslim players performed well in the tournament. Reportedly, the locals claimed that tensions had begun even before the match because Muslim players were excelling in the tournament, which did not sit well with some locals associated with right-wing groups. The incident started with a parking dispute. A group of men allegedly arrived on motorcycles and got into a fight with Salman, telling him to move his bike from the stand. They started mercilessly beating Salman. Members of the crowd even cheered the attackers. Two other Muslim men were injured; one received around 17 stitches, and the other around 7 stitches. Salman had marks on his right hand, cuts below his eyes, and his ear was brutally damaged—almost bitten off by the attackers. A knife wound damaged his kidney, which was the most severe injury. He was also beaten on his lower waist and neck, causing significant bleeding. The family filed an FIR on 23 June at the Anand Rural police station. It includes sections of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) such as: 143 (Punishment for unlawful assembly), 147 (Punishment for rioting), 148 (Being armed with a deadly weapon), 302 (Murder), and 324 (Voluntarily causing hurt by dangerous weapon) among others, including The Gujarat Police Act. Seven accused have been arrested in the matter, and the court has given seven days remand for all these accused (Maktoob Media, 2024).

Bindu Sodhi (22) was lynched by her own uncle and others in the village of Toylanka in Chhattisgarh, on 24^th June, 2024. She and her family had adopted Christianity. Sodhi’s uncle and other villagers were not allowing Sodhi to plough her own fields if she didn’t give up Christianity. Sodhi’s mother, brother and younger sister managed to escape the attackers (Carvalho, 2024).

List of Communal Riots in 2024

1. In Shajapur in Madhya Pradesh, on 9th January, some Muslims in Magaria locality allegedly pelted stones on a procession where youth associated with Hindu organizations distributed yellow rice for the consecration ceremony of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya. According to the complainant, Mohit Rathore, some Muslim men near a mosque on the Naag-Naagin Road stopped the procession taken out ahead of the Ram Temple consecration since it was a Muslim inhabited area and the youth in the procession were raising slogans (Aafaq, The Scroll, 2024). One person was seriously injured during the riot. The police filed a case under provisions of the Indian Penal Code pertaining to rioting, promoting communal enmity, and hurting religious sentiments. The first information report has been filed against 24 named persons and 15-20 others. All the named persons are Muslims.

2. In another incident in Maharashtra, communal riot took place in Garib Nawaz Nagar of Nagpur on 21st January. The incident took place during a celebration of the `Pran Pratishtha’ ceremony in Ayodhya. According to the police, an altercation broke out between groups from two communities on 22nd January during a program organized to celebrate the consecration of the Ram temple in Ayodhya. Both groups pelted stones and around 10 to 12 persons sustained injuries (Bose, 2024)

3. In Mira Road locality of Mumbai, Maharashtra, Muslims allegedly vandalized four cars and 10 motorbikes which had flags with the words ‘Jai Shree Ram’ on them. The incident took place on 21st January at Naya Nagar of Mira road. After this episode of violence, members of some Hindu groups retaliated next day by damaging stationary autorickshaws in the area of the Muslims and pelting stones. Interestingly, though the attacks were made from both sides, Mira Bhayander Municipal Corporation used bulldozers on 23rd January afternoon to demolish about 15 structures in the Muslim-dominated Haidary Chowk area in Mira Road. Nine persons were injured in the incident (Indian Express, 2024).

4. In Bhoj village of Vadodara district in Gujarat, on 22nd January, stones were allegedly pelted on a Shobhayatra that was undertaken to celebrate the consecration of the Ram temple in Ayodhya. Reportedly, the situation was already tense in the village before this yatra and thus a meeting was held with members from both the communities to ensure peace. However, stone pelting took place when the procession reached a particular street. Thirteen of the 16 accused booked for attempt to murder were arrested (Indian Express, 2024). Similar incident was reported from Kheralu town of Mehsana district in Gujarat in the same month (The Hindu, 2024)

5. Two days after the Pran Prathisthan at Ram temple in Ayodhya, communal riots erupted in Howrah, West Bengal. On 24th January, members of the Muslim community had organized a procession of Urs to celebrate the birth anniversary of Hazrat Ali, son-in-law of Prophet Mohammad at Belilious road in Central Howrah. However, clashes took place when some Hindus raised the slogans of ‘Jai Shri Ram’. Some Hindu groups alleged that the Muslims pelted stones and tore their religious posters. Over 20 persons were injured. Police imposed section 144 to prevent further violence (Financial Express, 2024).

6. The most significant communal riot which claimed six lives was that of Haldwani in Uttarakhand on 8th February, 2024. The violence erupted over an anti-encroachment drive in Haldwani’s Banphoolpura area to demolish what Nainital District Administration claimed was an ‘unauthorised’ madrassa and a prayer site. The violence that ensued claimed six lives- five Muslims and one Hindu. Fourteen were critically injured. The police imposed a curfew in the area and also issued shoot at sight orders in response (Mishra I. , 2024)

7. On February 9th, communal riots erupted in Bareilly, Uttar Pradesh, when stones were thrown at the followers of Tauqeer Raza, a prominent cleric and leader of the Bareilly-based political party, Ittehad-e-Millat Council. The incident occurred as Raza’s followers were returning from a demonstration he had organized to protest the permission granted for prayers in one of the cellars of the Gyanvapi mosque. During the protest, pamphlets were distributed by the followers, and they also shared posts on social media. In response, the police filed an FIR against unidentified individuals under sections 153A (promoting enmity between different groups) and 295A (deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage religious feelings) of the Indian Penal Code. Additionally, two FIRs were registered for rioting, one filed by members of each community involved (Singh K. , Times of India, 2024).

8. Seven communal riots were reported from the state of Bihar related to the Saraswati idol immersion on 9th February. Communal riots were reported from Bhagalpur where stone were pelted took place at a procession en route to immerse the Goddess Saraswati idol in the Lodipur area. Gunshots were also fired during the clashes in which about 15 people who were part of the procession were injured (Kumar, 2024).

9. In Saharasa, Bihar, a clash between two groups in Nariyar Lataha Tola locality left four people injured on 9^th The trigger was the immersion of Goddess Saraswati idol (Kumar, 2024).

10. In Sheikhpura, Bihar, six people were injured in a similar clash on 9^th February, 2024 (Kumar, 2024).

11. In Sitamarhi, Bihar, violence erupted in the Kanhauli police station area on 9^th February, 2024 leaving half a dozen people injured. Gunshots were also fired (Kumar, 2024).

12. In Darbhanga, Bihar, a clash broke out between members of Hindu and Muslim communities in Bahera market during the immersion of Goodess Saraswati idol on 9^th February, 2024. Reportedly, police have lodged separate first information reports with Bahera, Bishanpur, Hayaghat and Bhalpatti police stations against 170 named accused and 400 unidentified people (Kumar, 2024).

13. In Bahuara village of Siwan district, six people were injured in stone pelting during a riot on 9^th February, 2024 (Kumar, 2024).

14. More than 10 people were injured in a clash in Jamui district of Bihar over the immersion of Goddess Saraswati idol on 9^th February, 2024 (Kumar, 2024).

15. In Vadodara, Gujarat, on 22^nd February, 2024, stone pelting took place between two groups in Navapura are. Communal tensions were fanned when allegedly a derogatory post about Lord Ram was posted on instagram from ID named Sahid Patel. When some Hindus went to the Navapura police station to file the FIR and demand action against the accused, a mob of 150 of Muslims reportedly gathered. Clashes took place between two groups. The police resorted to lathi charge. Sahid Patel, the accused was arrested along with 11 others who were booked for rioting. A total of 22 have been booked for rioting (Times of India, 2024).

16. In an incident that took place in Pahuna village of Chittorgarh in Rajasthan, on 19th March, a Hindu religious procession was underway. When the procession reached a mosque, prayers were taking place. The dispute began because of the noise of the drums that accompanied the procession while the prayers were underway in the mosque. Following an altercation, the two sides hurled stones at each other, leading to injuries. Police arrested 18 people for stone pelting. The police reported that one Shyam Lal Chhipa died of a heart attack during the scuffle (The Hindu, 2024)

17. Communal riot took place on 28^th March in Shirsoli in Jalgaon in Maharashtra when stones were allegedly pelted on persons who participated in the procession to celebrate the birth anniversary of Shivaji. Upon reaching a mosque in the evening, stones were pelted on the procession where six people got injured. Police detained six persons (Chavan, 2024).

18. Two communal riots took place on the occasion of Ram Navami- one in Murshidabad in West Bengal and other in Palamu in Jharkhand. In Murshidabad, stones were pelted on the Ram Navami procession in Rejinagar area on 17th April. A blast was reported from the Shaktipur area near the procession injuring one woman (Times of India, 2024)

19. In Palamu district of Jharkhand, clashes were reported between groups of Hindu and Muslim residents on 17th April. The Muslims of the village of Kajru had opposed the passing of the Ram Navami procession through the mosque. The Muslims argued that Ram Navami wasn’t celebrated in this manner in the past. However, two groups reportedly attacked each other and around five two-wheelers were damaged in the clash. The police arrested ten accused, five from each group (Deccan Herald, 2024)

20. The shrine which had the graves of Imamshah Bawa and his family members in Pirana, Gujarat was flattened by Hindu trustees of the shrine on 7th May, 2024. The Shrine was hailed as a symbol of Hindu- Muslims amity in the region. The destruction of the shrine led to clashes between members of both religious communities where stones were pelted and four persons were reported injured. The police arrested 37 persons booked under sections of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) pertaining to attempt to murder, rioting, and damage to public property among others (Ghosh, 2024)

21. On 29^th May, 2024, groups of students from two communities clashed at the Guru Nanak Dev Degree College at Mailur on the outskirts of Bidar city, Karnataka. The scuffle broke out during a practice session in the college against the backdrop of a youth festival that was organized by the college. When the students were practicing for a play, two of the actors raised the slogan ‘Jai Sri Ram’ which was part of the play. This was objected by the students of another community and two of them allegedly attacked the students who had raised the slogan. Meanwhile, the students of both the communities started quarrelling on the campus, which led to manhandling and fisticuffs between them. The police controlled the tensions and the festival was cancelled (Badseshi, 2024).
22. On 14th June 2024, the severed head of a calf was discovered at the Jagannath Mahadev temple in Jaora, Ratlam district, Madhya Pradesh. This led to communal tension and blockages of roads by groups protesting against this mischief. The protestors also clashed with the police. The police used tear gas to disperse the crowds and arrested four Muslims and charged them under the National Security Act. The accused were paraded in the town and portions of houses of two of the accused- Salman Mewat and Shakir Qureshi were demolished by the state claiming they were illegally constructed (Mohan, 2024)

23. One communal riot took place in Telangana on the occasion on Bakri Eid on 16th June. The incident took place in Medak district where the Mirajul Uloom Madrasa’s management had purchased cattle for sacrifice for Bakri Eid. Soon after they brought in the cattle, a mob gathered around the madrasa and started protesting against the sacrifice. Clashes took place in three different locations in Medak. The police arrested BJP Medak district president Gaddam Srinivas, BJP Medak town president M. Nayam Prasad, Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha President, and seven others in connection with the violence in Medak. There were allegations that thousands of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), and Hindu Vahini members attacked the madrasa and severely injured the members of the management (The Scroll, 2024).

24. In another incident on Bakri Eid, communal riots took place in Balasore town of Odisha when a group of people protested in Bhujakhia Pir area over presence of animal sacrifice blood on the road on 17th June. It is alleged that the group of Muslims pelted stones on the protestors and houses and also torched vehicles. These clashes turned violent (Times of India, 2024).

25. Similarly, in Maharashtra, demolitions of around 70 Muslim properties took place in Vishalgad Fort near Kolhapur on 14^th These demolitions came on the heels of the communal riots that took place near the Vishalgad fort when Hindu right-wing organizations alleged that the Muslim community was encroaching on the land near the Vishalgad fort and organized a protest against the same. The mob during these “protests” attacked Muslim properties and a dargah and adjacent mosque in the nearby Gajapur village. Despite these attacks on Muslim owned properties, the state ordered and carried out demolitions the very next day under lashing rains (Doshi & Mutha, 2024). The Courts had to intervene to halt the demolitions.

26. In Bareilly’s Gausganj area, the Muharram procession came under attack while passing a temple on 18^th It reportedly led to confrontation and stone pelting from both the sides. The videos of this violence circulated widely and clashes took place again next day, resulting in injuries to many people. One Tej Ram (23) died in the violence. Ironically, the administration in Bareilly demolished eleven houses of Muslims alleging that they were illegal. 35 accused- all Muslims were arrested and sent to jail (Singh, 2024).

27. In Bareilly, UP, on 2^nd August, a mob attacked and torched the house of Mohammad Saddam who eloped with a Hindu girl from his neighbourhood on 29^th The couple was traced and brought to a police station. The girl was handed over to her father while Saddam was detained for questioning as his house was set on fire. An FIR was registered against the perpetrators — 21 identified and 30 unknown — under the BNS section of rioting, and another FIR was registered against Saddam for abduction on the complaint of the woman’s father (Singh & Ansari, Times of India, 2024).

28. In Ghaziabad, Uttar Pradesh, on 10^th August, 2024, Bhupendra Tomar alias Pinki Choudhary, leader of Hindu right wing organization, along with his associates, attacked several Muslim families living at a JJ cluster in the Madhuban Bapudham area. He accused them of being illegal Bangladeshi migrants, a claim that was investigated into by the police and rejected. He justified his actions citing the ill treatment of Hindus in Bangladesh. The FIR was registered against Tomar and his men under BNS sections 191(2) (rioting), 354 (sexual harassment), 115(2) (voluntarily causing hurt), 117(4) (group of five or more persons acting in concert commits murder on the grounds of race, caste or community), 299 (deliberate and malicious acts, intended to outrage religious feelings of any class by insulting its religion or religious beliefs) and 324(5) (damage to property). He was arrested (Times of India, 2024)

29. Similarly, in the state of Maharashtra, the Sakal Hindu Samaj organized bandh and protests in the towns of Nashik,

30. Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar,

31. Jalgaon and

32. Ahmednagar on 16th August to protest against the violence suffered by Hindus in Bangladesh. These places witnessed vandalism and violent clashes between the protestors and other groups which opposed these protests. The protestors and leaders including Mahant Ramgiri Maharaj, a prominent Hindu religious leader raised derogatory slogans and made derogatory statements about Islam in these rallies (Indian Express, 2024)

33. In Udaipur, Rajasthan, state authorities demolished the house of a 15 years old Muslim boy who allegedly stabbed his Hindu schoolmate to death on 16th August. The Hindu right-wing organized protests in the city and raised anti-Muslim slogans and torched vehicles. The accused boy was rightly arrested. However, the state authorities went ahead to demolish the house the family was living in and owned by his uncle. The authorities claimed that the house was illegally built on forest land and that they had served notice one day before demolition (Mateen & Meena, BBC, 2024)

34. On 24^th August, twelve people, including a pregnant woman, were injured in a communal clash in Uttar Pradesh’s Meerut district. Qureshi (28), who was in an inebriated state, got into an altercation with Wahid Ahmed (30) of the same village over an issue while returning home. While both were fighting, a local doctor, Sitaram, 62, tried to intervene. The doctor’s intervention irritated both Qureshi and Ahmed, who then allegedly jointly attacked Sitaram. It soon flared into a communal clash as Hindus and Muslims allegedly threw bricks at each other and attacked with sharp weapons, resulting in injuries to around a dozen people. The police filed an FIR and arrested one person (Indian Express, 2024).

35. In Bhilwara, Rajasthan, a chopped tail of a cow was found in the premises of a temple in Bhavani Nagar on 26th August. Thousands gathered outside the temple to protest and demand police action. Some protestor pelted stones and vandalized shops (The Hindu, 2024).

36. Communal riot broke out in Jirania in Tripura when an idol of goddess Kali was defaced on 26th August. Clashes took place between groups of Hindus and Muslims. Miscreants burnt down at least 12 homes and looted at least three shops in addition to vandalising a place of worship. Fifteen displaced families were provided shelter in a government school. At least two persons were injured (Syed, 2024)

37. Properties of Muslims were vandalized and attacked by a mob of two thousand on 4^th September in Jainoor situated in Asifabad district of Telangana state. The violence was triggered by allegations that a Muslim man had sexually assaulted a tribal woman in the district. According to reports, a video circulated on social media which showed the mob freely setting shops of Muslims on fire and pelting stones on a mosque. The violence occurred during a bandh called in protest against the sexual assault incident. The Muslim accused of sexual assault has been booked under the SC/ST Act for attempted rape, attempted murder, and murder (Maktoob Media, 2024).

38. The festival of Ganesh Chathurthi and immersion witnessed four communal riots. In Ratlam of Madhya Pradesh, on 7th September, 2024, in Mochipura, stones were pelted on Ganesh idol which was taken for installation. Subsequently, nearly 500 persons gheraoed the Station Road police station demanding action against an unidentified person who threw a stone at the Ganesh procession in Mochipura area. One police van was damaged in the stone pelting. Heavy security was deployed and case registered by the police against unknown person (Malpani, The Hindu, 2024)

39. In another incident related to Ganesh festival, in Sayedpura of Surat in Gujarat, some people allegedly pelted stones at the Ganesh pandal on 8th September, 2024. Reportedly, all six people who were involved in stone pelting along with 27 others who encouraged the incident, were arrested by the police. According to the police, 1000 police personnel were deployed in the area to maintain law and order after tensions escalated following the stone pelting incident. Lathi charge, and tear gas was also used to disperse the protesters. Shortly after the riots, “anti-encroachment” drive was undertaken by the administration and demolished properties in the Muslim dominated Sayedpura (Times of India, 2024).

40. In Gokulnagar of Bharuch, Gujarat, communal clashes took place between two groups on 10^th September, 2024 over installation of religious flags in the area. Members of one community started putting up religious flags in anticipation of Eid-e-Milad. There was an altercation over this issue which led to stone pelting, injuring two. The police has filed an FIR against 20 persons and detained 17 for the violence (Times of India, 2024)

41. Karnataka too witnessed communal riot related to Ganesh Chaturthi. On 11th September, there was alleged stone pelting during the Ganesha immersion procession in Nagamangala town of Mandya district, which escalated into clashes. According to Mandya district administration, 20 shops and eight vehicles were torched by the mob. Violence broke out when the Ganesha procession stopped near a mosque and youths raised slogans. The opposing group also raised slogans leading to an altercation. 52 persons were arrested and prohibitory ordered were imposed in the town by the administration. 600 police personnel were deployed (The Hindu, 2024)

42. On 15^th September, six persons pelted stones on a mosque in Katipalla near Surthkal in Manguluru, Karnataka. The miscreants came on two motorcycles and threw stones on the Mosque, which was lit up for Eid. All six accused were arrested by the police (Indian Express, 2024).

43. In Bhiwandi of Thane district in Maharashtra, on 17th September, 2024 marking the immersion of Lord Ganesh day, communal tensions heightened when rumours spread that stones were pelted on Lord Ganesh procession. This led to an altercation between two groups. Police resorted to lathi charge to disperse the crowd. Some suspects were reportedly detained for questioning by the police (Indian Express, 2024)

44. On Eid Milad-un-Nabi on 16th September, 2024, communal riot was reported from Mandsaur in Madhya Pradesh. Hindu outfits alleged that stones were thrown at a temple from the Eid procession when it was passing the temple. They also alleged that an assistant of the Priest got injured in the stone pelting (Malpani, The Hindu, 2024).

45. Communal riots took place in Bhadrak district of Odisha on 27^th September over a social media post. The members of the Muslim community clashed with the police when they were denied permission for a protest march in response to social media comments about the Prophet, leading to stone-pelting by the agitated crowd. According to reports, government vehicles were vandalized and officers on law and order duty received injuries in the stone pelting (The Hindu, 2024).

46. A communal clash took place between two groups at the Dehradun railway station in Uttarakhand on 26^th October, when two groups confronted each other over an inter-faith couple. A Muslim girl and her partner were found arguing on the railway station while her father had filed a missing report. The Railway Protection Force (RPF) intervened when they saw the couple arguing and took them to the RPF police station for safety. Rumors of a communal incident began to circulate, leading to the formation of two groups at the railway station, one led by Vikas Verma and the other by Asif Qureshi, ‘president of the Dehradun city unit of Azad Samaj Party.’ Both groups engaged in heated arguments, and the situation escalated as they began pelting stones at each other. Eight two-wheeler vehicles along with police vehicle were damaged. A case was registered against 14 identified accused, including Vikas Verma and Asif Qureshi and around 100 unidentified with 50 each from both the sides, under sections 191(2) (rioting), 221(obstructing a public servant from discharging his duties), 223 (disobedience of order passed by public servant) and 324(4) (damaging property) of the BNS and Section 7 of the criminal law (amendment) Act (Das, Times of India, 2024).

47. In the state of Maharashtra, which witnessed a significant spike in communal riots in the recent years, trivial incidents including altercation over parking of vehicle in Akola district between a Muslim and Hindu and a small collision between a rickshaw and motorcycle in Hariharpeth in Akola led to communal riot on 8^th October, 2024. This indicates towards how sensitive and volatile the social atmosphere in Maharashtra has cascaded into against the backdrop of the hate speeches and political mobilization by the Sakal Hindu Samaj in the last three years in the state (Lokmat Times, 2024).

48. In Bahraich of Uttar Pradesh, one youth, Ram Gopal Mishra lost his life when he succumbed to his gunshot injuries received during a Durga idol immersion procession on 13^th October, 2024. He was shot at in the Maharajganj area of the district. The violence erupted over the playing of music during the procession. The clashes that ensued led to torching of homes, a motorbike showroom, Lucknow Seva Hospital and a medical store. Reportedly, the Public Works Department (PWD) served notices to 23 establishments — 20 of them belonging to Muslims — to vacate property after the communal riots. The police arrested over 89 persons related to the violence. At least 11 FIRs had been registered in connection with Mishra’s killing and over 1000 booked. Days later, two of the accused in the Mishra case were killed in encounter by UP police (The Hindu, 2024).

49. A Muslim ban was attacked and beaten up by a mob outside a temple of a local deity in Muthyalamma area in Secunderabad on 14^th He allegedly barged into the temple in the early hours of the day and damaged the idol. He was caught by the devotees who dragged him out of the temple and beat him up before handing him over to the police. The police has filed an FIR in the case against the accused man (Times of India, 2024).

50. Communal riots erupted in Chamoli district of Uttarakhand when individuals from two communities had a spate over parking space on 15^th October, 2024. According to reports, the incident took place around 9.30 am, when a Hindu local was parking his scooter in front of a Muslim shop owner. An altercation started when the shop owner reportedly asked the man not to park the vehicle there. Soon others gathered and beat up the Hindu man. The man went to the police and was sent for a medical check-up. However, members of some Hindu outfits gathered and took out a procession in protest. The mob created a ruckus, vandalised some shops, and damaged signboards. The ruckus went on till around 2 pm. Following the altercation, a large crowed from the two communities gathered at the Gauchar outpost.The police registered a case against the accused, Rizwan, Salman, Asif and 70-80 unidentified individuals, under sections 115(2), 191(2), and 352 of the BNS (Mishra, 2024).

51. In Dehradun, the shops of Muslims were attacked and vandalized and four police officers were injured when the members of ‘Sanyukta Sanatan Dharm Rakshak Sangh Uttarakhand’- an umbrella body of Bajrang Dal, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, and other right-wing Hindu organizations were stopped from marching to Jama Masjid to demolish the same on 24th October, 2024. More than 200 people have been booked in connection with a stone-pelting. The right-wing organizations claimed that the mosque is illegal much against the declaration made by the district administration recently that the mosque was legally registered in 1969. In September, the organizations had organized a protest to demand that the Muslim families living nearby the Mosque be expulsed from their homes. These events had contributed to escalated tensions in the area (Das, Times of India, 2024).

52. The houses and properties of Muslims were attacked in Kadakol village of Haveri district in Karnataka on 30^th October, 2024 after there were rumours that the houses of the Hindu residents around a shrine will be taken over by Wafq board. Reportedly, miscreants allegedly threw stones and ransacked houses, besides destroying a parked motorcycle in the village. Five people were injured. The authorities assured the families that their houses are not being taken over. Twenty two persons were detained for questioning by the police (Kattimani, 2024).

53. On 16^th November, communal riots broke out in Beldanga town in West Bengal’s Murshidabad district. Tensions erupted following reports of an allegedly objectionable message written on a neon signboard at a Kartik Puja pandal in Beldanga. There was stone pelting, and shops and vehicles were attacked. Some people sustained injuries in the vandalism and arson. 17 persons were arrested (Singh S. S., 2024).

54. In Madhya Pradesh, communal riot broke out in Mauganj district on November 19, 2024, when BJP MLA Pradeep Patel reached land near the Devra Mahadevan temple which he alleged was encroached upon. An altercation ensued between BJP volunteers and Muslim residents of the area, leading to stone pelting which injured three people. The police teams upon reaching the spot reportedly took away Patel to Rewa and claimed to have acted against accused persons and bring normalcy (Times of India, 2024)

55. Another significant communal riot took place in Sambhal in Uttar Pradesh when a survey team surveyed the Shahi Jama Masjid after claims were made by Hindu groups that a temple once stood on the very same site. Groups clashed with each other- one opposing the survey on 24^th November, 2024. The violence that ensued claimed four lives- all Muslims who were shot at. 20 police personnel were injured along with others. Groups of people clashed with each other and police near the Shahi Jama Masjid in Kot West and indulged in arson according to the police (Rehman, 2024).

56. A minor dispute between two individuals in Mehkar town of Buldhana district, Maharashtra escalated into a violent clash between two communities on 24^th November, 2024. The situation led to arson and stone-pelting. Violence erupted in the Marimata Chowk area of Mehkar when a quarrel broke out between two youths dining at a hotel on Janefal Road. The argument spiraled into a full-fledged riot, with mobs from both sides resorting to stone-pelting. During the clash, an Omni van, two motorcycles, and an auto rickshaw were set on fire. The police have filed cases against more than 50 individuals from both communities and arrested 23 suspects based on a FIR and counter FIR (Sable, 2024).

57. In Dehradun, Uttarakhand, members of Sanatan Sanskriti, a right-wing Hindu group demolished a mazaar situated within the campus of an influential reputed residential school in November. The miscreants livestreamed the demolition. The group also claimed they took permission from government officials to raze the structure, a claim denied by the administration. The group claimed that the mazaar was a new structure and stands in violation of the chief minister’s orders prohibiting religious structures in public institutions. However, according to locals the mazaar was very old. The school authorities clarified that during the civil work, the Mazaar was damaged and thus they were repairing the same (Tyagi, 2024).

58. On 1^st December, 2024, communal riot flared in Maharashtra’s Buldhana district after a procession celebrating Tipu Sultan triggered violent clashes between two groups. The dispute, which began over fireworks, quickly escalated into widespread violence, with stone-pelting and the setting of vehicles and shops on fire. According to reports, the clashes began following a disagreement related to fireworks during the procession. The situation spiraled out of control, resulting in significant property damage and injuries. Police used tear gas and lathi charges to disperse the unruly crowds. 18 individuals were arrested, and an FIR was filed against 70-80 unidentified people (Latestly, 2024).

59. On 25^th December, communal riot broke out in Rohtak, Haryana, when the members of Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Bajrang Dal stormed into the venue of a Christmas celebration and disrupted it. The miscreants alleged that religious conversion were taking place at the celebration. The miscreants climbed on the stage and recited ‘Hanuman Chalisa’ and demanded that Christmas celebrations take place only in the confines of churches (Times of India, 2024)

[1][1] Irfan Engineer, Neha Dabhade and Mithila Raut

[2] One communal riot was reported outside of the Mumbai edition of the five mentioned newspapers used for collecting data. The communal riot took place in Howrah, West Bengal on 13^th October over a picture made during a drawing competition during a Durga Puja celebration. FIR was filed and arrests were made in the case (Indian Express 14^th October 2024).

[3] https://csss-isla.com/secular-perspective/peace-eluded-manipur-in-the-year-2024/

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The post Hegemony and Demolitions: The Tale of Communal Riots in India in 2024 appeared first on SabrangIndia.

A protest was sparked by the desecration of a Constitution replica in front of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s statue. During a bandh called by the Dalit organisations to condemn the desecration incident, the perpetrator of which had been deemed as “lunatic” by the police before his arrest, certain outside elements came and indulged in violence. The police, which let the unruly crowd run amok for almost one hour, weaponised this incident to target Dalit colonies by conducting combing operations, using brute force and indulge in violence. While the police registered FIRs focusing on property damage caused during protests, following the desecration of the Constitution in front of DR BR Ambedkar’s statue, twelve detailed private complaints of police violence remain unacknowledged.

Key findings from the report

1. Custodial death of Somnath Suryawanshi: Somnath, a 35-year-old law student and an LIC agent, was arrested on December 11 and subjected to severe custodial violence. He succumbed to injuries on December 15, with the post-mortem report citing “shock following multiple injuries.” Despite filing complaints, his family has seen no action against the police officers implicated. His mother, Vijayabai Suryawanshi, has rejected a government compensation offer of ₹10 lakh and has demanded life imprisonment for those responsible.
2. Widespread police brutality: The report documents harrowing accounts of police combing operations in Dalit-majority areas like Bhim Nagar, Priyadarshini Nagar, and Sarang Nagar. Residents reported police breaking into homes, assaulting men and women, including minors and elderly individuals, and using caste-based slurs. Women recounted instances of extreme violence, including injuries on their private parts, and detainees were allegedly tortured in custody with blows to their feet and palms to conceal visible injuries. The brute violence and unchecked brutalities displayed by police during the beatings of women and the young in their homes during the combing operations and after that in custody have violated all laws and statutes including directions by the Supreme Court on police conduct towards those in custody. 
3. Failure to address complaints: Victims and their families have filed twelve detailed complaints highlighting police atrocities and instances of police brutality, but none have been converted into FIRs. Instead, police FIRs focus on property damage caused during protests, ignoring complaints of custodial violence and abuse.
4. Administrative lapses: The team found that prior to the desecration, a far-right Hindutva event had taken place near the area of incident. At the said extremist event, incendiary speeches had been made. The report finds that the administration allowed the Hindu Ekta Morcha, an event organised by an outfit with with a history of inviting speakers who make incendiary speeches that violate the law and breach social peace, , to proceed without adequate preventive measures. No steps, such as videography of speeches or imposition of Section 144 of the CrPC (163 pf the BNSS), were taken to avoid unrest. The police also failed to investigate the role of Datta Sopan Pawar, who desecrated the Constitution replica and was swiftly declared “mentally deranged” without a formal psychiatric assessment.
5. Targeting of activists and Dalit leaders: Prominent Dalit activists and leaders were particularly targeted. Activist Vijay Wakode died of a heart attack shortly after attending deceased Somnath’s funeral, allegedly due to relentless police intimidation. Other victims include law student Dhammadip Mogale, who was assaulted and threatened into silence, and activist Vatsalabai Manvate, who faced brute violence during the combing operations.

Recommendations and demands

The fact-finding team has called for urgent and comprehensive action to address these violations:

• Accountability for police atrocities: Immediate FIRs must be registered against officers involved in violence, including under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. Suspensions and investigations of the erring officers should follow, under the supervision of the judiciary.
• Transparency and public accountability: Publicly disclose police orders regarding the chain of command responsibility in police operation and deputation register to ascertain who was responsible for the combing operation that violated the law, the Indian Constitution and International Human Rights Law. Additionally, video recordings of the Hindu Ekta Morcha, and CCTV footage from police stations must be disclosed. Compliance with Supreme Court guidelines on CCTV installation in police stations should be ensured. 
• Public Disclosure of Police Personnel present at the Police Station at Parbhani where gross human rights abuses have been alleged to have taken place, the Case Diaries of Instructions given by SPs and their superiors behind all these actions. 
• Compensation and rehabilitation: All victims of police brutality should receive substantial reparation in the form of financial compensation and access to medical and psychological care. Somnath’s siblings should be given government jobs as part of rehabilitation efforts.
• Independent investigation into the Constitution desecration: The role of Datta Sopan Pawar and the possible involvement of others must be thoroughly investigated, with findings made public.
• Systemic reforms: The state must commit to ending caste-based discrimination within law enforcement, ensuring strict adherence to human rights laws and accountability for violations.

It was days after the tragic incidents in December 2024, Advocate. Abhay Taksal (CPI), Advocate Pawan Jondhale, Youth Ambedkarite Leader, Sudhir Salve, Comrade Vikas Gaikwad, Comrade Pritam Ghagave, and Ambedkarite leader, Rahul Pradhan spent hours in Parbhani interviewing victims, eye-witnesses and even interacting with the authorities. It is on this basis that the Fact-Finding Report has been prepared. Teesta Setalvad, secretary, Citizens for Justice and Peace and Raju Parulekar, poet, writer and political commentator guided the effort. 

The events in Parbhani represent a horrifying betrayal of constitutional values and the rule of law. The victims, primarily from marginalised Dalit communities, continue to await justice while the guilty remain shielded by systemic bias and administrative indifference. The fact-finding team emphasises the urgent need for accountability, transparency, and systemic reform to ensure such atrocities are never repeated. The nation must stand in solidarity with the victims and demand justice for Parbhani.

The Preliminary Fact-finding report may be read here:

Artwork by Sunil Abhiman Awchar

The post Parbhani police under scrutiny: Fact-finding report exposes allegations of brutality, illegality, and constitutional violations appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The incidents documented here range, from communal targeting and inflammatory speeches to acts of inhuman violence and systemic discrimination, took place in the month of January till now. Public platforms and political events have been weaponised to spread hateful ideologies, with prominent leaders openly calling for boycotts, violence, and exclusion of minority communities. Vulnerable groups, particularly Muslims, Dalits, and tribals, have borne the brunt of this assault, facing economic sabotage, public humiliation, and even physical attacks.

This alarming trend is not just an affront to individual victims but a grave threat to Maharashtra’s legacy of cultural diversity and harmony. The state, once celebrated for its progressive movements and commitment to social justice, now finds itself mired in a toxic environment where fear, division, and hate dominate public discourse. These incidents expose the failure of the government to uphold the rule of law and protect its citizens, raising urgent questions about accountability and justice.

What follows is a detailed account of some of the most glaring incidents of hate and discrimination in Maharashtra in the month of January 2025. These accounts are not isolated events but part of a larger, systemic assault on the principles of secularism, equality, and human dignity. They demand immediate action and an unwavering commitment to restoring the ideals enshrined in India’s Constitution.

Detailed reports of hate incidents

• Targeting of Muslim-owned businesses in Yavatmal

On January 14, two Muslim-owned restaurants in Wani, Yavatmal, were forcibly shut down by members of the Bajrang Dal. The group accused the establishments of serving beef, leading to the police seizing the meat without providing any evidence or conducting a fair investigation. This incident underscores a worrying pattern of weaponising religious sentiment to economically and socially marginalise Muslims. Such acts not only deprive individuals of their livelihoods but also perpetuate a climate of fear and exclusion, eroding the rights of minority communities.

• Brutal assault on a tribal elderly woman in Amravati

In one of the most horrifying incidents, a 77-year-old tribal woman in Retyakheda village, Amravati, was subjected to medieval-style violence on December 30, 2024. While the incident occurred on December 30, it surfaced on January 5, 2025 after a police complaint was lodged by the victim’s son and daughter-in-law.

As per a report of Siasat, accused of practising black magic, the tribal woman was tied up, beaten with sticks, branded with hot iron rods, and forced to inhale chilli smoke. The assailants, led by the village head, further degraded her by making her consume urine and dog excreta and parading her through the village adorned with a garland of slippers. Despite the gravity of the attack, authorities have yet to invoke the Anti-Superstition Act, raising serious questions about the systemic apathy towards tribal and marginalised communities.

The victim’s family has since approached higher authorities, including the Maharashtra State Women’s Commission and the Inspector General of Police, seeking justice. While the district collector assured them of further investigations, such delays and the initial reluctance to file appropriate charges reflect a larger failure to deter such barbaric acts.

#Horrific An elderly tribal woman was tied with a rope, beaten and forced to eat dog excreta, burnt with a hot iron rod, incident took place in Amravati, Maharashtra. pic.twitter.com/GRd8bWe8sv

— The Dalit Voice (@ambedkariteIND) January 19, 2025

• Anti-Muslim rhetoric at Kurla event

At the “Samrast Yatra” event in Kurla, Mumbai, organised by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang Dal, a Jain monk disseminated hate speech rife with anti-Muslim propaganda. He falsely attributed statements to Dr B.R. Ambedkar, claiming the Dalit leader had called for the expulsion of Muslims from India. Such deliberate distortions of history weaponise revered figures to justify communal hatred.

The monk’s speech also demonised Bangladeshi Muslims, referring to them as “lungiwallas” and inciting Hindus to take violent action against them. This open propagation of hate speech at a public event, without any fear of legal consequences, underscores the emboldenment of extremist voices under the current political climate.

• Minister Nitesh Rane’s hate-filled speech

Maharashtra cabinet minister Nitesh Rane has become a recurring figure in the spread of communal hatred. At the Hindu Jagran Sabha in Sangli on January 10, Rane openly called for the economic boycott of Muslims, accusing them of using their businesses to fund fabricated plots like “love jihad” and “land jihad.” He further stoked paranoia by claiming that Muslims aim to turn India into an Islamic nation by 2047.

As per multiple media reports, Rane also coined the communal slur “every vote against Mulla” as a divisive rallying cry. His speech, laced with inflammatory rhetoric and veiled threats, exemplifies how elected representatives are misusing their positions to deepen communal fissures, rather than promoting harmony and inclusivity.

• Sadhvi Ritambhara’s provocative speech in Dadar

At an event organised by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad’s Matrishakti and Durga Vahini in Dadar on January 5, Sadhvi Ritambhara delivered a speech designed to incite violence. She vilified historical Muslim figures as well as women, proclaiming that “women who give birth to people like Aurangzeb and Taimur can’t be our ideal women.” Such statements not only demonise entire communities but also perpetuate divisive stereotypes.

Ritambhara amplified the baseless conspiracy theory of ‘love jihad,’ urging Indian women to “poke out the eyes of love jihadis.” The event concluded with participants taking an oath against this fabricated menace, further cementing hatred against a specific group.

• Casteist slur by Shiv Sena MLA Sanjay Gaikwad

At a public gathering in Buldhana, Shiv Sena MLA Sanjay Gaikwad demeaned voters by accusing them of selling their votes for paltry amounts of money, alcohol, and meat. He shockingly stated, “Even a prostitute is better than that,” displaying an utter lack of respect for both voters, women and marginalised groups. Such derogatory remarks from a public representative not only degrade the dignity of citizens but also highlight the normalisation of casteist and classist language in political discourse.

While addressing a public gathering in #Maharashtra‘s #Buldhana, #ShivSena (#EknathShinde faction) MLA #SanjayGaikwad says, “The voters here were sold for 2-5 thousand rupees, alcohol, and meat. Even a prostitute is better than that” pic.twitter.com/MXKRf6bhy0

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) January 7, 2025

A dire need for accountability and action

These incidents are not isolated but part of a broader, systematic pattern aimed at normalising hatred, targeting minorities, and eroding India’s pluralistic ethos. What is particularly troubling is the state’s apparent complicity, whether through direct endorsement, tacit approval, or sheer apathy. Police inaction, delayed investigations, and the absence of legal consequences embolden perpetrators and send a dangerous signal that hate crimes and divisive rhetoric will go unchecked.

The rise in hate incidents also points to a calculated strategy to divert attention from pressing socio-economic issues by deepening communal and caste divides. Elected representatives and influential figures who engage in hate speech must be held accountable under the law? Furthermore, civil society must amplify its efforts to counter such narratives, and judicial interventions must be swift and decisive in upholding justice.

The escalation of hate incidents in Maharashtra underlines the urgent need for introspection and systemic reform. The state government must decisively act to restore public trust by cracking down on hate speech and violence, irrespective of the political or social standing of the perpetrators. Anything less would not only betray the ideals of justice, equality, and secularism but also embolden those seeking to dismantle the fabric of Indian democracy.

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Unity Beyond Religion: Stories of shared humanity and mutual respect

The post Maharashtra’s Descent into Hate: Six incidents reported in January 2025 highlight Maharashtra’s rising communal and caste-based violence appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Several cases of targeted attacks on the Pangals have been effectively silenced during the violence, especially sensing the sentiments of the fragile raged sentiments of the Meiteis and the Kukis. However, the most recent incident on January 5, 2025 seems to have crossed the thresholds of humanity and ethics. A teenager from the Pangal community Akhter Tampakmayum, 18 years, is alleged by Aramabai Tenggol, an armed Meitei militia, to have molested a girl from the Meitei community. According to the boy, “he and his lady co-worker of Kafya Café were summoned by the militant outfit’s Heingnag Unit (34), the reason for which as reported was a case of a proposal got misunderstood by the girl. At the Arambai Tenggol unit’s premise, he is reported to have been tortured, beaten, and force-fed ‘raw-pork’; while also forcing him to give a statement falsely accusing the Muslim Imams of promoting hatred against the Meiteis. The boy was reportedly nailed on his hands and feet by Arambai Tenggol’s leader Korounganba Khuman who then coerced him to say that Imams of mosques encourage Pangal youths to develop relationships with Meitei girls, to help increase Pangal’s population and to erase the Meiteis from Manipur”, the later part of which was video recorded and widely circulated on social media platforms. The boy was reportedly handed over to the police by the Arambai Tenggol and released on the same day. Such acts of the Arambai Tenggol, for that matter its Heingang Unit, is but an outright provocation to the wider Pangal community, a serious act to hurt the sentiments of the people following the Islamic faith. This not only explains their underlying wider intentions against the Pangals, a small minority Muslim community in Manipur but also invites serious questions on the nature of activities of this armed group with relation to the state’s and national security, communal harmony, and public order.

If the allegation of molestation is found true, the boy could have been punished in accordance with the law of the land. The Arambai Tenggol’s extra-judicial and extra-Constitutional act, not only by taking the matter into their own hands but also by trying to insult and provoke the whole community and its Islamic faith, is highly condemnable. This only invites more trouble in a state already mired by tumultuous violence and chaos. At the same time, it won’t be wrong to also say that the prejudicial targeting of the Islamic faith comes with their intentional second-class treatment of the Pangals. Thus, the Arambai Tenggol’s violent and extra-judicial nature of activities acts as the catalyst to create distinct fissures and polarisation between the communities, with a huge potential to create not only distrust but also an ominous atmosphere that has a latent energy to spark violence any time in the state.

While there has been a long list of hateful targeted attacks by certain sections of the Meiteis on the Pangals in the post-independent Manipur despite an unhindered peaceful co-existence in the history of the state, a more evident anti-inter-community marriage or relationship campaign had started prior to the breakout of May 3, 2023, after which it has been witnessed to be profoundly promoted by armed militias in particular and the masses in general. This is being done to ensure the purity of “Meitei blood” and the continuity of an undefiled Meitei race. Mass campaigns have been organised by the Arambai Tengol, the armed militia to school the public in general and the Meitei women in particular about the need for maintaining a “pure Meitei race”, often associating with a mass pledge in the name of God to not pollute their blood. This kind of mass campaigns by armed and radical organisations with widespread public support, often associating hatred and rhetorical diatribes against the Pangals using social media platforms are largely responsible for creating distinct communal enclaves in the state.

The concern, therefore, lies in the governments’- both the Union and the state’s failure to contain the militias operating in the violence-hit Manipur and giving them a free hand, while the state watches the inhumane and unethical acts of hateful crimes from its “protected thrones”. The incident mentioned above is not the first time that the Arambai Tenggol has inflicted hate crimes on the Pangals, even if, in the almost two years that Manipur has been in turmoil, these have remain largely uncounted, unnoticed. There were several incidents- both reported and unreported, but side-lined through some sort of negotiations wherein the Pangals, sensing that this was the need given the situation that the state has been in. It is the Pangals who have had to compromise every time against the might of the militias supported by the government. However, as part of their continuous provocation and insults, taking the opportunity of a Pangal boy proposing to a Meitei girl, the Arambai Tenggol has seized this one incident, escalated its campaign to further intimidate a miniscule minority community, while also at the same time deeply hurting their religious sentiments and faith.

To the utter blindness and silence of the governments in all these happenings right in front of them, it becomes pertinent to question the following-

1. Have the Union and the state governments ceased to exist in Manipur?
2. Have the governments handed over the due rights for law enforcement, and to manage the state’s law and order in Manipur to the armed militias, like the Arambai Tenggol and others?
3. What is Arambai Tenggol’s objective in relation to co-existence in Manipur?
4. Are human rights and freedom to profess a religion of one’s choice, as enshrined in the constitution of India still available to the people of Manipur?
5. Is Arambai Tenggol a superior authority over the government in the state of Manipur?
6. If there is a government for the people in Manipur, what are its agendas for the state against such hateful targeted attacks?
7. If there is a people’s government, how is it going to counter hate crimes?
8. Is the Meitei as a community wholly supporting the Arambai Tenggol’s act of terror and insult to the faith of and against the Pangals? If not, how are those supporting peaceful co-existence going to counter such hateful terrors and insults undermining the history of togetherness?

The governments and the people of Manipur alike, need to wake up from their deep slumber, face reality, and counter —for the goodness of humankind and for the sake of upholding the integrity of Manipur—and respond. Both the Meitei-Kuki conflict and the Arambai Tenggol’s acts of terror and insults on the Pangals are equally detrimental to the well-being of the Manipur society. One must fight back to ensure substantive justice with the same intent in both cases. Calling for justice for survivors of the inter-ethnic conflict between the Meitei and Kuki, while ignoring and promoting the Arambai Tenggol’s continuous provocations on the Pangals is but a myopic meaning of ‘justice’. All right thinking persons from within all communities, be it the governments or the people, need to come out of our self-imposed cylos and isolation. Open our eyes wide, and fight against the sections of militias propagating communal hatreds and violence and to bring back and ensure our history of peaceful co-existence. With the governments lying in a determinedly shameless deep slumber that renders their writ non-existent, the onus lies even more on the people of Manipur to stop these hate-filled communal acts and targeted crimes against the Pangals.

(The author is a Ph.D. from Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi)

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

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The post Arambai Tenggol: champions of Manipur’s ‘integrity’ or a Meitei communal militia? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Role of the security forces in the conflict:

Table – 1: Number of people killed

Table – 2: Number of persons injured

In all, 81 persons, including women and children were killed and 214 persons were injured in the Meitei-Kuki conflict in Manipur in the year 2024, as reported in the 5 newspapers monitored by the CSSS – The Times of India, The Indian Express, The Hindu, Inquilab and Sahafat.  Among the 81 killed, 19 were from Meitei community, while 15 were from Kuki community, 12 were security personnel, and 4 were Hindu migrant workers. Community of the rest 31 persons was not reported. Among the injured, 65 were from Meitei community, 1 injured was from Kuki community, 40 injured were security forces and the community of 106 injured persons was not reported. Two migrant Hindu workers were also injured. While some Meiteis were injured from gunfire from the hills in Kangpokpi district on the bordering villages in the valley, most were injured during protests in the Imphal Valley and in Jiribam district due to firing by the security personnel. Both – Meiteis and Kukis were killed in the conflict, and at least one Kuki woman was raped and brutally assaulted. Kuki militants’ fire on Meitei villages appeared to be with the intention to disturb the “peace” to force political negotiations around their demand of separate administration. At times, they appeared to be revenge killings.

Several houses and vehicles were burnt down, including those of unarmed members of both communities, and that of the MLAs in the valley. Five churches, a fuel pump and 272 Kuki houses and 62 Meitei houses were burnt during the year 2024. Till date, 258 people have been killed and 386 religious places have been vandalized. There are 60,000 internally displaced persons living in inhuman conditions in relief camps. 39 persons are missing since the conflict. It is also noteworthy that the CM Shri Biren Singh condemned attacks on Meiteis, he seems to have maintained silence when Kukis were killed or injured.

While no efforts worth the name were made to resolve the ethnic conflict in Manipur, 90 additional companies of the Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) were deployed. With these deployments, the total CAPF deployed in the state totalled 288 – 165 companies of CRPF, 104 of BSF, 8 of RAF, 6 of SSB and 5 of ITBP. These are in addition to the deployment of Assam Rifles, which is under the Army’s operational command. With more than 60,000 armed CAPF in addition to the state police, for a population of about 3 million, Manipur must be the most militarized state in India after J&K. This level of violence has led to very high levels of polarization of the two ethnic communities. Lt. General (Retd.) Rana Pratap Kalita stated that polarization along ethnic lines has spread to government officials and police. According to him, there was easy availability of weapons and sustained misinformation by all stakeholders. The Manipur Police with overwhelming majority of Meiteis allegedly favour their community. There is one incident though, in which one Meitei ex-serviceman who was specially appointed, was suspended when the force led by him in Jiribam district fired on protesting Meiteis, leading to the death of a Meitei. Security personnel also had to pay a heavy price in this conflict.

There was a huge conflict between the Meitei police commandos posted in Kuki dominated Moreh town bordering Myanmar, in January 2024, and the Kuki community. The Kuki women agitated against posting Manipuri police with Meitei commandos in which several people were killed. CSSS had prepared a detailed report on this conflict. Likewise, the Assam Rifle are alleged to be partisan towards the Kukis. However, when we talked to the Commandants of the Assam Rifle, they not only denied the allegation, they also provided data suggesting that more Kukis have been at the receiving end of their bullets, arrests, and seizure of weapons than the Meiteis.

The approach of the state towards the conflict seems to be limited to attempts to suppress it, without making any serious attempt to find a resolution. Either the Biren Singh led BJP state government has no solution, or perhaps aims to derive political benefit from the conflict, viz., strong consolidation of Meities, which form nearly 54% of the state’s population and inhabiting in the valley. The valley elects 40 out of 60 MLAs in the Manipur state legislature. However, the strategy does not appear to have worked as in the Lok Sabha elections, both the MPs elected from the state belonged to the Congress Party. The Meiteis also seem to be running out of patience for non-resolution of the conflict for over 19 months. The Meiteis are also suffering losses in the conflict. The attack on houses of the MLA, including the BJP MLAs, ministers and the CM, shows the frustration of Meiteis. Also, the Conrad Sangma led NPP, a coalition partner of NDA, with 7 MLAs withdrew their support to the Biren Singh Government, although it did not lead to the fall of the BJP led government, as the BJP has majority in the state legislature on its own. Eleven BJP MLAs did not attend the meeting called by Biren Singh and were served show cause notices.

No justice to the victims:

The wheels of justice are moving extremely slow. 42 SITs have been constituted by the Supreme Court to investigate 3,023 FIRs filed. In all, 11,892 FIRs had been filed. However, they were later consolidated into 3,023 FIRs. According to the information shared by the CM and reported in The Times of India on 1^st August 2024, 11,133 houses were burnt and 4,569 others were destroyed in the conflict. Farmlands belonging to 5,554 farmers had been hit. Till 18^th December 2024, according to a report in The Hindu, chargesheets had been filed only in 192 cases of heinous crimes pertaining to rape, sexual offences against women, arson, loot and murder, which constitutes only 6% of the cases investigated. Till November 20, 2024, 742 suspects had been identified, after examining 11,901 witnesses. 574 persons have been charge-sheeted, while 384 persons had been arrested. The SITs have seized 501 weapons and 13,464 ammunitions out of about 6,000 weapons ‘looted’ from the police, most of them in the valley. Although charge sheet has been filed, trial had not begun till 18^th October in the case of two Kuki women mass raped and paraded naked on 4^th May 2023, the day after the conflict began.

Growing power of the armed militants:

This level of conflict has strengthened the armed militants on both sides of the divide. The communities do not trust the security apparatus of the state to protect them. This has led to sprouting of bunkers manned by armed community volunteers to ensure no one from the ‘enemy’ community intrudes into ‘their’ area. Arambai Tenggol, a militant Meitei organization has armed itself with the help of over 6,000 arms ‘looted’ from the police armoury and others it might have obtained from across the border. State police apparatus seems to indulge them and look the other way in all their illegal actions. Arambai Tenggol even abducted Additional Superintendent of Police and vandalised his home and property after he arrested 6 members of the militant outfit on 27^th February 2024 (ibid). The militant organisation issued summons to all the MLAs, Rajya Sabha and Lok Sabha MPs to assemble on January 24^th, 2024, at Kangla Fort in Imphal, and they were made to take an oath that they would work for the interest of the Meitei community and their demands, including delisting of the Kuki community from the ST list, deportation of Kukis, withdrawal from the SoO agreement with Kuki militants and other such partisan demands (ibid). That the elected representative could not have disobeyed the summons shows how powerful these armed militants have become.

The Kuki armed militants also command similar obedience from the community. House of Michael Lamjathang Haokip, a BJP spokesperson in Churachandpur, belonging to Thadaou tribe, was burnt down in August by Kuki ultras, after he asserted that the Thadous are not within the Kuki family and wanted reproachment with the Meiteis. The guns of Arambai Tenggol and Kuki ultras terrorise, have eliminated, all moderate voices within their respective communities, and none in the Kuki and Meitei communities can go against or dissent from the positions taken by the militants.

The doctrine which prevailed in the conflict was that of deterrence, and not justice. Security of the community, according to this doctrine, lies in inflicting equal, if not more, damage to life and property of the rival community in order to deter them from attacking one’s own community. In Jiribam district, the cycle of revenge killing was more apparent. 22 persons were killed in Jiribam alone in 2024. Unarmed members of both the communities were targeted by armed groups to ‘send a message’ to the armed militants of the rival group and to demonstrate their prowess. The state appeared too weak to uphold democracy, protect the citizens and run the writ of democratic institutions and seek to do justice. The state found extremely challenging to ensure transportation of essential goods from the valley to hills and vice versa, in spite of heavy presence of armed security forces. The Meitei police commandos posted in Moreh town had to be flown by helicopter to avoid transporting them through Kuki dominated territory. Assam Rifle commandant told us that he had to remove his uniform and put it in his bag as he was approaching the checkpoint monitored by Meitei militants. Another AR commandant was asked to produce his ID card issued by the army which he took it as an insult to his post and refused to do so for checking by (Meitei) civilians. However, the negotiation took a long time for him to be allowed to proceed without showing his ID.

The issues that triggered violence were:

1) Demand of the ‘integrity of Manipur’: while the Meiteis staunchly defend the ‘integrity of Manipur,’ the Kukis were equally firm about their demand of ‘separation of administration’, which they defined as creation of a Union Territory with legislature as the only solution to the resolution of the conflict. The exchange of population now having been complete, and no Kuki left in the valley, they are strong votaries of separation of state.

2) Claim over the Thangjing hill range in Churachandpur district: while the Meiteis have their sacred deity and perform pilgrimage in Thangjing hill range according to their Sanamahi faith, the Kuki National Front renamed the place as Thangting, and put up a gate declaring it as “Thangting Camp of the Kuki National Front – Military Council”. The intention was to reclaim the hill exclusively and prevent pilgrimage by Meiteis.

3) ST status of both the communities remained contentious. The Arambai Tenggol administered oath to elected representatives from the valley that they would work for the withdrawal of ST status of Kukis. One of the Meitei demands is that they should be enlisted as a Scheduled Tribe community as otherwise they are confined to about 10% of Manipuri territory in the valley, and do not have right to own land in the hills. The Kukis and Nagas are opposed to their demand.

4) There were accusations of partisanship of security forces, and consequent reliance on armed militants to protect the community. Posting of Meitei police commandos in Kuki dominated Moreh town became very contentious. The police commandos had killed three Kuki women, even though not a single Meitei living in Moreh was killed on 3^rd May, when the conflict had started. Similarly, suspension of a Kuki head constable in Kuki dominated Churachandpur also triggered protests and violence. There is complete lack of trust on the Assam Rifles in the valley and similar lack of trust on the Manipuri police force in the hills.

5) Both communities nurtured prejudicial attitude towards and nurtured mistrust and hatred towards each other. Meitei community think that the Kukis are intruders and illegal immigrants, which would be proved by preparing NRC. Being illegal immigrants, they should be deported. Kukis are alleged by them to be narco-terrorists, growing poppy. Although, according to Vrinda, a former IPS officer residing in Imphal, everyone is involved in the poppy trade, and drug was promoted by the Indian state in the 1970s and 80s to get the youth hooked and dissuade them from join the separatists and armed militants demanding independence of Manipur from the Indian state. The Meiteis also accuse the Kukis of nurturing a desire for Zalingam or greater home land for Kukis. For the Kukis, the Meities would deprive them of their homeland, grab land their hills, grab their jobs, livelihood, and funds for the development of the hill districts.

Neither the Meitei armed organisation – Arambai Tenggol, patronised by some ruling party politicians, nor the Kuki armed militants seemed to be gaining any ground in this conflict. The Kukis have not been able to move any further in their demand of separate administration, nor the Arambai Tenggol and Sanamahi extremists have been able to gain more hegemonic position over the Kukis than they already were in – attaining ST status to buy land in the hills, monopolise state jobs, get Kukis deported from the state. None party in the conflict seemed to have moved an inch towards their objective. Both are tiring each other out. These levels of conflict are harmful to both communities, and indeed, to human society and to the country in general. The Central government and the government of Manipur have to undertake serious and urgent efforts to establish and facilitate a dialogue between the two communities and resolve the conflict. It is their Constitutional responsibility and duty. Representatives of both the communities must also realise that these levels of conflict cannot be sustained and are self-destructive. Conflict fatigue does not seem to have set in. The marginalised and poorer sections in both communities are suffering more. Civil societies, human rights organisations must also take initiatives to promote a dialogue between the two communities at various levels. The state needs to create jobs for Kukis and the Meiteis. There is imbalance in development of the Valley and the hills, which need to be addressed in terms of infrastructure like roads, educational institutions, universities, health infrastructure, including multi-speciality hospitals, markets for agricultural produce, financial infrastructure etc. The hill district area councils need more autonomy, regular functioning, and higher budgets for development of the hills. These could be the first steps.

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

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The post 2024: Peace, a distant dream for Manipur appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Maharashtra, with a mixed history of intra-community conflict, has in 2024 under a BJP-SS (Eknath Shinde-NCP (Ajit Pawar) regime emerged as a communal hotbed in the year 2024 with the highest number of communal riots and mob lynching incidents. These communal riots claimed 13 lives- three of whom were Hindus and ten of whom were Muslims. The majority of communal riots were triggered during religious festivals or processions, including Pran Pratishthan at Ayodhya Ram Mandir (four riots in January), Saraswati Puja immersions (seven), Ganesh festivals (four), and Bakri Eid (two). This data underscores how religious celebrations are increasingly being exploited as triggers for communal tensions and political mobilisation.

Citizens for Justice and Peace’s Hate Watch programme meticulously monitors day on day such incidents and also gives a visual representation of the same on Nafrat ka Naqsha that can be viewed here.

In addition to the communal riots, 12 incidents of mob lynching were reported in the year 2024, resulting in 10 deaths: one Hindu, one Christian, and eight Muslims. While this represents a decline from 21 mob lynching incidents recorded in the year 2023, the persistence of these attacks remains a concern. Six of these lynchings were linked to cow vigilantism or accusations of cow slaughter. Other cases of lynching were on the pretext of interfaith relationships and assaults targeting Muslims for their religious identity. Geographically, Maharashtra accounted for three lynchings, while Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Haryana, and Uttar Pradesh each reported two incidents, and Karnataka recorded one.

The data analysed reveals a troubling trend: while mob lynching incidents decreased, communal riots reported as reported in these five newspapers surged by nearly 84%. Together, these developments signify an escalation of communal tensions and the marginalisation of Indian Muslims, further threatening the secular fabric of Indian society. The rise in the number of communal riots can be attributed to the General Elections that were held in April/May in 2024 and state assembly elections in the states of Maharashtra, Jharkhand and Haryana. Similarly, the intervention of judicial interventions — calling upon the state to take action against mob lynching especially after Hindus were victims of mob lynching– have resulted in lesser incidents of mob lynching.

On the basis of its annual monitoring exercise, the CSSS based has released these trends of communal violence in India during 2024. The year saw a disturbing shift towards more institutionalized forms of violence, characterised primarily by attacks on places of religious worship and attempts by fringe Hindu right-wing groups to push for archaeological surveys of historic mosques and dargahs, including the Ajmer Sharif Dargah. These actions reflect a concerted effort to reshape India’s socio-political and cultural landscape.

This trend was accompanied by significant legislative changes, such as the introduction of the Uniform Civil Code in Uttarakhand and amendments to the Waqf Board Act. Additionally, the use of bulldozers to demolish properties owned by Muslims without due legal process continued unabated from 2023, symbolising the (mis) use of state power –where governments belong to the Bharaitya Janata Party (BJP) played a large part [1]–being wielded disproportionately against the Muslim community. Bulldozers in the years 2023 and 2024 have become synonymous with a kind of “collective punishment” meted out to the Muslims. Ironically, bulldozers are used to punish Muslims when they are victims of the same communal riots. Furthermore, an increase in communal riots, particularly during religious festivals, has heightened concerns about the erosion of India’s secular and composite cultural fabric.

A more detailed analysis is expected to follow this brief interim report.

[1] The hill states of Uttarakhand and Himachal Pradesh (governed by the Indian National Congress-INC have also witnessed acute communal polarization with the miniscule Muslim minority population being targeted through slurs, hate speech and attacks on places of worship (Sanjauli and Nandi masjids) https://sabrangindia.in/tensions-escalate-in-himachal-and-uttarakhand-multiple-protest-and-rallies-against-mosques/

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The post How hate spread in 2024, a report of communal violence in India appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The entire tragedy at Parbhani, marked by violent police atrocities and custodial torture, was mitigated, in part, by the timely intervention of senior activists, their legal teams, and local journalists. As the combing operations began, Advocate Pavan Jhondhale and his colleagues swiftly made their way to the police station, where they encountered the terrified families of the victims, who were visibly cowering in fear. Advocate Jhondhale, speaking to SabrangIndia, recounted the chilling scene: “We could hear screams of pain coming from inside the locker room when we were at the police station after the combing operations.”

Advocate Jhondhale highlighted how the advocates were being stopped from meeting the victims. He stated“Following this, they visited the affected areas and made contact with the victims. On December 12, when the victims—seen as accused by the police—were brought to court, their injuries were unmistakable: bleeding, swollen limbs, and other visible signs of torture. The police’s behaviour at the Magistrates Court was hostile. They blocked the advocates from meeting the victims, erecting barricades to prevent communication. This occurred on December 12.”

Sharing how the victims of custodial torture, even after being presented to the court, could not express their pain and abuse that they were facing, Advocate Jhondhale said “Earlier, at the police station, the team had gathered details of the FIRs and the sections under which the victims had been booked. In FIR 590, 27 individuals had been arrested, while in FIR 591, 5 were detained. The advocates requested that the Magistrate ask the accused if they had any complaints about their treatment in police custody. However, out of sheer fear, the victims did not respond. The advocates urged the Magistrate to ask them again, as there were clear signs of injury.”

“When the Magistrate asked again, they still could not detail their treatment, out of intimidation,” Advocate Jhondhale explained. This led Advocate More, his colleague, to argue against extending the police remand due to the ill-treatment the victims had endured. Despite the compelling evidence, the court granted two more days of police custody.

Advocate Jhondhale  stressed on how the conditions of the victims worsened during the next two days that they spent in police custody, “On December 14, the advocates appeared in court again, and by this time, the condition of those who had been arrested had significantly worsened. It was then that the Magistrate ordered the victims to be transferred to Magistrate Custody (MCR). On December 15, a Sunday, all of the victims, including Somnath Suryawanshi, were transferred to MCR. Later that evening, the heartbreaking news came that Somnath Suryawanshi had died.”

While dealing with the fact that Somnath Suryawanshi died due to custodial torture, the team of advocates was also tasked with ensuring that the truth of how Somnath died gets documented and fair procedure is followed. Advocate Jhondhale said “Arguably, had the police custody remand (PCR) not been extended so routinely, a life might not have been lost. The advocates, in their efforts to seek justice, were also directed to the Sessions Court. On the very day of Somnath Suryawanshi’s death, December 15, Advocate Jhondhale provided that they had urgently requested an In Camera post-mortem and forensic examination to be conducted on Suryawanshi not in Parbhani, but in Shambhajinagat (Aurangabad). To ensure this, the advocates had to take the issue of the alleged death in police custody directly to the District Collector at her residential quarters on Sunday evening. They presented the guidelines and cited a Supreme Court judgment to support their demand. As a result of their persistent efforts, the transfer was finally ordered.”

Speaking to the SabrangIndia team, Advocate Pavan Jhondhale was categorical that it was this proactiveness that mitigated what could have turned out to be a far worse situation on the ground. His timely intervention, alongside the efforts of his colleagues and the local community, played a crucial role in addressing the police atrocities and ensuring that the victims’ suffering did not go unnoticed. Without this vigilance and persistence, the situation could have spiraled into something even more tragic.

Notably it was the combined legal and activist efforts of Pavan Jhondhale, Vijay Kale, Mahendra More, Imtiaz Khan, Vishwanath Anbhure, Vijay Sable that ensured some semblance of return to rule of law, in Parbhani post December 10, 2024.

Demands for a judicial inquiry have been made by the local affected population since December 17. In addition to the violent crackdown, several of those who reportedly are either residents of Parbhani or those who were peaceful protesting the desecration of the Constitution on December 10 were arrested on false charges. Among those arrested was Somnath Suryawanshi who succumbed to injuries allegedly inflicted in police custody after he had moved to judicial custody. Speaking to Sabrangindia on the status of the Ambedkarite protestors arrested on charges of rioting, advocate and activist, Rahul Pradhan Pradhan revealed that 26 individuals had been granted bail by the Sessions Court on December 18 and were expected to be released soon. However, five accused remain in jail, though none of them are women or minors.

न्यायासाठी आंदोलन थांबलेले नाही.
परभणी येथे आजपासून “न्याय आंदोलन” सुरू झाले असून परभणीतील सर्व आंबेडकरी समाज पक्षभेद, मतभेद सोडून साखळी आंदोलन करत आहे.

मी ही स्वतः आज या आंदोलनात सहभागी झालो. जो पर्यंत मुख्यमंत्री फडणवीस दोषी पोलिसांवर खुनाचे गुन्हे दाखल करणार नाहीत, तोपर्यंत… pic.twitter.com/oXhhYGt0vt

— Rahul Pradhan – राहूल प्रधान (@RahulPradhan84) December 19, 2024

Opposition protests, growing public discontent with the state government

The custodial death and the sarpanch’s murder became focal points for the opposition during the winter session of the Maharashtra legislature. Members of the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA), including the Congress, Shiv Sena (UBT), and NCP, staged a walkout accusing the government of neglecting law and order. Congress leader Nitin Raut criticised the police and the administration, stating, “The interim medical report confirms police brutality. This is a gross failure of governance, and the government must act immediately to ensure justice.”

सोमनाथ सूर्यवंशीचा पोलीस कोठडीतील मृत्यू अमानुष मारहाणीमुळेच

कायद्याचा विद्यार्थी असलेल्या सोमनाथ सूर्यवंशीची कस्टडी डेथ पोलिसांनी केलेल्या अमाणूष मारहाणीमुळेच झाली. त्यामुळे सूर्यवंशीच्या मृत्यूला जबाबदार असणाऱ्या पोलिसांवर तातडीने गुन्हा दाखल करण्याची मागणी आज सभागृहात केली.… pic.twitter.com/a3wsZzZiD8

— Dr. Nitin Raut (@NitinRaut_INC) December 18, 2024

Speaking in the Assembly, Raut raised the issue of brutality against Dali women by male officers as well. He also took to social media and stated “After the desecration of the Constitution in Parbhani, the police administration took the precautions that should have been taken while this was happening. The police have lathi-charged Buddhists, Bhim Sainiks and those protecting the Constitution. The police have beaten up the mother of a one-and-a-half-month-old child in her house. All this is an outrage. The government demanded in the House to immediately register a case against the guilty police officers and take action.”

परभणीत संविधान विटंबना झाली यानंतर जो काय प्रकार घडला, हे प्रकार घडत असताना पोलीस प्रशासनाने जी दक्षता घ्यायला पाहिजे होती ती घेण्यात आली. बौद्ध लोकांना, भीमसैनिकांना आणि संविधानाचे रक्षण करणाऱ्यांवर पोलिसांनी लाठीचार्ज केला आहे. सव्वा महिन्याच्या मुलाच्या आईला घरात पोलिसांनी… pic.twitter.com/tVkzce2xwT

— Dr. Nitin Raut (@NitinRaut_INC) December 19, 2024

Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Ambadas Danve expressed similar concerns, emphasising that the right to protest was being suppressed under the current regime. Congress MLA Nana Patole argued that the government’s mismanagement of the Parbhani violence and the Beed murder had heightened tensions across the state. Speaker Rahul Narwekar, however, rejected an adjournment motion to discuss these issues immediately, stating that the matter would be taken up later, leading to further outrage among opposition members.

The dual tragedies have led to mounting public anger, with activists, residents, and political leaders demanding accountability. In Parbhani, local residents staged protests alleging that the police crackdown disproportionately targeted Dalit communities. In Beed, Maratha leaders accused the administration of failing to address growing caste tensions.

Activists have raised contentions that the incidents highlight systemic flaws in governance, including police overreach, caste discrimination, and ineffective conflict resolution mechanisms. Opposition parties have called for judicial inquiries into both cases and immediate reforms to prevent such incidents in the future.

Protests and police brutality

The backdrop of these protests lies in the desecration of the Constitution on December 10, an incident that initially led to peaceful demonstrations by Ambedkarite groups. However, according to reports of eye-witnesses from the ground, these protests escalated into violence—an outcome many believe stemmed from law enforcement’s deliberate inaction. Advocate and  activist Rahul Pradhan, who has been on the ground in Parbhani since the incident, told SabrangIndia that the narrative pushed by the police does not reflect the truth. According to Pradhan, the Ambedkarite protests were entirely peaceful and concluded amicably after discussions between protest leaders—including activists Vijay Wakode, Sudhir Salve, and Ravi Kamble—and the police. He emphasised that the violence that later unfolded was not instigated by Ambedkarites but by unknown outsiders who engaged in arson, rioting, and stone pelting while the police stood by as passive onlookers.

Pradhan accused the police of enabling the violence, alleging that law enforcement allowed the hooligans to wreak havoc unchecked for hours. He noted that it wasn’t until the late evening of December 11 that the police began arresting individuals—but shockingly, their focus was on Ambedkarite activists who had peacefully protested rather than the actual perpetrators of the violence. “It seemed as if the police had an agenda, some instructions from above, and they were working according to it,” Pradhan stated.

The arrests of Ambedkarites were part of what Pradhan described as a targeted “combing operation” in Dalit and Buddhist-majority settlements. Such operations typically involve searching areas for individuals accused of cognisable offences, but in this case, the execution was brutal and indiscriminate. Pradhan and other activists recounted chilling accounts of police brutality during these raids, with men, women, and even children reportedly beaten savagely.

The horrors inflicted on these communities are deeply disturbing. Women were not spared, with male police officers allegedly assaulting them in particularly degrading and inhumane ways. Pradhan narrated the ordeal of a woman who had delivered a baby just a month prior—she was reportedly beaten without mercy. In another instance, police officers allegedly grabbed a woman by her hair, stood on her thighs, and struck her with sticks. Independent journalist Sharmistha Bhosale, who has been documenting the aftermath, shared harrowing images of the victims, corroborating these allegations of police excesses.

Rahul Pradhan’s accounts lay bare a grim reality: these raids were not about maintaining law and order but appeared to target Dalit and Buddhist communities in a manner that suggests systemic bias and state complicity. The violence unleashed by the police has left these communities traumatised, with many continuing to demand accountability and justice for the atrocities they endured. Suryawanshi’s death and the events that followed stand as a stark reminder of the deep-seated inequalities and institutional failures that plague the justice system in India. The outrage and protests sweeping Maharashtra are not just calls for justice for one man but a cry against the entrenched caste-based oppression and unchecked state violence that has gone on for far too long.

Sharmistha Bhosale, an independent journalist, also reporting from Parbhani, also shared her perspective with SabrangIndia, expressing deep anguish over the brutality inflicted upon the Dalit community, particularly women. “The way these people, especially the women, have been brutalised is beyond imagination. The targeted individuals are daily wage workers. Male police officers have, with impunity, used excessive force against Ambedkarites. Would male police inflict such gendered violence on women, even older women without the impunity born of political protection,” she asked. Sharmistha Bhosale shared exclusive photographs from Parbhani with Sabrangindia.

Advocate and activist Rahul Pradhan raised serious questions about the conduct of the police and their one-sided investigation into the Parbhani incident. According to Pradhan, the authorities are deliberately diverting attention away from the desecration of the Constitution, which initially triggered the protests. “Why have the police not checked the CCTV footage from the area where the desecration occurred? Did the perpetrator drop from heaven? Why is there no investigation against him?” he asked, pointing to glaring omissions in the police’s approach.

Pradhan also criticised the government for its inaction against the police officers involved. He argued that the absence of suspensions, transfers, or any punitive measures suggests tacit state support for the excessive use of force. “Even after the death of one Dalit man in custody and allegations of mass brutalisation, the government has taken no action against the police. If the state were not backing the excessive use of force against the marginalised, why would it stay quiet till now?” Pradhan remarked.

Pradhan, along with other activists, has demanded an independent judicial investigation into the entire series of events in Parbhani, beginning with the desecration of the Constitution and its underlying causes. He attributed the act of desecration to a climate of hate speeches prevalent in the area. Additionally, he called for the registration of an FIR against the erring police officers, including charges of custodial torture and murder in the case of Somnath Suryawanshi.

The demands for justice—ranging from a transparent investigation to accountability for the police—highlight the systemic flaws in how marginalised communities are treated by law enforcement and the state. The Parbhani incident is not merely a local tragedy but a reflection of a larger pattern of oppression and impunity that continues to plague India’s justice system.

“They took my son’s life” says deceased Somnath Suryawanshi’s mother

Under the scorching December sun in Parbhani, Vijaya Venkat Suryavanshi mourned the death of her eldest son, Somnath Suryavanshi, a 35-year-old law student from the marginalised Vadar community. Speaking to BBC Marathi, Vijaya recounted the heartbreak of losing her son while he was in judicial custody. “They deliberately took my son away. They beat him up and took his life. Then they called me to tell me he was gone,” she said, holding back tears. Somnath had travelled to Parbhani to take an exam but was arrested by the police in connection with the violence that erupted in the city on December 11. The police claim Somnath died of a heart attack, but the family strongly disputes this, pointing to the autopsy report that lists “shock following multiple injuries” as the cause of death.

The violence began after the desecration of a copy of the Indian Constitution placed near a statue of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar. Protests led by Ambedkarite groups culminated in a citywide bandh that escalated into stone-pelting and arson. Somnath, according to his family, had no involvement in the unrest but was arrested on December 11. He was held in police custody for two days before being transferred to judicial custody. By December 15, he was dead. The Suryavanshi family alleges that Somnath was subjected to severe custodial torture, with his brother Premnath detailing how the police “stripped him and beat him for days, trying to keep him alive with medical treatment until he succumbed.”

BBC Marathi’s on-ground reporting revealed accounts from Bhimnagar residents, who described widespread police brutality in the aftermath of the violence. Sudhakar Jadhav, a kidney patient recovering at home, claimed the police forcibly entered his house, dragged him and his son outside, and beat them ruthlessly. “They beat my son so much that his skin peeled off. The marks of their sticks are still visible on his back and thighs,” he said. Women in the area also alleged that they were assaulted, with one blind woman recounting how her son was beaten on his back and head. Activists from the Ambedkar movement accused the police of conducting targeted combing operations in Ambedkarite and Buddhist settlements, indiscriminately attacking residents, including women and children.

Rahul Pradhan asserted that the police “created terror” in these settlements under the guise of maintaining order. Vijay Wakode, another activist, accused the police of orchestrating Somnath’s death, alleging, “They beat him for two days in police custody and continued the assault in judicial custody.” Wakode himself passed away from a heart attack on December 16, adding another layer of tragedy to the unfolding events. Notably, Wakode had also been booked for rioting by the police.

Despite the mounting allegations, Special Inspector General Shahaji Umap dismissed claims of combing operations or misconduct. In a statement to BBC Marathi, Umap maintained that only individuals involved in the December 11 violence were detained and denied reports of police raids in residential areas. On Somnath’s death, Umap refrained from making further comments, suggesting that the medical report would provide definitive answers. There is however no response on the violence inflicted and injuries suffered by victims, evident from not just the post-morten but strong eye-witness accounts.

The Suryavanshi family and the residents of Bhimnagar continue to demand justice, accusing the police of unchecked brutality and systemic targeting of marginalised communities. This case has reignited concerns over custodial violence in India, with activists calling for accountability and reform to address the institutional impunity that enables such incidents. BBC Marathi’s detailed coverage sheds light on the devastating consequences of this alleged abuse of power, offering a grim reminder of the cost of silence and inaction.

Parbhani: Custodial death of a Dalit man

The unrest in Parbhani began on December 10 when a replica of the Indian Constitution placed near a statue of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar was vandalised. The desecration led to widespread protests by Dalit organisations, culminating in violence and clashes with the police on December 11. Incidents of stone-pelting and arson were reported, prompting the police to arrest several individuals. Among those arrested was 35-year-old Dalit law student Somnath Suryawanshi, who had reportedly returned to Parbhani to appear for an exam.

Somnath was taken into police custody on December 12 and subsequently transferred to judicial custody after having spent two days in police custody. On December 15, he complaint of chest pain, and when taken to the hospital was declared dead, with an interim postmortem report stating that the cause of death was “shock following multiple injuries.” His family alleged that he was subjected to severe custodial torture, with his brother, Premnath Suryawanshi, stating, “Somnath had nothing to do with the protests. He was beaten for days until he succumbed to his injuries.” Activists have accused the police of targeting Dalit settlements in the aftermath of the protests against the desecration of the Constitution, claiming that innocent people, including women and children, were subjected to violence during combing operations.

Detailed report on the same may be read here.

Beed: Murder of a Maratha sarpanch raises caste tensions

In Massejeog village of Beed district, the kidnapping and murder of Maratha sarpanch Santosh Deshmukh on December 9 has also caused significant unrest. Deshmukh, known for his leadership in the Maratha community, was allegedly killed in a caste-related dispute. The prime accused, Vishnu Chate, belongs to the OBC-Vanjari community, which has historically been at odds with the Marathas over issues such as reservation and local dominance.

As per multiple reports, Deshmukh’s body was discovered on the highway, and initial reports suggested he was tortured before being killed. Opposition leaders criticised the delay in apprehending the main accused, with NCP MLA Sandeep Kshirsagar noting that despite an extortion case being filed, no murder charges had been officially registered. BJP MLA Namita Mundada from Kaij described Deshmukh as a respected community leader whose death had shocked the region.

Custodial Violence in Parbhani: Tragedy and allegations of police brutality

The custodial death of 35-year-old Dalit youth Somnath Suryawanshi in Parbhani and the kidnapping and murder of Maratha sarpanch Santosh Deshmukh in Beed have triggered widespread condemnation from various political parties, Dalit organisations, and social groups. Both incidents have exposed systemic governance failures and reignited debates on caste-based discrimination and police brutality in Maharashtra.

In Pune, the Matang Ekta Andolan and the Republican Party of India (RPI) organised protests in front of the district collector’s office. RPI leader Parshuram Wadekar called for an independent inquiry into the incidents and demanded stringent action against those found responsible. A Dalit organisation released a statement condemning police actions in Parbhani, claiming that the authorities conducted brutal search operations targeting Dalit youths and women after the protests. The statement read, “After Dalit youths agitated in Parbhani, the police conducted search operations and beat the youths and women. Action should be taken against those found guilty.”

Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) city president Prashant Jagtap announced agitations outside the Pune collector’s office, stating, “Both the Parbhani custodial death and Beed sarpanch murder reflect a breakdown of law and order. This government must be held accountable for failing to protect its citizens.”

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The post State-sanctioned brutality? Dalit communities targeted in Parbhani “combing operations”, women, children abused appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The violence erupted as an aftermath of the survey conducted on the Mosque premises based on a petition that was filed in the UP court urging for ASI survey of the mosque, claiming it had been built on the site of a Hindu temple. Tensions had been brewing in the area since the court directed the survey, which was initially conducted on November 19. A second survey, scheduled for November 24, led to protests as rumours spread that the mosque was being desecrated. The protests quickly escalated into violent clashes with the police, who responded with force, resulting in the deaths of the four victims. The police have insisted that the violence was a result of confrontations between the protestors, but the post-mortem reports confirmed that the victims died of gunshot wounds, and the allegations against the police have continued to mount.

In the aftermath of the violence, a slew of arrests has been made, including of political figures and activists. Samajwadi Party MP Ziaur Rahman Barq and the son of a local MLA, Sohail Iqbal, have been named in FIRs, accused of instigating the violence. The administration has deployed extensive efforts to track down and arrest the culprits, including offering rewards for information. Meanwhile, political leaders, including Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav, have raised serious concerns about the role of the state government in the incident, with some claiming that the violence was orchestrated and that the police were acting under political pressure. Allegations of threats against the families of victims, including the forced thumb impressions taken by police from the relatives of the deceased, have further complicated the situation, drawing calls for a Supreme Court-monitored investigation.

With conflicting reports from the police, local witnesses, and political figures, the situation in Sambhal has highlighted deepening divisions, questions of police accountability, and concerns over the administration’s handling of communal tensions in the region. As investigations continue, the community and political leaders alike are demanding justice for the victims and transparency in the probe.

Previous report may be read here.

Aggressive measures in Sambhal after violence

The Uttar Pradesh government is taking aggressive measures in response to the violent clashes in Sambhal on November 24, during the second round of the Shahi Mosque survey. The incident resulted in five deaths and many injured, which included a few police personnel’s, exposing deep fissures in the state’s handling of communal and political tensions.

As per media reports, A.K. Singh, Moradabad Divisional Commissioner, has now announced that authorities have identified 75 suspects through CCTV footage and videos, with ongoing efforts to identify more individuals. To aid their search for the suspects, their photographs will be displayed publicly on hoardings to solicit assistance to UP police in tracing and arresting them. Singh added that the administration also plans to recover damages caused to public property from those identified as perpetrators.

Heavy-handed measures: The Uttar Pradesh government’s response, which includes naming individuals in FIRs and publicly displaying photographs of suspected rioters, has raised serious concerns about due process and the implications of public shaming. The deployment of such measures suggests a push for rapid action but risks creating an atmosphere of fear and mistrust.

At least 25 individuals, including three women, have been arrested, with seven FIRs filed against 25 named individuals and around 3,000 unnamed ones. Among the accused are high-profile figures, including Samajwadi Party MP Zia-ur-Rehman Barq and Sohail Iqbal, son of seven-time MLA Iqbal Mehmood. While the state asserts that these measures aim to restore order and accountability, the move is being criticised as politically motivated and disproportionately harsh.

A government spokesperson confirmed that posters of the accused would be displayed in public, adding that rewards might be announced for information leading to their arrests. “The administration is committed to recovering damages and taking strict action against those responsible,” the spokesperson stated. However, critics argue that this approach risks stigmatising entire communities and escalating communal tensions.

Political fallout: The incident has sparked significant political outcry, particularly from the Samajwadi Party (SP). MP Zia-ur-Rehman Barq alleged that his inclusion in the FIR was part of a deliberate attempt to silence dissent and deflect from administrative failures. “The police are trying to scapegoat me to hide their incompetence. I will continue to fight for the rights and justice of my people,” Barq declared while speaking to Indian Express.

SP MP Dharmendra Yadav called for a Supreme Court-monitored probe, citing widespread mistrust in the state administration. “This investigation cannot be left to those who are complicit in the violence. Only an independent inquiry under judicial supervision can ensure justice,” he argued to the IE.

The state government’s stance has also drawn criticism from opposition MPs in Parliament. SP MP Dimple Yadav accused the administration of inhumane behaviour and demanded a full discussion on the Sambhal violence. “We will not allow this issue to be swept under the rug,” she said.

Allegations of involvement of political undertones: Adding to the complexity is the narrative pushed by the BJP-led state government, which attributes the violence to long-standing rivalries between two prominent families in Sambhal—the Barqs and the Khans. Minister Nitin Agarwal framed the incident as a “Turk vs Pathan” conflict, claiming that the violence stemmed from political dominance struggles between these communities.

The Barq family, descendants of the Turk community, and the Khan family, representing the Pathans, have been political adversaries for decades, as per the explanation provided by a member of the Yogi government. Zia-ur-Rehman Barq, the current MP, and Iqbal Mehmood, the MLA from Sambhal, represent these rival factions within the Samajwadi Party. This narrative, amplified by sections of the vernacular Hindi media, shifts the focus from administrative failures to communal rivalries, a move critics say is a calculated political distraction.

“The Turk-Pathan dispute has disrupted peace and endangered the safety of ordinary citizens,” Agarwal stated while taking to social media, commending the police for their swift action. However, this framing has been criticised for oversimplifying a complex situation and stoking communal divisions.

A pattern of escalation: The Sambhal violence is not an isolated incident but part of a broader trend of communal tensions in Uttar Pradesh. The state government’s reliance on aggressive policing, public shaming, and property recovery measures underlines a pattern of punitive action often disproportionately affecting minority communities. While these actions are framed as necessary for maintaining law and order, they also reveal a lack of trust in judicial and investigative processes.

The decision to suspend internet services in affected areas and maintain heavy police deployment underscores the administration’s precarious control over the situation. Despite claims of normalcy, these measures indicate a fragile peace, with tensions simmering beneath the surface.

The violence has exposed critical gaps in governance, including the lack of preventive measures and the failure to address underlying communal and political tensions. Instead of fostering dialogue and trust, the state’s response risks alienating communities further and exacerbating the divide.

The administration’s attempts to portray the incident as a product of local rivalries fail to address broader systemic issues. It also deflects accountability for law enforcement’s role in escalating tensions, a concern highlighted by opposition leaders and local residents alike.

Without a transparent and impartial investigation, the state risks deepening divisions and eroding public confidence in its ability to maintain peace and justice. The crackdown in Sambhal raises pressing questions about the balance between maintaining order and upholding democratic values, questions that the Uttar Pradesh government must confront with urgency and accountability.

Details about the FIRs file by the state police

A total of seven First Information Reports (FIRs) have been registered in connection with the violence that broke out in Sambhal, of which five are in Sambhal Kotwali and two in Nakhasa police station. Among those named in the FIRs are SP MP Zia-ur-Rehman Barq and Sohail Iqbal. Both are accused of inciting the mob violence that resulted in the deaths of four individuals and left many others, including police personnel, injured.

Incident and FIR Details: Advocate Qamar Hussain, who is involved in the case, spoke to SabrangIndia and provided them with details regarding the FIRs filed in the case. The FIR filed by Deputy Collector Ramesh Babu (FIR 336 filed in Sambhal PS) on November 24 describes the situation as follows: “Around 9:10 am, while the survey was being conducted in compliance with a directive from the court, a crowd of 800-900 unidentified individuals arrived at the Jama Masjid, reportedly armed with deadly weapons. The police and administrative officials, including Babu, tried to engage with the crowd and informed them that the survey was being conducted under a court order and that the mosque would not be harmed in any way. Despite these assurances, the crowd refused to disperse and continued to escalate the situation. The mob allegedly stole weapons and ammunition from the police, including a 9mm pistol, cartridges, a box of rubber bullets, and plastic pellets, which were reportedly used during the scuffle.”

Inspector Tomar, in FIR 337 filed in Sambhal PS, described the mob as “chanting religious slogans and moving towards the mosque with the intent to disrupt the survey.” Tomar also noted that the police attempted to reason with the crowd, but they were met with aggression and resistance. He further claimed that when the police declared the assembly unlawful and warned of the use of force, the mob began firing at the officers, leading to an intense confrontation. Tomar reported that many police officers were injured in the exchange, and the mob also damaged public and private property, including government vehicles. To control the situation, the police resorted to using water cannons, followed by the deployment of tear gas shells and rubber bullets, in line with orders from the District Magistrate to use “non-lethal force” in an attempt to disperse the crowd.

As provided by Advocate Qamar Hussain, in the two FIRs filed in the Nakhasa PS (FIR 304 and 305), three Muslim women have been identified in one and 6 Muslim men have been identified in the other, with a total of 350 people having been booked unidentified.

In FIR 334 of Sambhal PS, 800 unidentified people have been booked.

When asked by SabrangIndia if any case had been filed by the police against the group of people shouting the slogan of “Jai Shri Ram” while accompanying the survey team, Advocate Hussain said “there is no mention of these people anywhere. What can we even do? All the people accused and arrested are Muslims”.

Arrests and legal charges: As of now, 25 individuals have been arrested in connection with the violence, which includes 3 women and at least 3 minors. with charges under various sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (2023) BNS including Section 190 (vandalism), Section 191 (rioting), Section 132 (assaulting a public servant), Section 109 (attempt to murder), and Section 326-f (mischief by fire or explosives). Additionally, charges have been filed under the Prevention of Damage to Public Property Act, 1984, for the intentional destruction of property using fire or explosives, and the Arms Act, 1959, for the illegal possession and acquisition of firearms.

The ongoing investigation is being closely monitored, and authorities are considering the invocation of the stringent National Security Act (NSA) against those involved in the violence. Moradabad Divisional Commissioner Aunjaneya Kumar Singh confirmed that efforts are being made to identify and arrest all the perpetrators of the violence, with a heightened focus on accountability for those who caused damage to public property.

SP MP Zia-ur-Rehman Barq, condemned the survey and claimed that the violence was a premeditated attack against Muslims. He alleged that the survey was part of a broader effort to target the Muslim community, citing the way in which the Places of Worship Act had allegedly been violated. In his statement to the media, Barq argued that such actions were part of a wider pattern of marginalising Muslims in India. “People were stopped from offering Namaz, and the survey was conducted hastily without understanding the community’s concerns,” Barq stated. He also questioned the necessity of conducting a second survey, suggesting that the entire incident was orchestrated to inflame tensions.

Continuing investigation: The FIRs have named Barq and Sohail Iqbal, alongside 2,750 other unnamed individuals. The authorities are currently working to identify and apprehend more individuals involved in the violence. The investigation is still ongoing, and police are conducting further searches to gather evidence and identify additional suspects. The situation remains volatile, and the outcome of the investigation will likely have significant implications for both local governance and communal relations in the region.

Akhilesh Yadav’s criticism of Sambhal violence and police actions

Samajwadi Party (SP) chief and Kannauj MP, Akhilesh Yadav, has strongly criticised both the administration and the petitioners involved in the events that led to the violence in Sambhal on November 24, 2024. Yadav has accused the administration of mishandling the situation, which led to unnecessary bloodshed. As per reports, Yadav alleged that the police responded to stone-pelting by local residents by firing bullets from both their official and private weapons, an incident that he claimed was captured on video. Yadav’s accusations point to a grave misuse of power by the police, further aggravating the already volatile situation in Sambhal.

Political allegations and arrests: The violence has also sparked a political row, with several members of the Samajwadi Party, including MP Zia-ur-Rehman Barq, being arrested. Despite Barq’s absence from the scene, his name was included in the FIRs, which Yadav described as politically motivated. He questioned the integrity of the investigation, claiming that Barq had not even been in Sambhal during the violence. Yadav’s statement implies that the government is using these arrests as a means of political targeting rather than addressing the root causes of the violence.

Threats to victims’ families: One of the most disturbing allegations made by Yadav concerns the treatment of the families of victims. Yadav urged the Supreme Court to take cognizance of claims that the Uttar Pradesh Police had threatened the family members of Naeem, one of the five victims. According to media reports, around 20 policemen visited the family on the night of November 25, warning them against speaking to the media about the incident.

Naeem’s brother, Tasleem, who spoke to the Quint, claimed that the police had taken his thumb impression on a blank piece of paper. Tasleem, who is illiterate, expressed fear that the authorities might write something incriminating on the blank paper. Yadav condemned this action as a criminal act and called for immediate judicial intervention, urging the Supreme Court to hold those responsible accountable.

Naeem, a sweetmeat shop owner, was out buying groceries when the violence erupted as per the report of the Observer Post. His brother, Tasleem, has stated that Naeem was unaware of the clashes and was simply going about his daily routine when he was shot and killed by the police. Tasleem’s account paints a picture of an innocent man caught in a tragic and unnecessary escalation of violence, further fuelling the claims of police misconduct.

In his statements, Yadav underscored the need for judicial scrutiny of the entire incident, demanding accountability from the authorities and calling for the intervention of the Supreme Court to ensure that justice is served to the victims and their families. He concluded by expressing hope that the court would take cognizance of the situation and prevent such incidents from recurring in the future.

Questioning the survey and role of BJP activists: Yadav further questioned the necessity of conducting a second survey of the mosque, given that the first survey, conducted on November 19, had gone without incident. He argued that if a second survey was deemed necessary, the local administration should have consulted with the community to prevent unnecessary tensions. The lack of dialogue, according to Yadav, contributed to the violence.

Additionally, Yadav speculated that BJP activists may have been involved in the violence, suggesting that they were present during the second survey and were seen raising provocative slogans. He raised concerns about the administration’s failure to address these provocations, which, according to him, led to the escalation of the situation. Yadav’s comments highlight what he believes is a deliberate attempt by the administration to ignore the provocations and prevent the violence from being defused.

Yadav’s statements also carried a veiled criticism of Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath. He suggested that there is a political rift within the BJP leadership, particularly between the central leadership in Delhi and the state leadership in Lucknow. Yadav implied that this rift is exacerbating tensions in the state, with both factions engaged in a competition for political dominance. He criticized the BJP for using divisive tactics that undermine communal harmony, which he believes directly contributed to the unrest in Sambhal.

Arbitrary arrests

On Sunday night, Uttar Pradesh Police arrested Muslim activist Javed Mohammed for a Facebook post he shared regarding the recent violence in Sambhal, which resulted in the deaths of six Muslims. Mohammed’s post was reportedly critical of the police’s use of force during the protests against the survey of the Shahi Jama Masjid in Sambhal. The authorities accused him of spreading unrest and took action under Sections 126, 135, and 117 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), which pertain to various offenses related to public order and incitement.

Mohammed was arrested from his rented residence in Prayagraj, a city in Uttar Pradesh. After his arrest, the police forced him to delete the Facebook post in question. Despite his arrest, he was granted bail on the next day itself, but he spent an additional day in custody due to his failure to meet the bail conditions. Specifically, he was unable to provide the required bail bond and two sureties at the time. Mohammed was then released on November 26, 2024, once he satisfied these bail requirements.

Javed Mohammed, 58, has a history of being a vocal critic of the Uttar Pradesh government, particularly its handling of Muslim issues. Notably, in June 2022, he was accused of being the “mastermind” behind a protest in Prayagraj that was sparked by derogatory remarks made by BJP leaders about Prophet Mohammed. The protest led to widespread unrest, and Mohammed was arrested on June 10, 2022, in connection with the event. He was imprisoned for 21 months before being granted bail in March 2024. In a related development, Mohammed’s family was allegedly subjected to mistreatment during his recent arrest. His wife and daughter were reportedly “illegally detained” by the police on the night he was taken into custody. According to reports, the police released them only after they were coerced into giving assurances that they would not return home or interfere with the demolition of their house, which was scheduled for the following day.

It is essential to note that Mohammed has vehemently denied all the allegations against him, asserting that they are politically motivated. He has also taken legal action against the demolition of his house, challenging it in court, calling the destruction of his property unlawful and an act of retaliation.

Claims of protestors firing at each other false: Zafar Ali, the chairperson of the Shahi Jama Masjid’s managing committee

On November 25, the administration in Sambhal, Uttar Pradesh, further found itself embroiled in controversy after Zafar Ali, the chairperson of the Shahi Jama Masjid’s managing committee, publicly accused the police of firing bullets at the crowd during the violent clash. Ali’s claims directly contradicted the police’s official narrative, which maintained that they had used only non-lethal methods such as tear gas, lathi-charge, and rubber pellet guns to disperse the crowd. Ali’s statements added to the tension, as they suggested the police were responsible for the deaths, not the protestors as the police had suggested.

Zafar Ali’s allegations and police response: Ali, in a press conference on November 25, had claimed that he had witnessed the police firing at the crowd during the chaos that erupted over the survey of the Shahi Jama Masjid. As per the report of The Wire, Ali had stated, “I saw that the police were firing bullets. It happened right in front of me. There was no bullet fired from the public in my presence.” This assertion directly contradicted the police’s statement, which claimed that the deaths were a result of gunfire from country-made weapons used by members of the mob. The police further suggested that the situation was chaotic, with individuals firing on each other, and assured that a magisterial probe would clarify the circumstances.

Following his public accusations, the police summoned Ali for questioning. The authorities also held their own press briefing, calling his allegations “misleading” and accusing them of being “politically motivated.” Despite the backlash, Ali was allowed to return home after his questioning, with the police clarifying that he had not been detained or arrested.

Police claims vs. Ali’s eyewitness account: The violence resulted in the deaths of four Muslim men, all of whom died from gunshot wounds. The police have suggested that the injuries were caused by bullets from country-made weapons, commonly known as “desi kattas,” which were reportedly in the hands of the protestors. However, Ali maintained that the police were armed with similar weapons and were the ones responsible for firing at the crowd. He further added that the police had also vandalised and set fire to their own vehicles near the mosque, casting doubt on the police’s account of events.

Ali’s account has raised questions about the authenticity of the police’s narrative. He questioned the logic behind the claim that protestors shot at each other, stating, “If they had to fire, they would have fired at the police and not the public. This is something to think about.” This contradiction between Ali’s statement and the police’s version has led to heightened scepticism regarding the actions of law enforcement on that day.

The lead-up to the violence- Rumours and miscommunication: In addition to his claims about the police’s actions during the incident, Ali also provided further context regarding the days leading up to the violence. He revealed that on the night of November 23, he had been informed by Sambhal’s Sub-Divisional Magistrate (SDM), Vandana Mishra, and Circle Officer (CO) Anuj Kumar Chaudhary, that a second survey of the Shahi Jama Masjid would take place the next morning. Ali stated that he had not given a “No Objection” to the survey, yet it went ahead regardless the following day.

The morning of the survey saw the area heavily surrounded by police, and Ali claimed that the SDM insisted on draining the water from the Hauz (water tank) even though the Superintendent of Police (SP) and District Magistrate (DM) had suggested that a simpler measurement could be taken with a stick. Ali’s description of the situation indicated a lack of coordination and communication between the local authorities and raised concerns about the handling of the survey.

Ali also pointed to the spread of a damaging rumour that claimed the Jama Masjid was being dug up without the court’s permission. This rumour caused panic in the community, and soon, large crowds began to gather near the mosque. According to Ali, this rumour sparked the violence and chaos that ultimately led to the deaths and injuries. The misinformation surrounding the mosque’s survey may have been a key factor in escalating the situation from a routine survey to a violent confrontation.

The conflicting statements from Zafar Ali and the police have only added to the tension and confusion surrounding the incident. While the police have promised a thorough investigation, including a magisterial probe, the allegations against them remain unresolved. Ali’s eye-witness testimony, combined with the rumoured causes of the violence, calls into question the transparency and fairness of the police’s actions during the event. As the investigation continues, the community and the wider public await further clarity on the role the police played in the tragic events of November 24.

Addressing the fault lines- Need of the hour

The Sambhal violence serves as a stark reminder of the deep communal, political, and administrative fissures in Uttar Pradesh. The state government’s aggressive response—ranging from arrests and FIRs to public shaming and punitive measures—underscores its prioritisation of swift action over due process. However, these tactics risk further alienating communities, exacerbating tensions, and eroding public trust in the justice system.

The framing of the violence as a result of local rivalries, while politically expedient, deflects attention from the systemic failures in governance and law enforcement. Allegations of police misconduct, coupled with the narrative of communal rivalries, reveal a troubling pattern where accountability is side-lined in favour of divisive rhetoric.

Calls for a Supreme Court-monitored investigation highlight the widespread mistrust in the state administration’s ability to impartially handle the situation. Without a transparent, unbiased inquiry into the events leading up to and during the violence, the cycle of mistrust and division is likely to persist.

The Sambhal incident is not an isolated case but part of a broader trend of escalating communal tensions and heavy-handed responses in Uttar Pradesh. For long-term peace and stability, the state must address the underlying causes of these tensions, foster dialogue, and rebuild trust in democratic institutions. Balancing law and order with the protection of constitutional rights is essential to prevent such incidents from becoming recurring flashpoints in an already polarised environment.

Related:

Uttarakhand High Court orders security, condemns hate speech over Uttarkashi Mosque

Divided & strife-torn Manipur: intensified violence, abdication by state & union governments, demands of accountability from BJP MLAs

Rajasthan HC finds no caste intent in words like ‘Bhangi’, ‘Neech’, ‘Bhikhari’, ‘Mangani’, drops SC/ST Act charges

The post Sambhal Violence: State crackdown intensifies, thousands accused, and allegations of police misconduct ignite a political and communal crisis in Uttar Pradesh appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Educational institutions to remain closed until November 23: As a precautionary measure, the Manipur government has ordered the closure of schools, colleges, and universities in the Imphal Valley until November 23. An official notification issued by Daryal Juli Anal, Joint Secretary of the Higher and Technical Education Department, cited concerns over the safety of students, teachers, and staff amid the ongoing curfew.

The decision was influenced by the widespread violence in several districts, particularly Imphal East and Imphal West, following the recovery of the missing bodies on November 15 and 16. The government decided to prioritise safety, suspending all educational activities in government and government-aided institutions, including state universities, in the affected districts.

The letter by elected MLAs may be read here

Timeline of escalating violence in Manipur following Jiribam attack

The recent cycle of violence that engulfed Manipur from November 7, 2024, began with a harrowing incident in Zairawn village, Jiribam district. A Hmar woman, a schoolteacher and mother of three, was allegedly raped, shot in the leg, killed, and set ablaze by unidentified attackers. The Hmar community, a subgroup of the Kuki-Zo ethnic group, was devastated by this act, and Kuki civil society groups quickly attributed the crime to Meitei militants.

The initial attack and looting: In the aftermath of the incident, the assailants reportedly torched 19 houses, looted cash, stole mobile phones, LPG cylinders, and six two-wheelers, and even killed village dogs. Some residents alleged negligence on the part of the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) stationed in Zairawn, accusing them of failing to intervene despite being capable of protecting the village. The violence escalated when suspected Kuki militants retaliated by targeting Meitei individuals in the district.

Retaliatory killings and unrest in Bishnupur: On November 9, the violence intensified as a Meitei woman working in a paddy field in Bishnupur district was allegedly shot dead by suspected Kuki militants. Two days later, on November 11, the CRPF killed 10 suspected Kuki militants in a confrontation in Jiribam. According to police reports, the militants were armed with automatic weapons and a rocket-propelled grenade (RPG) and had attacked the Borobekra police station and a CRPF camp in Jakuradhor. These assailants were believed to have travelled from Kuki-dominated districts such as Churachandpur and Pherzawl.

Displacement and missing persons: During the same encounter, three women and three children, including an eight-month-old baby, went missing. These individuals were among 13 displaced Meiteis seeking refuge in a relief camp located near the Borobekra police station and a CRPF post. Their disappearance further fuelled ethnic tensions in the region.

Jiribam, a district with a multi-ethnic population comprising Meitei, Kuki-Zo, Naga, and other communities, had remained relatively peaceful until June 2024. However, tensions erupted earlier this year when the body of a Kuki teenager was discovered in a river, allegedly killed by Meitei armed groups. Shortly after, the body of a Meitei man was found, reportedly in retaliation by Kuki militants.

Discovery of bodies and public outrage: On November 15, three bodies—those of a woman and two children—were discovered floating in the Barak River in Assam’s Cachar district. These were confirmed to belong to the missing family. The discovery triggered widespread protests in Imphal, with enraged mobs ransacking the homes of three legislators, including R.K. Imo, a BJP MLA and son-in-law of Chief Minister N. Biren Singh. Protesters also targeted the residences of Y. Khemchand, the Minister of Municipal Administration, and L. Susindro Singh, the Minister of Consumer Affairs, prompting security forces to use tear gas to disperse the crowds.

The unrest escalated further when protesters marched toward Manipur CM Biren Singh’s ancestral home in Luwangshangbam, only to be stopped by security forces.

Continued violence and accusations: On November 17, the bodies of another woman and child from the missing family were recovered in Lakhipur, bringing the total to six victims—all from the same family. The Indigenous Tribal Leaders’ Forum (ITLF), a prominent Kuki-Zo organisation, accused Meitei assailants of setting fire to five churches, a school, a petrol pump, and 14 tribal homes in Jiribam.

Meanwhile, in Imphal, a mob targeted the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) office in Haraorok, Imphal East, and later attacked the BJP and Congress offices in Jiribam town. Police reportedly opened fire to disperse the mob, resulting in one fatality.

Erosion of public trust: The violent attacks on political offices and leaders underscored deep public disillusionment with the state’s governance and leadership. The widespread violence has not only deepened the ethnic divide but also exposed the fragile state of law and order, leaving a trail of devastation and mistrust in its wake. The authorities face mounting challenges as they attempt to restore peace while addressing the grievances of the affected communities.

Manipur administration’s measures to address spiralling violence

In response to escalating violence in Manipur, the state administration has implemented stringent measures, including the suspension of mobile internet and data services across seven districts in the Imphal Valley, the imposition of curfews, and the re-enforcement of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) in six police station areas, including the violence-hit Jiribam, Manipur. To strengthen security, the central government deployed 20 additional companies of Central Armed Police Forces (CAPFs)—comprising 15 from the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) and five from the Border Security Force (BSF)—bringing an additional 7,000 personnel into the state.

The National Investigation Agency (NIA) has also taken up investigations into three key cases linked to the recent violence: the murder of a woman in Jiribam, the attack on a CRPF post, and the arson and killings in Borobekra. These steps aim to address the unrest, but significant challenges remain.

Civil society groups express scepticism: Despite these measures, civil society groups have raised concerns about the lack of a unified and effective approach to the crisis. Khuraijam Athouba, spokesperson for the Coordinating Committee on Manipur Integrity (COCOMI), a Meitei civil rights organisation, urged state representatives and MLAs to hold comprehensive discussions and take decisive action to resolve the ongoing conflict.

Divergent demands from the warring communities underscore the complexities of the crisis. While Meitei groups have called for the removal of AFSPA, Kuki groups have demanded the withdrawal of CRPF personnel from Kuki-dominated areas, reflecting the deepening rift over security arrangements.

Calls for leadership accountability: Prominent voices have called for accountability from the state government. Rights activist Irom Sharmila urged Chief Minister N. Biren Singh to take moral responsibility for the unrest and step down.

Political fallout- NPP withdraws support: The crisis has also led to political repercussions. The National People’s Party (NPP), the BJP’s second-largest ally in the state, formally withdrew its support for the government, accusing it of failing to restore law and order. In a letter to BJP President J.P. Nadda, NPP leader Conrad Sangma criticised the administration’s inability to resolve the crisis. However, the withdrawal does not pose an immediate threat to Chief Minister Biren Singh’s government, as the ruling NDA coalition holds a strong majority with 46 MLAs in the 60-member Manipur Legislative Assembly.

Curfews, internet bans and relaxation amid ongoing law and order concerns

Internet suspension extended: The Government of Manipur extended the suspension of mobile internet services in seven districts for an additional three days, citing the prevailing law and order situation. According to a state Home Department order issued on November 20, this decision aims to maintain communal harmony and prevent the spread of misinformation through social media platforms.

Initially imposed on November 16 for two days, the suspension was subsequently extended on November 18 and again on November 20. The affected districts include Imphal West, Imphal East, Bishnupur, Thoubal, Kakching, Kangpokpi, and Churachandpur. Commissioner (Home) N Ashok Kumar stated in the order that the extension would be effective from 5:15 PM on November 20 to 5:15 p.m. on November 23, with exemptions granted only in specific cases, such as government operations. Separately, internet services in Jiribam and Pherzawl districts were also suspended from 11:45 AM on November 19 for two days. However, exceptions were made for leased lines and fibre-to-the-home (FTTH) connections used by government offices or individuals with state-approved exemptions.

The suspension follows heightened tensions after the discovery of six bodies—three women and three children—who had been missing since an encounter on November 11, in which security forces killed ten armed militants. The recovery of the bodies sparked protests, prompting curfews and increased security measures.

Curfew relaxation announced for essential activities: In light of the ongoing curfew imposed in several districts, authorities announced a partial relaxation to allow residents to purchase essentials. The curfew, in effect across Imphal West, Imphal East, Bishnupur, Kakching, and Thoubal districts, was relaxed from 5:00 AM to 12:00 Noon on November 21. On the previous day, November 20, the curfew had been relaxed from 5:00 AM to 10:00 AM.

An order issued by K. Jadumani Singh, Additional District Magistrate of Imphal West, stated that the restriction of movement was temporarily lifted to facilitate the purchase of necessities, including food and medicines. The order also specified that no public gatherings, protests, or rallies would be permitted without prior approval.

Essential services such as healthcare, electricity, water supply, telecom, banking, and media were exempted from the curfew restrictions. Additionally, individuals traveling to and from the airport with valid permits and contractors/workers with airport entry permits were allowed to move freely beyond the relaxation hours.

District magistrates from Imphal East, Bishnupur, Kakching, and Thoubal issued similar directives, ensuring uniformity in the implementation of curfew relaxation across the affected areas.

Union government’s calculated response: The union government has faced consistent criticism for its callous approach to the Manipur crisis. Despite growing calls to either replace Chief Minister Biren Singh or impose President’s Rule, the Modi administration has refrained from taking decisive action. Analysts believe this reluctance stems from political considerations.

As a Meitei leader with considerable influence in the Imphal Valley, Biren Singh is pivotal to the BJP’s electoral strategy. Of the 60 assembly seats, 40 are concentrated in the Meitei-dominated Imphal Valley, making Singh’s leadership crucial for maintaining the BJP’s political base. His removal could destabilise the party’s standing in the region and further polarise the state’s fragile social fabric.

The imposition of President’s Rule is also seen as a politically risky move. In Manipur’s complex socio-political environment, such a step could be interpreted as overreach by New Delhi, potentially alienating local stakeholders. Moreover, it would signal an admission of governance failure, a narrative the Opposition would readily leverage on a national stage. Internationally, instability in Manipur, which borders sensitive regions like Myanmar and China, could have strategic ramifications. Any hasty decision by the Centre risks emboldening insurgent groups or inviting external interference.

A state in crisis: As the conflict in Manipur deepens, the state and central governments face mounting challenges in balancing security, governance, and public sentiment. The unrest has laid bare the complexities of managing ethnic tensions and the consequences of political inertia. While immediate measures like troop deployment and AFSPA enforcement have been implemented, long-term peace and stability will require inclusive dialogue and meaningful reconciliation between the deeply divided communities.

Kuki-Zo MLAs condemn “one-sided” resolutions by Manipur government

On 19 November, a group of 10 Kuki-Zo MLAs in Manipur issued a sharp critique of resolutions adopted during a meeting chaired by Chief Minister N. Biren Singh on 18 November. The meeting, attended by 26 National Democratic Alliance (NDA) MLAs, sought to address the recent violence in the state, including the November 11 Jiribam incident, where three women and three children from a Meitei family were abducted and killed. The Kuki-Zo MLAs accused the state government of exploiting the incident to suppress the tribal community and push a one-sided agenda.

Kuki-Zo MLAs: “Government exploiting tribal community”

The 10 MLAs, comprising seven from the BJP, one Independent, and two from the Kuki People’s Alliance, released a joint statement alleging that the state government has consistently acted against the interests of the tribal community.

“Time and again, the one-sided state government has taken undue advantage of the Jiribam incident in suppressing and curtailing the rights of the disadvantaged tribal community,” their statement read.

They criticised the government’s resolution to act decisively if certain demands were not implemented promptly, interpreting it as a veiled threat to the Central NDA government. The resolution had called for reviewing the exemption of AFSPA in six police station areas of the valley. The Kuki-Zo MLAs, however, countered this demand, asserting that AFSPA should be reimposed in all 13 police station areas of the Meitei-majority valley, which currently enjoy exemptions.

Demand for comprehensive mass operations: The BJP MLAs also criticised the state government’s demand for “mass operations” against Kuki militants, labelling it as biased and unfair.

“Mass operations must be conducted all over the state to recover all illegal arms from all militia groups,” the MLAs declared, calling for an impartial crackdown on armed elements across both hill and valley regions.

While the government sought to hand over three specific cases, including the Jiribam killings, to the National Investigation Agency (NIA), the Kuki-Zo legislators demanded a broader scope. They called for all cases of civilian killings in both the valley and the hills to be investigated by the NIA.

Call for balanced accountability: The MLAs criticised the selective labelling of Kuki militants as responsible for the killings, arguing that a fair process should be applied. They urged the government to precede any declarations with the designate on of Arambai Tenggol and Meitei Leepun as Unlawful Organisations under relevant laws. They further alleged that youth volunteers defending their villages against militant attacks were being unfairly targeted.

“Village volunteers are not an organisation, but youth defending their villages from murderous attacks by Arambai Tenggol, the so-called G5 (a conglomerate of five underground Meitei outfits) aided by the state police and, in the case of Jiribam, by the CRPF,” the statement read.

Appeal for peaceful dialogue and condemnation of mob attacks: The Kuki-Zo MLAs also highlighted the need for peaceful dialogue as the path forward, urging the government to prioritise negotiations over escalations. Additionally, they condemned the mob attacks on the homes of Meitei legislators, which occurred following public outrage over the November 11 incident.

The statement underscored the need for balanced governance, expressing concern over the deepening divide and calling on authorities to ensure justice for victims of violence, regardless of their community.

“It is imperative that the state moves towards reconciliation and equitable justice, avoiding actions that could further marginalise the tribal community,” the MLAs asserted.

The Kuki-Zo legislators’ response highlights the continuing ethnic and political tensions in Manipur, as communities and their representatives remain divided over issues of accountability, security, and governance. Their critique underscores the urgent need for inclusive and impartial measures to restore trust and peace in the state.

Congress calls for resignations of Home Minister Amit Shah and CM Biren Singh over Manipur violence

At a press conference held on 19 November 2024, the All India Congress Committee (AICC) in New Delhi demanded the resignation of Union Home Minister Amit Shah and Manipur Chief Minister N. Biren Singh. The party accused them of failing to control the ongoing violence in Manipur and called for immediate intervention by Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

The press conference was led by Keisham Meghachandra, Congress’s Manipur president, along with Jairam Ramesh, the party’s general secretary in charge of communications, and Girish Chodankar, Congress’s Manipur in-charge.

Addressing the media, Keisham Meghachandra referenced Prime Minister Modi’s 2017 remark that leaders who cannot maintain peace in the state have “no right to govern Manipur.” Meghachandra questioned whether this principle applied to the current BJP-led “double-engine” government in Manipur, given the ongoing ethnic violence and governance failure.

Congress’s five-point charter of demands: During the press meet, Congress outlined a detailed five-point charter of demands aimed at addressing the crisis:

1. Prime Minister Modi must visit Manipur: Congress insisted that Modi visit Manipur before the winter parliamentary session, scheduled to begin on 25 November. The party urged Modi to engage with residents of relief camps, consult local leaders, and assess the ground situation.
2. Engagement with delegates from all parties: The Congress demanded that the Prime Minister meet delegations comprising representatives from all political parties, including the BJP and Congress, as homes of legislators from both sides have come under attack amidst the violence.
3. Appointment of a dedicated governor: Highlighting the absence of a permanent governor, Congress called for the appointment of a full-time governor for Manipur. The post has been held in additional charge by Assam Governor Laksman Acharya since July 2024, after the departure of former governor Anusuiya Uikey.
4. Accountability from HM Amit Shah and CM N. Biren Singh: The party criticised the alleged “jugalbandi” between HM Amit Shah and CM Biren Singh, accusing them of prioritising political survival over public welfare. The Congress further alleged favouritism and questioned the BJP government’s failure to address drug-related cases in the state.
5. Immediate action on Supreme Court concerns: The Congress demanded swift action on the Supreme Court’s observations about the state’s constitutional collapse. The apex court had previously flagged the breakdown of law and order in Manipur, which Congress claimed remains unaddressed.

BJP’s inaction under fire: Congress’s Manipur in-charge, Girish Chodankar, criticised the BJP for focusing on protecting Chief Minister Biren Singh instead of restoring stability in the state. “For the past 18 months, the Prime Minister has done nothing but protect the Chief Minister of Manipur,” Chodankar remarked as per India Today, accusing the BJP of neglecting the state’s welfare.

Chodankar reiterated the Congress’s commitment to restoring peace, asserting that “We have tried every possible way to bring stability, but this government has failed. The Prime Minister must respond immediately.”

Rising violence and administrative inaction: The ethnic conflict in Manipur, which began in May 2023, has intensified recently, with 20 deaths reported in November alone, according to some estimates. The violence is rooted in long-standing tensions between the Meitei and Kuki-Zo communities, which have led to physical segregation enforced by buffer zones patrolled by security forces.

Despite Home Minister Amit Shah’s earlier promise of compensation for victims’ families, the Congress criticised the Union Home Ministry for failing to disburse sufficient funds to cover the 226 lives lost, as per official figures.

Congress urges swift action: The Congress party concluded its press conference by demanding urgent measures to address the crisis and restore normalcy in Manipur. The party emphasised that failure to act decisively risks further destabilising the state, worsening the humanitarian crisis, and eroding public trust in governance.

Manipur CM issues notices to MLAs over absence at key meeting amid political turmoil

On November 18, 2024, the Manipur Chief Minister’s Secretariat issued notices to 11 MLAs, including ministers, for failing to attend a crucial meeting convened by Chief Minister N. Biren Singh. The meeting was called to address the worsening law-and-order situation in the state, which has been grappling with persistent ethnic violence.

Among those who did attend the meeting was Manipur’s Rajya Sabha member, Leishemba Sanajaoba, who has been aligned with the ruling BJP. However, seven Kuki-Zo MLAs from the BJP, who have been residing outside the Imphal Valley since the ethnic clashes began on 3 May 2023, were notably absent. This reflects the continuing ethnic divide and the reluctance of Kuki-Zo representatives to participate in valley-centric governance activities.

NPP legislators under scrutiny after party withdraws support: The list of MLAs served notices includes Sheikh Noorul Hassan of the National People’s Party (NPP), representing the Kshetrigao constituency. His absence follows the NPP’s formal withdrawal of support for the BJP-led government on 17 November 2024.

Meanwhile, the NPP has also issued show-cause notices to three of its seven MLAs who defied the party’s decision and attended the meeting. These MLAs are:

• Mayanglambam Rameswhar Singh (Kakching constituency)
• Thongam Shanti Singh (Moirang)
• Irengbam Nalini Devi (Oinam)

An NPP leader based in the Imphal Valley claimed that a signature purportedly belonging to the party’s Tamenglong MLA, Janghemlung Panmei, was forged to suggest his attendance at the meeting. The leader added that the NPP’s State Committee had informed its national president and Meghalaya Chief Minister, Conrad K. Sangma, about the breach, prompting the issuance of show-cause notices.

Most absentees belong to the BJP: Aside from Sheikh Noorul Hassan and Sapam Nishikanta Singh, an independent MLA representing Keishamthong, the remaining MLAs served notices are members of the BJP. Among them are:

• Khumukcham Joykisan (Thangmeiband)
• Md Achab Uddin (Jiribam), both of whom had previously defected from the Janata Dal (United).
• Two other NPP MLAs – N. Kayisii (Tadubi constituency) and Khuraijam Loken Singh (Wangoi) – were notably absent from the meeting but did not receive notices, unlike Mr. Hassan.

Political signals in low attendance: The meeting, attended by only 26 NDA MLAs apart from the Chief Minister, has sparked criticism and raised questions about the BJP’s standing in Manipur. The Manipur Assembly has 60 seats, and the BJP-led NDA coalition held 46 MLAs after the NPP’s withdrawal. However, attendance at the meeting revealed cracks within the ruling coalition.

Prominent Congress leader Jairam Ramesh commented on the development, posting on social media platform X:

“The Manipur Assembly has 60 MLAs. Last night, the CM of Manipur called a meeting in Imphal of all MLAs belonging to the NDA. Other than him, only 26 showed up. Of these 26, 4 belong to the NPP whose National President has already written to the BJP National President withdrawing support to the present CM.”

Ramesh suggested the low turnout was a clear indication of the BJP’s dwindling support in the state.

A fractured coalition amidst a state in crisis: The political situation in Manipur remains volatile, with the BJP-led government facing increasing challenges from within its coalition. The ethnic violence, coupled with growing dissatisfaction among allies and legislators, has left the government struggling to maintain cohesion. The absence of MLAs from critical meetings highlights the deep divisions within the ruling coalition, further exacerbating the challenges of governance in a state already wracked by communal tensions.

Former Manipur Governor questions PM Modi’s absence amid ongoing violence

Anusuiya Uikey, former Governor of Manipur, has expressed her surprise and disappointment over Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s failure to visit the violence-stricken state despite multiple appeals from civil society and her own repeated requests.

Speaking to ThePrint in an interview on 20 November 2024, Uikey emphasised the importance of restoring trust in the state, which has been plagued by ethnic violence between the majority Meitei community and the Kuki-Zo tribal population since May 2023.

Appeals to the Prime Minister ignored: Reflecting on her tenure, Uikey revealed that during her time as Governor, from February 2023 to July 2024, she regularly relayed the demands of the people to the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO). These included fervent calls for the Prime Minister to visit Manipur to address the escalating crisis.

“People of the state wanted the PM to visit, and they kept making requests, which I sent to the PMO. But I don’t know why he has not visited,” Uikey said, expressing her bewilderment at the lack of response. Her comments highlight a growing sentiment of alienation among Manipur’s population, who feel their concerns have been overlooked by the central leadership.

Renewed violence a setback to peace efforts: Uikey also shared her distress over the recent resurgence of violence in November 2024, following a brief lull in hostilities. She described the fresh outbreak as deeply disheartening, particularly given the fragile stability that had been achieved in the preceding months.

“Traditionally, Manipur has been a state of rich culture and art. It is a beautiful state, but the recent violence has disrupted the peace that was established. I am deeply shocked by the brutality of events, like the killing and burning of a Hmar woman in Jiribam district on 7 November, which is a stark reminder of the ongoing turmoil,” she said.

A call for trust-building and mutual peace: Uikey believes that the restoration of mutual trust between the two communities, facilitated by the central government, is the only path to lasting peace.

“The central government needs to take concrete steps to build confidence and mutual trust among the communities. Without this, enduring peace will remain elusive,” she asserted while speaking to The Print.Her tenure as governor during the conflict’s peak provided her with firsthand insight into the complexity of the crisis. Despite her efforts to mediate between communities and defuse tensions, the violence persisted, underscoring the deep-seated mistrust and ethnic divide.

An ‘international hand’ behind the conflict? Adding another layer to the discourse, Uikey suggested the possibility of an international influence exacerbating the conflict.
“There is an international hand behind the conflict, which is why the violence cannot be stopped despite the Centre’s efforts,” she alleged. While she refrained from elaborating on this claim, her comments suggest the presence of external actors who might be exploiting local tensions for geopolitical gains, particularly given Manipur’s strategic location near the borders with Myanmar and China.

A plea for peace amidst chaos: Amid growing calls for Chief Minister N. Biren Singh’s resignation over his handling of the crisis, Uikey defended his leadership. She implied that external factors, rather than Singh’s governance, were responsible for the prolonged unrest in the state.

“How it has unfolded, I don’t know, but I appeal to all people in Manipur to build confidence and mutual trust for enduring peace,” she said, reiterating the need for unity and reconciliation.

In her closing remarks, Uikey issued an earnest appeal to the people of Manipur to prioritise confidence-building and mutual understanding. She expressed hope that these efforts, combined with decisive action by the Centre, could pave the way for stability in the region.

The former governor’s candid reflections highlight the depth of the crisis in Manipur and the urgent need for both local and central leadership to take meaningful steps toward resolving the conflict and addressing the grievances of the affected communities.

Licypriya Kangujam claims censorship of Facebook account amidst activism

Licypriya Kangujam, a 13-year-old climate activist from Manipur, has alleged that her official Facebook account has been restricted in India following her outspoken comments on the recent abduction and killing of six Meitei women and children in Jiribam.

Taking to social media platform X (formerly Twitter) on Wednesday, Kangujam directly addressed Prime Minister Narendra Modi, accusing him of being fearful of her activism.

“Mr @narendramodi, scared of me? That’s why you work on his behest?” she questioned, insinuating that her account was restricted under the government’s directive as an attempt to suppress her voice.

Hello @Meta @facebook,
Why you restricted my official Facebook account? Mr @narendramodi scared of me that’s why you work on his behest? I didn’t violate any policy or community standards of Facebook. Kindly unrestricted it asap. Never ever think to attempt to silence my voice.… pic.twitter.com/Ex0l3Jmfs9

— Licypriya Kangujam (@LicypriyaK) November 20, 2024

You mess with a wrong guy!

Unrestrict my Facebook Account immediately! Sharing a screenshot of a news published in Indian Express is not a crime. pic.twitter.com/HNkrR0eDpp

— Licypriya Kangujam (@LicypriyaK) November 20, 2024

Criticism of Meta and claims of injustice: Kangujam did not mince words in her criticism of Meta, Facebook’s parent company, for what she described as an unjust action. She shared a notification from Facebook explaining that her profile had been restricted within India under Section 69A of the Information Technology Act, which permits the government to block access to digital content deemed harmful to public order or national security.

“I didn’t violate any policy or community standards of Facebook,” she wrote in her post. “Kindly unrestrict it ASAP. Never ever think to attempt to silence my voice,” she added, emphasising her commitment to continuing her activism despite attempts to suppress her.

The teenager’s frustration was evident as she accused the authorities and Meta of targeting her for speaking out about the tragic Jiribam killings.

Activism and alleged silencing: Kangujam has been vocal about the ongoing ethnic violence in Manipur, which has sharply divided the state along communal lines. Her comments on the Jiribam incident—in which six individuals from the Meitei community were abducted and killed—have brought renewed attention to the issue. Her social media activism has often placed her at the forefront of raising awareness about human rights and environmental issues in the region. However, her outspokenness has also made her a target for criticism and, now, alleged censorship.

Government’s use of Section 69A of the IT Act: The restriction of Kangujam’s Facebook account under Section 69A of the IT Act has sparked questions about the application of this provision. While the government can use this law to block digital content that it considers a threat to national security, public order, or sovereignty, critics argue that it is sometimes employed to stifle dissent and suppress voices critical of the administration. Kangujam’s case has reignited debates about the balance between maintaining public order and safeguarding freedom of expression in a democracy.

A voice for change: Despite the challenges, Kangujam remains resolute in her activism. Her stance reflects the resilience of a young generation unafraid to confront authority and raise awareness about critical social and environmental issues. The incident underscores the growing role of digital platforms in enabling activism while also highlighting the risks of censorship and the contentious intersection of government policies with online freedoms. As Kangujam’s allegations gain traction, they add another layer to the already complex and volatile situation in Manipur.

No end in sight: Manipur’s spiralling crisis deepens

‘Coffin Rally’ announced by Kuki organisations: Manipur’s volatile situation shows no signs of abating, with Kuki organisations planning a ‘coffin rally’ in Churachandpur on Tuesday, November 21, to commemorate 10 Kuki-Zo youths allegedly killed in a gunfight with security forces in Jiribam district on November 11.

The rally, organised by the Zomi Students’ Federation (ZSF), Kuki Students’ Organisation (KSO), and Hmar Students’ Association (HSA), calls on schools and colleges to send students from Class 10 onwards, clad in black shirts, to participate in the procession. A notice issued by the groups on Monday stated that 10 symbolic coffins would be carried during the rally to honour the deceased. The actual bodies remain in the mortuary of a local hospital.

The bodies, initially sent to Assam’s Silchar for postmortems, arrived in Churachandpur—a Kuki-majority district—on Saturday afternoon. However, the Indigenous Tribal Leaders’ Forum (ITLF), a prominent Kuki-Zo organisation, announced on Sunday that the funerals would be delayed until the families receive postmortem reports.

Allegations against security forces: Manipur Police have reported that the deceased were suspected militants killed in an encounter with security forces. The alleged insurgents, dressed in camouflage gear and wielding sophisticated weapons, reportedly attacked the Borobekra Police Station and a nearby CRPF camp in Jakuradhor, Jiribam district, on November 11. The attack included the abduction of six civilians, comprising three women and three children, according to police accounts.

The incident has drawn criticism over the handling of the situation by security forces. The CRPF, tasked with restoring peace in the region, has faced allegations of bias and inaction from both sides of the conflict. Meitei organisations claim that the previously deployed Assam Rifles were too lenient with Kuki militants, while Kuki groups have expressed distrust in the CRPF’s ability to safeguard their communities.

Growing discontent with central leadership: Adding to the frustration is Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s absence from Manipur, despite 16 months of continuous ethnic violence. Civil society and opposition groups have repeatedly urged the Prime Minister to visit the state, but he has remained silent on the crisis. Similarly, Union Home Minister Amit Shah has faced criticism for failing to take decisive action, especially as over 6,500 firearms and thousands of rounds of ammunition have been looted, with disarmament efforts remaining insufficient.

Polarised demands and escalating divisions: The ethnic conflict has polarised the demands of the Meitei and Kuki communities. Meitei organisations like the Coordinating Committee on Manipur Integrity (COCOMI) have called for immediate military action against Kuki militants, along with the repeal of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA), which they argue has exacerbated the conflict. In contrast, Kuki groups continue to push for a separate administration, asserting that coexistence with the Meitei majority is no longer feasible.

Critics have pointed to a broader political conspiracy behind the violence. Some Meitei groups link the escalation to remarks made by Mizoram Chief Minister Lalduhoma in the United States. Lalduhoma advocated for a “Christian nation” uniting Kuki-Zo populations across India, Myanmar, and Bangladesh. Meitei leaders argue that such declarations have emboldened cross-border Kuki groups to seize land, allegedly to further the goal of a larger Kuki-dominated region.

Security forces under scrutiny: The role of security forces remains contentious, with both communities accusing them of partiality. Meitei groups distrust the Assam Rifles, while Kuki organisations criticise the CRPF’s ability to protect their interests. This breakdown in faith towards security agencies has left many civilians vulnerable, exacerbating the crisis in a state where law and order appears non-existent.

A humanitarian crisis without resolution: As the violence continues, the human toll mounts. The state remains deeply fractured, with buffer zones patrolled by security forces separating Kuki and Meitei areas. Amidst the chaos, the fundamental need for restoration of trust between communities and decisive action from the central government has never been more urgent. The ‘coffin rally’ symbolises not just the grief of the Kuki community but also the enduring wounds of a conflict that shows no signs of resolution. Without meaningful intervention, the cycle of violence in Manipur risks deepening an already tragic humanitarian crisis.

Manipur Tribal MLAs plan joint protest in Delhi, demand CM’s removal and separate administration

Unified protest by tribal legislators: In a significant development, ten tribal legislators from Manipur, including seven from the ruling BJP and three Independents, have announced plans for a joint protest in Delhi during the first week of December. Their primary demands include the removal of CM N. Biren Singh and the establishment of a separate administration for tribal communities. This will mark the first time these MLAs, who have previously raised these demands individually, are uniting on a common platform.

The decision to hold the protest at Jantar Mantar was finalised during a meeting in Churachandpur involving three of the ten MLAs, representatives of Civil Society Organisations (CSOs), and members from 25 Kuki groups that have signed the Suspension of Operation (SoO) agreement.

One of the legislators, speaking on condition of anonymity with The Wire, said, “We have previously written or spoken about the need for the Chief Minister’s removal and other issues, but the recent events have compelled us to come together and present a unified voice.”

Route to Delhi- circumventing Imphal: Security concerns have forced most of the MLAs to avoid Imphal, the Meitei-majority state capital. Instead, they will travel to Aizawl before flying to Delhi. This reluctance stems from perceived threats in Imphal, despite the state government’s assurances of their safety. These MLAs, who represent tribal constituencies, have not attended any assembly sessions or recent government meetings, including a key one held by CM Biren Singh earlier this week.

Renewed ethnic clashes worsen crisis: Manipur has been embroiled in ethnic violence for nearly 18 months, with over 240 people killed and tens of thousands displaced. The state is deeply divided along ethnic lines, with Meiteis predominantly in the plains of the Imphal Valley and Kuki-Zo communities concentrated in the hills. Despite deploying additional troops and reimposing the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) in conflict-hit areas, the Centre has struggled to contain the escalating tensions.

Suspension of operation agreement- a contentious issue: Representatives of the SoO groups—comprising 25 Kuki militant organisations—also participated in the Churachandpur meeting. The SoO agreement, a tripartite pact signed in 2008 between the Centre, the Manipur government, and Kuki militant groups, has been annually renewed to maintain peace. However, the agreement expired earlier this year, leaving its future uncertain.

In February, the Manipur Assembly unanimously passed a resolution urging the Centre to abrogate the agreement, accusing militant groups of violating its terms. The CM has since demanded its termination, while tribal groups argue for its continuation as a safeguard for their communities. Although the SoO representatives will not participate in the Delhi protest, their presence at preparatory meetings underscores their vested interest in the ongoing conflict and its resolution.

Protest agenda- amplifying tribal voices: The tribal MLAs plan to present a detailed account of the October 15 meeting between 15 state legislators from Meitei, Kuki-Zo-Hmar, and Naga communities and central government representatives. This meeting, convened by the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA), was an attempt to broker peace.

The MLAs have been advised to clarify their stance on critical issues, including their demands for a separate administration, the ongoing ethnic strife, and the central government’s role in facilitating dialogue. Additionally, they are expected to share updates with their constituencies if the MHA initiates another round of talks.

A political and humanitarian impasse: Manipur’s society remains fractured, with communities retreating into ethnic strongholds. Meiteis dominate the Imphal Valley, while the Kukis control the surrounding hills. This geographic and ethnic segregation has only worsened amid escalating violence and reprisal attacks.

The planned protest highlights not only the discontent within the tribal community but also the failure of administrative and political mechanisms to address the root causes of the conflict. The unified front of the ten MLAs signals a turning point in their strategy to press for political and administrative changes, potentially increasing pressure on the central government to intervene decisively in Manipur’s prolonged crisis.

Without effective dialogue and resolution, the state risks further descent into instability, with ethnic hostilities threatening to undermine Manipur’s social fabric.

Related:

Fresh violence grips Manipur: Clashes in Jiribam and widespread protests after rape and brutal killings

“Leaked Intelligence report” on alleged Kuki militants entering Manipur from Myanmar sparks panic, later retracted by authorities

Manipur plunges into deeper turmoil amid fresh violence and drone attacks since early September

Manipur on Edge: Violent Clashes Erupt on the day following Kuki-Zo Protests Demanding Separate Administration, action against state CM based on leaked tapes

The post Divided & strife-torn Manipur: intensified violence, abdication by state & union governments, demands of accountability from BJP MLAs appeared first on SabrangIndia.

On June 6, 2024, when her home was demolished, Darshana’s employers had permitted her a couple of days off work to deal with the disruption her life had faced. However, three days later, she received a phone call from them, asking her to return to work. “Woh boli ‘agar tum nahi aayi, dusre bai ko lagaungi’ ”.  (She told me that if I don’t come back, they will keep some other bai, and I will be out of a job),  Darshana shared. “Unko adjust nahi ho raha tha. Woh boli dusre bai logg wapis aa gaye…Boli ‘bhaade mein room le lo aur aa jao kaam pe’. Aasan thodi hai! (She said she wasn’t able to adjust and that all the other bai logg had returned to work, so I must also. She just said, ‘Quickly rent a room or something somewhere, and come back,’ as if it is an easy thing to do.)

Despite this, Darshana maintains that her ‘madam’ is good and one of the nicer ones. When her neighbour, Jaya returned to work two days after the demolition, she was asked to leave as her employer had “kept” someone else. “Woh batayi, ‘ghar ka thikana nahi, kaam kaise karogi? Ghar dekh lo, phir kaam pe aana’. 2000 de ke nikaal diya.” (She told me, ‘You have no home, how will you work? First figure your home situation out, and then go back to work’, and saying this, she paid me Rs. 2000 and removed me from work.) Two weeks later, Jaya felt lucky to find another job at a different building, which paid half of her previous job. Many, many other women in the basti have faced similar job loss, after already facing the destruction of their homes. Many of them have not been able to procure another job yet. They yearn for the meagre 2000-4000 per month, as it would have been better than the debilitating lack of income they face now.

In this moment of pronounced systemic injustice, the regular and everyday uncertainty of the nature of their livelihoods as domestic workers—which offers none of the rights justly exercised by their white-collar employers or those in the organised sector—is made clearer. Domestic work is not part of the statutory employment list, leaving them outside the ambit of basic worker protections such as minimum wages, paid leaves, collective bargaining, workplace safety, ESI/Provident Fund, annual bonus, and so on.

The imagined separation of the home as the woman’s abode of unpaid labour and the world outside as that of the productive male bread-earner is a patriarchal myth used by the capitalist mode of production. Recognising the home as a place of work is a struggle against the public – private gendered division of work. Most women domestic workers do not have any written contract specifying the exact services being bought, with many unpaid tasks being extracted. They can be terminated without serving any notice period. Even when the Maharashtra government recently set up the Gharelu Kamgar Kalyan Mandal, a welfare board envisioned by a 2008 state law, it clearly avoided recognising domestic work as ‘work’. Roughly ten thousand of the fifteen lakh domestic workers estimated to be working in Maharashtra’s major cities are covered by this welfare measure to provide one-time cash transfers for maternity and old age. As a result, workers are either left to the employer or State’s dole or benevolence, as worthy recipients of charity, or criminalised as “suspicious elements” in the city. It is not uncommon to find false cases of theft being lodged when workers demand basic rights, even facing violence and sexual abuse at the hands of the employers.

The women of Jai Bhim Nagar, who work in similar gated colonies, face distinct shades of this continued violence. They recount their experiences of being thoroughly screened at the gates of the buildings upon their entry and departure. “Guard purse mein haath dal kar check karte, dekhte hai kitna paisa hai, kya kya hai. Aur exit ke time, wapis check karte. Jab paghar milta hai, madam ko gate paas likhna padta hai.”(The guards put their hands inside our purses when we go in, and make a list of all of the items and money in it. When we return, they check again, to make sure that it is the same. When we get paid, our madams have to write us a gate-pass to allow us to take our salary home) shares Sarita, who recognises the implicit discrimination inherent in these routine practices. Jaya shares a similar anecdote, following up with the request to not have her real name mentioned, “Madam-sir dekh liye toh, unke groups mein daal denge ki hum kaise hai, aur phir koi nahi rakhega,” (If my sir and madam find out I am saying this, they will remove me and tell all the other houses not to keep me). She laments that this network of domestic work employers are brutal and their actions, ironic: while the women entering to work in their buildings are given no basic respect, they are expected to maintain the same for their employers. Upon not adhering, they will be replaced.

Since the demolition, Jai Bhim Nagar’s women’s lives, which have always carried the double burden of domestic labour, have become even harsher. The drudgery of their work at home was multiplied by the absence of electricity, water, and household assets they had spent years accumulating. This has meant that they spend longer hours working—the lives of most women at Jai Bhim Nagar and across the slums of Mumbai, has always been mired by the multiple types of labour that every waking hour is spent completing. For instance, irregular water supply and unsanitary toilets, giving rise to diseases, affect them more as taking care of the children and the aged is considered the woman’s responsibility. This is also reflected in how women are at the forefront of the struggle for rehabilitation, leading many delegations and protests demanding regular and clean water supply, sanitary living conditions and fumigation of mosquitoes from the municipality.

The demolition in Jai Bhim Nagar was on the basis of a complaint to the state Human Rights Commission that ‘unauthorised construction’ (referring to Jai Bhim Nagar) violates the human rights of the public at large staying in the said locality. Ironically, for most women living in Jai Bhim Nagar who are domestic workers in its high-rises, their very settlement was premised on improving the quality of life in the area. They were housed there, allowed to live, on the condition that they would not withhold their labour for domestic work, casual construction, electrical and other mechanical jobs, and so on. This is a paradox of neoliberal urbanisation. Cities are de-industrialised, throwing toiling people to the margins of the metropolis, and in their place emerge globally-networked centres of finance and services. The dreams of the land sharks, town planners, and those who come to inhabit these oases of opulence, is to create a ‘world class’ city to function as nodes of circulation of global finance and hi-tech activities of diverse nature, sanitised of all toiling humanity. This has only one roadblock: Essential labour such as domestic work, sanitation, construction, and various types of services requires that working people live near enough to their city without disturbing its lifeless beauty.

The need to exploit people’s capacity to work cannot be eliminated as long as profit remains the motor force of society. The basti, the barrio, the favela, the ghetto, the shanty town – the clinking wine glasses in infinity pools on top of the highest sky-rise face their horrific presence in the skyline. With a grin they seem to declare: Hamin ast -o- hamin ast -o- hamin ast!

This routinely takes on stark appearances when there is a minimum of resistance, such as in 2017 when a Bengali migrant domestic worker, Zohra, in Noida’s posh Mahagun Moderne gated community went to demand her wage dues and was forcefully withheld[1]. As the Uttar Pradesh police hesitated to file a complaint against the powerful employers, the Sethis, agitated residents from Zohra’s slum gathered outside the building complex for her release. This escalated to the private security firing on the crowd and the basti-dwellers being framed for ‘rioting’, theft and other criminal charges. The American estate-management company running the high-rises identified and blacklisted 80+ women domestic workers, a malicious media campaign painted the Bengali-speaking Muslims as ‘illegal Bangladeshi infiltrators’, and Zohra’s entire basti of 60 homes was promptly demolished by the police. Then BJP MP Mahesh Sharma assured the residents that 13 arrested slum-dwellers would not receive bail for years. The usefulness of insecure housing as a disciplining strategy for the urban precarity cannot be emphasised enough.

The precarity of “unauthorized living” unfolding through the demolition of Jai Bhim Nagar has only made visible the violence woven into the lives they live. As many of them have articulated, “Woh humme naukar samjhte hai, insaan nahi.” (We are primarily seen as servants, not as people). In singular systemic moments of crisis or collapse, such as slum demolitions, the reality of “unauthorised living” worsens an existing reality, whether that is of adult women facing precarity in their livelihoods as domestic workers, or young girls beginning to work as domestic workers, losing their right to education.

Capital thrives on cheap labour and segmentation. The working class, after being denied any claims to urban citizenry, ask whose city it is, whose space it is, and militantly asserts its inalienable right to dignity of labour, and all the resources that keep this labour thriving. The working class people of Jai Bhim Nagar are fighting for housing, health, education, and civic amenities such as water and electricity—the cost of their ‘social reproduction’. The movement is now proceeding with the demand for proper rehabilitation which is a political demand for a dignified and free life. Linked to this, is the possibility of taking this struggle against exploitation to the site of production, to the connected workplaces—asking for higher wages and better working conditions.

[1] See our earlier fact-finding report. COLLECTIVE. (2017). FF report on the incident in Noida on 11-12 July 2017. Published on 14 July 2017. Accessed on https://collective-india.com/fact-finding-noida-domestic-worker-case/.

The post ‘We are considered servants, not humans’: Women of Jai Bhim Nagar reveal the violence of domestic work appeared first on SabrangIndia.