Left Front’s call for judicial inquiry

In a meeting held at the Communist Party of India (Marxist) office in Nagpur on March 18, the Left Front expressed shock over the violence in Nagpur, a city not historically known for communal strife. The party questioned the police’s decision to permit the effigy-burning protest organised by the Bajrang Dal and Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) at Shivaji Chowk. It argued that if the authorities had taken prompt action against those responsible for inciting communal sentiments—particularly given that the protesters had engaged in similar activities twice before—the violence that erupted later that night could have been prevented. Reports have suggested that apart from burning of the effigy, these BD and VHP men had also desecrated the chadar  of the local dargah.

The Left Front has demanded a judicial inquiry into the entire incident, holding the police accountable for their inaction. The party has also called for strict measures against all anti-social elements and urged public representatives, including the Chief Minister, to make inclusive statements to help restore peace. In this regard, a delegation from the Left Front will present a statement to the District Collector and Police Commissioner, seeking immediate intervention. Additionally, an all-party meeting has been proposed to address the communal tensions and find ways to prevent such incidents in the future.

CPI(M) deems the incident as a conspiracy to escalate communal tensions

The CPI(M) has taken a stronger stance, attributing the riots in Nagpur to a deliberate conspiracy by fanatic forces with political motives. According to Dr. Ajit Navale, the party’s state secretary, the violence is part of a larger effort to divert public attention from pressing livelihood issues and economic distress. He alleged that communal tensions were being deliberately escalated to serve political interests, particularly in light of the state government’s failure to address governance challenges.

The party criticised ministers in the state government for making provocative statements, for weeks before the violence broke out, that encouraged religious polarisation. CPI(M) warned that extremist organisations are emboldened by the ruling dispensation’s tacit support, creating an atmosphere where communal violence can flourish. The party has demanded that the state government take a non-partisan approach and act decisively against those responsible for inciting violence.

Readers of Sabrangindia will recall, how Maharashtra has been allowed, by the earlier Eknath Shinde and now Devendra Fadnavis-led governments to host repeated events where controversial figures delivered provocative hate speeches that have undoubtedly left their impact on the social fabric. These have been extensively reported by us since September 2022. (More on this can be read here, here, here, here, here, here, and here)

Nagpur Violence: A politically motivated communal flare-up?

The background of the Nagpur violence suggests a calculated effort to inflame religious sentiments. The protest demanding the removal of Mughal emperor Aurangzeb’s tomb from Maharashtra—organised by the VHP and Bajrang Dal—escalated when protesters burned a symbolic grave wrapped in a green cloth, allegedly picked up from a nearby local dargah. Despite the fact that the caretakers of the shrine went to the local police urging immediate action against these communal miscreants, reportedly no steps were taken by the police other than the filing of an FIR, either to prevent the burning or thereafter.

The act and subsequent police non-response or inaction, reportedly led to rumours that sacred verses were being desecrated, which provoked a violent reaction from members of the minority community. The ensuing clashes resulted in widespread destruction, including arson, injuries to security personnel, and police vans being set ablaze.

The CPI(M) has linked these events to a broader pattern of communal agitation in Maharashtra, accusing the ruling establishment of tacitly encouraging such incidents to shift focus from governance failures. The party has pointed to the state’s worsening financial condition, rising public dissatisfaction, and economic distress as underlying factors that the government seeks to obscure through divisive politics.

Demands for action and restoration of peace

In response to these developments, the Left Front and CPI(M) have jointly called for immediate measures to restore communal harmony. Their demands include:

• A judicial inquiry into the Nagpur violence to identify those responsible.
• Action against extremist groups that incite communal discord.
• Holding police accountable for their failure to act in a timely manner.
• Non-partisan handling of law and order by the state government.
• Public representatives making statements that foster unity rather than division.

The CPI(M) has also appealed to the people of Maharashtra to reject communal provocations and recognise the political motivations behind such incidents. They urge citizens to remain vigilant against attempts to use religious polarisation as a tool to divert attention from critical governance and economic issues.

As Maharashtra reels from the aftermath of the Nagpur violence, the response of the state government and law enforcement agencies will be crucial in determining whether justice is served and whether communal harmony can be preserved in the face of escalating tensions.

Related:

How communal unrest was stoked, misinformation & rumours ignited unrest in Nagpur

Shielded by Power? How Prashant Koratkar’s remains un-arrested, even after making derogatory comments against Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj

Colours of Discord: How Holi is being turned into a battleground for hate and exclusion

Maharashtra Human Rights Commission probes Malvan demolitions after suo moto cognisance

Hindutva push for ‘Jhatka’ meat is a Brahminical & anti-Muslim agenda

WB LoP Suvendu Adhikari’s open call for Muslim-free assembly from the Assembly must be met with action, not silence

The post Left front, CPI (M) demand judicial inquiry into Nagpur violence, call out state for inaction appeared first on SabrangIndia.

#WATCH | Maharashtra: Explosions heard on vehicles that have been torched in Mahal area of ​​Nagpur; tensions have broken out here following a dispute between two groups. pic.twitter.com/rssI72v8od

— ANI (@ANI) March 17, 2025

#WATCH | Maharashtra: Tension breaks out in Mahal area of ​​Nagpur after a dispute between two groups. Vehicles vandalised and torched, stone pelting reported. Police personnel present in the area. Details awaited. pic.twitter.com/PPufCmM55N

— ANI (@ANI) March 17, 2025

According to multiple media reports, the violence stemmed from a demonstration organised by members of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang Dal near the statue of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj in Nagpur’s Mahal area. The protesters gathered to demand the relocation of Aurangzeb’s tomb, which is situated in Khultabad, Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar district (formerly Aurangabad). During the protest, slogans were raised, and demonstrators allegedly burned a photograph of Aurangzeb along with a “symbolic grave wrapped in a green cloth filled with grass.” Police sources indicate that the act of burning the green cloth reportedly sparked rumours, as many believed it contained sacred verses, leading to heightened tensions.

Following this, a group of around 80 to 100 people, allegedly from the religious minority community, reacted violently, pelting stones at the police and setting multiple vehicles ablaze. An alleged clash then took place between the Muslims and the protesting Hindus. The unrest led to serious injuries, including those sustained by security personnel attempting to control the mob. Among the injured are 10 anti-riot commandos, two senior police officers, and two fire department personnel. A constable remains in critical condition. The violence also resulted in large-scale destruction, with rioters torching two bulldozers and approximately 40 vehicles, including police vans.

To restore order, law enforcement resorted to using force, employing lathi-charge and tear gas to disperse the mob. In response to the deteriorating situation, Nagpur Police Commissioner Ravinder Kumar Singal imposed a curfew in several areas of the city under Section 163 of the Bhartiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita, 2023. The curfew applies to the jurisdictions of Kotwali, Ganeshpeth, Tehsil, Lakadganj, Pachpaoli, Shantinagar, Sakkardara, Nandanvan, Imamwada, Yashodharanagar, and Kapilnagar police stations. The restrictions will remain in effect until further notice.

Authorities have confirmed that the situation is now under control. However, the scale of the violence, the number of injured, and the damage caused highlight the deep-seated tensions surrounding the issue. A PTI report states that at least four civilians have been injured, while more than a dozen police personnel sustained injuries during the clashes. Security forces remain deployed in the affected areas to prevent further escalation.

Nagpur (Maharashtra) violence | Curfew has been imposed in the Police station limits of Kotwali, Ganeshpeth, Lakadganj, Pachpaoali, Shantinagar, Sakkardara, Nandanvan, Imamwada, Yashodhara Nagar and Kapil Nagar in Nagpur city. This curfew will remain in force until further… pic.twitter.com/N3CqzKcMv1

— ANI (@ANI) March 17, 2025

Misinformation and rumours ignite unrest in Nagpur

The violence in Nagpur on the night of March 17 was largely fuelled by misinformation and rumours that spread rapidly on social media. The unrest followed a demonstration organised by members of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) near the statue of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj in Mahal at around 8:30 pm. Protesters had gathered to demand the removal of Mughal emperor Aurangzeb’s tomb from Maharashtra and burned his effigy as part of their demonstration.

Hours later, tensions flared when rumours began circulating that activists from Hindu groups, including VHP and Bajrang Dal, had burned a piece of cloth inscribed with the holy kalma (Islamic prayer) and had also set fire to a copy of the Quran. According to police reports, videos of the Bajrang Dal demonstration quickly spread across social media, leading to outrage within the Muslim community. What police authorities did when and while such rumours flew fast is however, unclear. A formal complaint was subsequently lodged at the Ganeshpeth police station, alleging that a holy book had been desecrated. However, Bajrang Dal office-bearers refuted these claims, stating that they had only burned an effigy of Aurangzeb and had not targeted any religious text.

As news of the alleged Quran burning spread, anger intensified. The situation escalated when reports surfaced that VHP-Bajrang Dal protesters had also burned a religious chadar near Shivaji Putla Square at Mahal Gate, a location just 2 km from the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) headquarters. Clearly this was an act meant to provoke and it is not at all evident that action was initiated by the police against these miscreants. In response, a large group gathered in protest, demanding immediate action against those responsible. The protest soon turned violent, resulting in stone-pelting, arson, and violent clashes with the police.

Officials confirmed that social media played a significant role in spreading misinformation, fuelling tensions between communities. As the unrest escalated, security forces deployed riot-control measures, including water cannons and tear gas, in an attempt to disperse the crowd. Several officers were injured in the process, including Deputy Commissioners of Police (DCPs) Archit Chandak and Niketan Kadam. Firefighters attempting to douse burning vehicles were also caught in the violence.

Eyewitnesses reported that the clashes started around 7:30 pm in the Chitnis Park area of Mahal, where groups hurled stones at the police, leaving six civilians and three officers injured. The violence then spread to other parts of the city, including Kotwali and Ganeshpeth, intensifying as the evening progressed. A resident, Sunil Peshne, told ANI that a mob of 500 to 1,000 people engaged in stone-pelting and torched multiple vehicles. He claimed that around 25-30 vehicles were damaged or destroyed during the chaos.

The timing of the unrest was particularly sensitive, as Monday marked the birth anniversary of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, the Maratha warrior-king. It also coincided with the holy month of Ramzan, further heightening religious sensitivities. The call for the demolition of Aurangzeb’s tomb at Khuldabad in Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar had gained traction on this day, adding to the charged atmosphere.

Authorities are currently reviewing CCTV footage and video clips to identify those involved in the violence. An FIR has been registered, and police teams are actively working to track down the culprits. Officials reported that the Chitnis Park to Shukrawari Talao road belt was among the worst-affected areas, where multiple four-wheelers were torched by rioters.

Residents of the Old Hislop College area near Chitnis Park spoke to PTI and claimed that a mob entered their locality around 7:30 pm, hurling stones at homes and vandalising parked cars. At least four cars were damaged, with one vehicle completely burnt. The rioters also destroyed water coolers and shattered windows before fleeing. Some residents attempted to control the fires themselves by arranging water to douse the burning vehicles.

A resident of the Hansapuri area, Sharad Gupta, recounted how his four two-wheelers, which were parked outside his home, were set ablaze by the mob between 10:30 pm and 11:30 pm. He suffered injuries in the attack and said the rioters also vandalised a neighbouring shop. He further alleged that the police arrived only an hour after the incident, by which time significant damage had already been done.

Fearing for their safety, some residents locked their homes and fled to safer locations in the middle of the night. A PTI correspondent witnessed a couple leaving their house at 1:20 am, seeking refuge elsewhere. Meanwhile, Chandrakant Kawde, a local resident involved in preparations for the Ram Navami Shobha Yatra, reported that the mob burned all his decoration materials and pelted stones at homes in the vicinity.

Angry residents have called for immediate police action against those responsible for the violence. While the situation is currently under control, tensions remain high as authorities continue their investigation.

#WATCH | Maharashtra | A local shopkeeper from Nagpur’s violence-hit Hansapuri area says, “At 10.30 pm, I closed my shop. Suddenly, I saw people torching vehicles. When I tried to douse the fire, I was hit with a stone. My two vehicles and a few other vehicles parked nearby were… pic.twitter.com/tisqTd87d2

— ANI (@ANI) March 18, 2025

Nagpur (Maharashtra) violence | Nagpur Police say – Nagpur Police has issued prohibitory orders in the city after the stone pelting and arson incident in Mahal area. More than 20 have been detained till now. Police are looking into the CCTV footage and other video clips available…

— ANI (@ANI) March 17, 2025

Police crackdown and heightened security measures

In response to the escalating violence in Nagpur, Police Commissioner Ravinder Singal deployed over 1,000 officers and imposed prohibitory orders in key areas, including Mahal, Chitnis Park Chowk, and Bhaldarpura, to restrict movement in high-risk zones. According to a Times of India report, key roads were sealed, while additional reinforcements and intelligence teams were brought in to prevent further clashes. Despite the heavy police presence, sporadic incidents of stone-throwing continued late into the night, keeping security forces on high alert.

To maintain order, authorities utilised surveillance vehicles equipped with CCTV cameras to monitor the situation in real time. Public address systems were also used to issue warnings and instruct citizens to remain indoors. Local peace committees were activated, with law enforcement urging community leaders to play a role in de-escalating tensions and preventing further violence.

Meanwhile, security around Aurangzeb’s tomb in Khuldabad has been significantly tightened following threats against the monument. Visitors are now required to register their details and provide identification before entering the site. Additional forces, including the State Reserve Police Force (SRPF), local police, and Home Guard personnel, have been deployed in the vicinity to prevent any attempts at vandalism or desecration. Authorities remain on high alert as they continue to monitor the situation and work towards restoring normalcy.

Statement by the law enforcement authorities

Amid the volatile situation, Nagpur Police Commissioner Dr Ravinder Singal provided an update, asserting that law enforcement had responded swiftly to restore normalcy. He clarified that tensions escalated following the burning of a photograph, which led to protests and growing unrest.

“A photo was burned, leading to a group gathering and raising concerns. We intervened immediately, and some individuals visited my office to discuss the matter. I assured them that an FIR had already been filed based on the names they provided, and appropriate legal action will follow.”

Dr Singal also provided details regarding the extent of the violence, noting that the incident unfolded between 8:00 and 8:30 pm. While stone pelting and arson took place, he stated that the damage was not as widespread as initially reported.

“The destruction is relatively limited—so far, two vehicles have been set on fire. We are continuing to assess the full extent of the damage. Combing operations are underway to identify and arrest those responsible.”

#WATCH | Nagpur (Maharashtra) violence: Nagpur Police Commissioner Dr Ravinder Singal says, “The situation is peaceful right now. A photo was burned following which people gathered, they made a request and we even took action in this respect. They had even come to my office to… pic.twitter.com/T4CljMg4At

— ANI (@ANI) March 17, 2025

To prevent further disturbances, Section 163 of the BNS, which prohibits gatherings of four or more people, has been imposed in the affected area. The Police Commissioner urged people to avoid unnecessary outings and refrain from taking the law into their own hands.

“We strongly advise citizens not to step out unless necessary and to refrain from spreading or acting upon false information. Other parts of Nagpur remain peaceful, with only the affected area under heightened security.”

Deputy Commissioner of Police (DCP) Archit Chandak attributed the unrest to miscommunication and misinformation, confirming that the situation was now under control. He reassured the public that security measures had been strengthened to prevent any further escalation.

“We have deployed a strong security presence, and the situation is currently under control. I appeal to everyone to avoid engaging in violence, including stone-pelting.”

During the clashes, several police personnel allegedly sustained injuries, including DCP Chandak himself, who was struck in the leg. Despite this, he reaffirmed the commitment of law enforcement to maintaining order.

“The Fire Brigade was immediately called in to extinguish the fires, and prompt action was taken to disperse the crowds.”

A senior Nagpur Fire Brigade official confirmed that multiple vehicles had been torched, particularly in the Mahal area.

“Two JCBs and several other vehicles have been damaged due to arson. Unfortunately, one of our firefighters sustained injuries while trying to control the fire.”

While the immediate violence has been contained, authorities remain on high alert to prevent any recurrence. However, it has been reported that the VHP further signalled that their agitation could intensify and expand beyond Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar, potentially spreading across Marathwada and other districts if their demands were not met. Their statements suggest a widening of communal tensions, raising concerns about further unrest and polarisation in the region.

Speeches prior to the clashes

The communal clashes were preceded by escalating demands for the removal of Mughal emperor Aurangzeb’s tomb, a call that gained momentum among right-wing Hindu nationalist groups, particularly the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP). The organisation submitted a memorandum to Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, asserting that the tomb symbolised oppression and referencing Aurangzeb’s execution of Maratha ruler Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj and his destruction of Hindu temples. Protests in support of this demand had already taken place in Nagpur and suburban Mumbai, intensifying communal tensions in the state.

BJP MLA and Cabinet Minister Nitesh Rane’s call for Hindutva action: On the eve of the clashes, Maharashtra Minister Nitesh Rane invoked the demolition of the Babri Masjid, calling upon Hindutva groups to take matters into their own hands while assuring that the government would fulfil its role. Speaking at Shivneri Fort in Pune district on the occasion of Shivaji Maharaj’s birth anniversary, Rane made his position clear:

“The government will do its part while Hindutva outfits must do theirs. When Babri Masjid was being demolished, we did not sit and talk to each other. Our karsevaks did what was appropriate.”

His statements came as the VHP staged protests at government offices across Maharashtra, demanding the removal of Aurangzeb’s tomb and warning that if the government failed to act, they would march to Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar district and demolish the grave themselves.

Rane further sought to reshape historical narratives, denouncing any portrayal of Shivaji Maharaj as a secular king.

“We must continuously emphasise that Shivaji Maharaj was the founder of Hindvi Swarajya. This identity must be reiterated repeatedly so that the attempts of certain groups to portray him as a secular king can be thwarted by true devotees of Shivaji Maharaj,” he declared.

He insisted that Shivaji Maharaj’s army never included Muslim soldiers, claiming that the British themselves had recognised him as a “Hindu General.” Rane referred to historical documents that allegedly portrayed the Maratha ruler’s conflict with the Adil Shah dynasty as a religious battle, stating that “the spread of Islam was hindered during Shivaji Maharaj’s reign.”

He also referenced the film Chhaava, which depicts the torture and execution of Sambhaji Maharaj by Aurangzeb, using it to reinforce his narrative that the conflict was driven by religion.

“Aurangzeb demanded that Sambhaji Maharaj convert to Islam. Those who argue that their battle was not against Islam, how do they explain this? If it wasn’t a fight for religion, then what kind of war was it?” he asked.

Rane concluded with a veiled call to action, stating, “This is a significant day. As a minister, I have limitations on how much I can openly say, but you all know my views. Today, I am a minister, tomorrow I may not be, but until my last breath, I will remain a Hindu.”

Statements by CM Devendra Fadnavis and other BJP leaders: Earlier on the day of the clashes, Maharashtra Deputy Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis, while inaugurating a temple dedicated to Shivaji Maharaj in Bhiwandi, reiterated that the government would protect Aurangzeb’s grave but would not allow its “glorification.”

“It is unfortunate that we have to protect Aurangzeb’s grave since it was declared a protected site by the ASI 50 years ago. Aurangzeb killed thousands of our people, but we have to protect his grave,” he said in response to calls for its removal.

In Pune, right-wing groups gathered outside the district collector’s office, raising slogans and submitting a memorandum addressed to Fadnavis, insisting that the tomb should be removed as it was a “symbol of pain and slavery.”

The issue gained further traction when Fadnavis, on March 15, 2025, explicitly stated that he and his party believed that Aurangzeb’s grave should be removed from Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar, formerly Aurangabad. However, he acknowledged that since it was a protected monument under the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), any action must be taken in accordance with the law.

Fadnavis’ remarks were in response to BJP MP Udayanraje Bhosale’s demand to demolish Aurangzeb’s grave in Khuldabad. Bhosale, a descendant of Shivaji Maharaj, had openly called for its destruction. “What is the need for the tomb? Bring in a JCB machine and raze it down. Aurangzeb was a thief and a looter,” he declared. His statement followed a heated debate sparked by Samajwadi Party MLA Abu Asim Azmi, who had earlier defended Aurangzeb as a “good administrator,” dismissing claims that he forcefully converted Hindus. Azmi’s comments led to his suspension from the state assembly for the remainder of the budget session.

BJP MLA T. Raja Singh’s open call to violence: The communal atmosphere further deteriorated when Telangana BJP MLA T. Raja Singh, speaking at an event organised by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Bajrang Dal in Pune, tore a picture of Aurangzeb and called for violence against his admirers.

“The way I tore this poster, you should tear up those Aurangzeb lovers. We won’t stop; we will create history,” he declared.

He directly incited violence, stating, “Just like we broke Babri, now we will erase Aurangzeb’s tomb. We are ready to do this; we are ready to get our heads chopped and chop the heads of those terrorists.” He continued, “We are not scared to kill our enemies.”

Singh asserted that all Indians wanted Aurangzeb’s grave demolished and framed his demand within the broader goal of establishing a Hindu Rashtra. Though facing several criminal charges including in Maharashtra, this elected representative has not been once arrested in Maharashtra.

“I want to make India a Hindu Rashtra and fight a war for that. I want to create ‘Hindu Veers’ (militias) and demolish Aurangzeb’s tomb. I don’t care if the BJP expels me for this. A bulldozer needs to be used on that tomb.”

#WATCH | Speaking at an event in Maharashtra’s Pune yesterday, Telangana BJP MLA T Raja Singh said, “…The Hindus in Maharashtra want that Aurangzeb’s grave should be erased from the state…Kab tutegi Aurangzeb ki kabr?..I have only resolve now – to make India a ‘Hindu Rashtra’… pic.twitter.com/hpgUeV65pC

— ANI (@ANI) March 17, 2025

Deputy CM Eknath Shinde’s Remarks on ‘Traitors’: Maharashtra Deputy Chief Minister Eknath Shinde, speaking at an event commemorating ‘Shiv Jayanti’ in Thane district, described those who continued to praise Aurangzeb as “traitors.”

“Aurangzeb came to seize Maharashtra, but he faced the divine power of Shivaji Maharaj. Those who still sing his praises are nothing but traitors,” he declared.

Shinde contrasted Aurangzeb’s “oppression” with Shivaji Maharaj’s legacy, portraying him as a “divine force” who symbolised bravery, sacrifice, and Hindutva. He stated, “Shiv Chhatrapati is the pride of a united India and the roar of Hindutva. Shivaji Maharaj was a visionary leader, a man of the era, a promoter of justice, and a king of the commoners.”

The climate of hostility and mistrust: These speeches, delivered in the weeks and days leading up to the clashes, fostered an environment of mistrust, communal polarisation, and incitement to violence. By framing the issue of Aurangzeb’s tomb as a direct affront to Hindu pride and linking it to historical grievances, political leaders and right-wing groups stoked tensions, encouraging hostility and, in some cases, explicitly calling for extra-legal action. The convergence of these narratives created a volatile atmosphere where communal violence became not just a possibility but an almost inevitable outcome.

Understanding the Nagpur communal clash through the “Pyramid of Hate”

The communal clash in Nagpur unfolded through a series of events—beginning with a movie distorting history followed by hate speeches promoting the historical distortion and giving it a communal angle, a planned protest, rumour-mongering, and culminating in violent clashes. This progression aligns with the “Pyramid of Hate”, which explains how intolerance grows in society, starting from implicit biases and eventually leading to violent consequences.

The Pyramid of Hate teaches us that violence is never sudden—it is a process often occurring after a systemic build-up. The Nagpur incident demonstrates how communal intolerance spreads step by step, from biased portrayals in media to unchecked hate speech, discriminatory institutional responses, and eventual clashes. To prevent such violence, it is crucial to intervene early in the pyramid—countering hate speech, debunking misinformation, and ensuring impartial law enforcement. Hate must be confronted at its roots—before it manifests in bloodshed.

1. Biased Attitudes: The role of media and stereotyping

At the foundation of the Pyramid of Hate lie biased attitudes, which include stereotyping, micro aggressions, and unchecked prejudices. In this case, the movie “Chhaava” triggered the controversy of the fight between Aurangzeb and Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj to be about the fight between two people of different faith, wherein Aurangzeb tortured the Maratha ruler because he refused to convert to Islam, the said movie, with its violent representation, allegedly contained misrepresentations or one-sided portrayals of the Mughal ruler, which was then used to reinforce existing biases against Muslims. Films have historically, and more often recently, played a role in shaping public perception, and when a narrative demonises a group, it provides fertile ground for hateful ideologies to take root. This leads people to see the “other” as inherently different or dangerous, setting the stage for further hostility.

2. Acts of Prejudice: Hate speeches and protest

As biased attitudes become more socially acceptable, they manifest in acts of prejudice, which include hate speech, social exclusion, and dehumanisation. In the Nagpur incident, hate speeches followed the release of the film, with individuals and organisations openly expressing hostility toward Muslims, deeming them to be followers of Aurangzeb and “traitors”. These speeches did not occur in isolation; they were meant to provoke reactions and mobilise groups around a shared sense of grievance.

The subsequent protest further escalated tensions. While protest itself is a legitimate form of expression, it often turns into a platform for inflammatory rhetoric. In this case, the demonstration was not just about dissent; it became a catalyst for heightened communal sentiments, reinforcing the idea that one group was under threat from another.

3. Discrimination: Institutional neglect and selective action

Hate does not spread in a vacuum; it requires institutional tolerance. Discrimination, the third stage of the Pyramid, involves systemic inequities in policies and enforcement. In many instances of communal conflict in India, law enforcement is accused of being slow to act or biased in its response. If authorities fail to curb hate speech, misinformation, or mob violence, it signals tacit approval of discrimination.

In Nagpur, the law enforcement allowed the hate speeches and protests to go unchecked in case of BJP MLA T. Raja Singh, it contributed to the escalation. Additionally, with the State CM and Deputy CM also echoing the same divisive sentiment by indulging in inflammatory diatribe against Aurangzeb and his tome, other influential leaders also got the leeway to make offensive statements. Failure to counter false narratives spread through rumour-mongering further alienated communities and deepened mistrust. This selective action—or inaction—allowed prejudice to turn into active hostility.

4. Bias-Motivated Violence: The clashes

As tensions continued to rise, the situation eventually escalated into violent clashes. This stage of the Pyramid—bias-motivated violence—includes assaults, arson, and attacks on property or individuals based on identity. At this stage, hate is no longer just a belief or rhetoric; it translates into direct harm.

The violence in Nagpur was not spontaneous; it was the culmination of escalating intolerance. The clash was a symptom of the deep-seated communal divisions that had been nurtured through earlier stages. When rumours spread unchecked and violence is justified in the name of retaliation, the possibility of a full-scale riot increases.

5. Genocide: The extreme end of the Pyramid

At the very top of the Pyramid lies genocide—the systematic destruction of a group. While the Nagpur clash did not reach this extreme, history shows that unchecked hate can escalate to large-scale atrocities. Incidents like the 2002 Gujarat riots, the 1984 anti-Sikh pogrom, and the 2020 Delhi riots all followed a similar trajectory, beginning with hate speech and rumours before descending into mass violence.

CM Fadnavis and Union Minister Gadkari appeal for calm

In the wake of communal violence in Nagpur, Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis and Union Minister Nitin Gadkari have urged residents to remain calm and not be swayed by misinformation. Highlighting Nagpur’s legacy as a city known for communal harmony, Fadnavis called upon citizens to support law enforcement efforts and refrain from spreading or acting on rumours.

#WATCH | Nagpur (Maharashtra) violence: Maharashtra CM Devendra Fadnavis says, “The manner in which the situation became tense in Mahal area of Nagpur is highly condemnable. A few people pelted stones, even at the Police. This is wrong. I am keeping an eye on the situation. I… pic.twitter.com/nBUqPv7D5U

— ANI (@ANI) March 17, 2025

“Nagpur has always been a symbol of peaceful coexistence. I appeal to all residents not to fall for false information and to cooperate with the police in maintaining order.”

Union Minister and Nagpur MP Nitin Gadkari echoed similar concerns, attributing the unrest to rumour-mongering. Stressing the importance of upholding the city’s tradition of peace, he appealed for restraint.

“Certain rumours have created a situation of religious tension in Nagpur. However, our city has always demonstrated unity in such circumstances. I urge everyone not to believe or spread misinformation and to ensure peace prevails.”

Criticism of the state government’s handling of Nagpur violence

While the administration sought to de-escalate tensions, the Maharashtra government faced sharp criticism from the opposition over its handling of the situation. Shiv Sena (UBT) spokesperson Anand Dubey held the government responsible for its failure to prevent the violence, pointing to a collapse in law and order. Expressing deep concern, he remarked,

“Maintaining law and order is the fundamental duty of any state government. The violence in Nagpur is highly regrettable—vehicles have been torched, stones have been thrown, and the situation has spiralled out of control. This is a city where people of all communities have historically lived in peace. The government has clearly failed to foster unity and prevent such unrest.”

Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Aaditya Thackeray took to X, stating, “The law and order of the state has collapsed like never before. Nagpur, the home city of the CM and Home Minister, is facing this.” His remarks underscored the irony of unrest unfolding in the stronghold of Maharashtra’s Chief Minister and Home Minister.

The law and order of the state has collapsed like never before. Nagpur, the home city of the CM and Home Minister, is facing this. https://t.co/AJxitSe1JB

— Aaditya Thackeray (@AUThackeray) March 17, 2025

Supriya Sule, Lok Sabha MP from the NCP (Sharad Pawar faction), also condemned the violence, calling it unfortunate. She urged citizens to “not believe in any rumours” and appealed for mutual harmony, reminding people that Maharashtra has always been a land of progressive ideas.

नागपूर शहरात दोन गटांमध्ये झालेल्या हिंसाचारात मोठे नुकसान झाले. ही घटना अतिशय दुःखद आणि दुर्दैवी आहे. नागरीकांना आवाहन आहे की कृपया कोणत्याही अफवेवर विश्वास ठेवू नका. परस्पर सामंजस्य आणि सौहार्दाचे वातावरण कायम ठेवण्याच्या दृष्टीने आपण सर्वांनी मिळून प्रयत्न करुयात. हा…

— Supriya Sule (@supriya_sule) March 18, 2025

Congress leader Pawan Khera pointed out that Nagpur has not witnessed riots in 300 years, suggesting that recent events were a deliberate attempt to stoke historical divisions for political gains. “Over the last several days, attempts were being made to weaponise 300-year-old history and use it now to create divisions, distractions, and unrest. These clashes expose the real face of the ideology of the ruling regime—both at the Centre and in the state,” he stated.

Reports of riots in Nagpur are deeply disturbing. Mahal is Chief Minister’s own area. In its 300 years of dynamic existence, Nagpur has never experienced riots.
Over the last several days, attempts were being made to weaponise 300 year old history and use it now to create… https://t.co/gqC5cAyz3B

— Pawan Khera (@Pawankhera) March 17, 2025

Leader of Opposition in the Maharashtra Assembly, Congress MLA Vijay Waddetiwar, went a step further, alleging that the violence was “government-sponsored”. He demanded a ban on Telangana BJP leader T Raja in Maharashtra, accusing him of instigating communal tensions. He also questioned why the BJP government, despite being in power both at the state and central levels, was protesting over the Aurangzeb issue instead of governing effectively.

Similarly, Ambadas Danve, Leader of Opposition in the Maharashtra Legislative Council, blamed CM Devendra Fadnavis and his government for the unrest, asserting that the BJP was deliberately fuelling communal disharmony in the state.

Shiv Sena (UBT) Rajya Sabha MP Priyanka Chaturvedi also slammed the ruling party, warning that the Maharashtra government was “ruining the state for political opportunism and leading it towards a violent implosion.” She pointed out that the violence occurred in Nagpur, the constituency of both the Chief Minister and the Home Minister, making their failure to control the situation even more glaring.

Instigating violence, creating instability in the state, keeping the citizens busy over the past history while getting away with tough questions on the state’s financial doom, increased debt burden, growing joblessness and farmer suicides. Maharashtra is being strategically led…

— Priyanka Chaturvedi (@priyankac19) March 18, 2025

The opposition’s critique highlights growing concerns over state-sponsored communal polarisation, the failure of law enforcement, and political machinations aimed at deepening religious divides in Maharashtra.

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Maharashtra Human Rights Commission probes Malvan demolitions after suo moto cognisance

Hindutva push for ‘Jhatka’ meat is a Brahminical & anti-Muslim agenda

WB LoP Suvendu Adhikari’s open call for Muslim-free assembly from the Assembly must be met with action, not silence

The post How communal unrest was stoked, misinformation & rumours ignited unrest in Nagpur appeared first on SabrangIndia.

On March 10, a Kuki-Zo organisation has urged the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCHR) to recognise the discrimination faced by their community in Manipur, following a violent crackdown on protesters in Kangpokpi on Saturday (March 8). The clashes erupted in response to the Union’s decision to restore free movement in the state by resuming bus services without first addressing the ongoing ethnic conflict between the Meitei and Kuki-Zo communities. The violence left one protester dead and over 40 others injured.

The Kuki Organisation for Human Rights Trust (KOHUR) released a statement on Saturday night, calling on UNHCHR chief Volker Turk to take note of the “gross violation of human rights” against the minority Kuki-Zo people, who they claim are being targeted based on their ethnicity and religion. Their appeal follows Turk’s March 3 address at the 58th session of the Human Rights Council, where he expressed concern over shrinking civic space in India, including the use of restrictive laws against journalists and human rights defenders. On Manipur, he urged greater efforts to curb violence and displacement through dialogue, peace-building, and a human rights-centric approach.

The union had swiftly dismissed Turk’s remarks as “unfounded and baseless.” India’s Permanent Representative to the UN, Arindam Bagchi, responded by urging a “better understanding of India and our civilisational ethos of diversity and openness.”

In protest against the government’s decision to enforce free movement, the Kuki-Zo Council called for an indefinite shutdown across Kuki-Zo-dominated districts on Sunday. The Indigenous Tribal Leaders’ Forum (ITLF) and other Kuki-Zo organisations backed the shutdown, condemning what they saw as the Union’s unilateral move that disregarded the risks of further violence.

The unrest escalated when the Manipur State Transport, acting on the Union’s directive, resumed bus services on March 8, deploying two state-run buses—one on the Imphal-Kangpokpi-Senapati route and another on the Imphal-Bishnupur-Churachandpur route—under the protection of Central Armed Police Forces. Opposing the move, Kuki-Zo demonstrators set up barricades on a national highway using boulders and burning tyres. When a bus entered Kangpokpi, protesters allegedly attempted to block its movement by pelting stones, leading to a confrontation. Security forces responded with force, resulting in clashes that left one person dead and dozens injured.

The ITLF identified the deceased as Lalgouthang Singsit and paid tribute to him, calling his death a “sacrifice” for the Kuki-Zo cause. “We extend our deepest respects to Mr. Lalgouthang Singsit, who gave his life, and to everyone who suffered injuries,” the organisation said in a statement, as per multiple media organisations. “We honour all who stood up for our people.”

With tensions high and the Kuki-Zo community determined to resist what they see as an imposed government policy, Manipur remains on edge. The demand for a political resolution before restoring free movement continues to be at the Union of the community’s resistance, even as authorities push ahead with their plans.

Timeline of events in Manipur

• March 1: Home Minister Amit Shah directs authorities to ensure “free movement” on all roads in Manipur from March 8.
• March 4: Kuki organisations reject Shah’s directive, stating they will not allow the movement of Meiteis through their areas until their demand for a “separate administration” is met.
• March 6: Security forces launch an operation to clear “obstructions” along NH-2 in Kuki-dominated areas, dismantling bunkers set up by Kuki “village volunteers.”
• March 8: Clashes erupt as Kuki protesters block buses and resist the enforcement of “free movement.” Security forces crack down, resulting in the death of one protester and injuries to 43 others.
• March 9: In response to the violence, an indefinite shutdown is imposed across Kuki-Zo-dominated districts.

March 1: Trigger of the protest

The trigger of these protests, which began on March 8 and are still continuing, was a high-level security review meeting chaired by Union Home Minister Amit Shah on March 1 in New Delhi, where the government decided to implement free movement across all roads in Manipur, including major national highways like Dimapur-Imphal-Moreh and Imphal-Silchar via Jiribam, from March 8. To facilitate this, the Manipur government, under heavy security, launched Manipur State Transport (MST) bus and helicopter services from the same date.

Commenting on the situation, Congress Legislative Party (CLP) leader and former Chief Minister Okram Ibobi stated that while Manipur’s people welcomed the Union’s initiative for free movement, the timing of its implementation was flawed. He criticised the government for failing to consult both communities before enforcing the directive and urged a step-by-step approach instead. Ibobi also called on the Kuki community to reconsider the shutdown, arguing that it was not a viable solution.

Meanwhile, Lok Sabha MP Angomcha Bimol Akoijam defended the Union’s decision, stating that the initiative was not a failure but rather a matter of timing. He emphasised that the move represented progress toward restoring peace in Manipur and asserted that blocking highways violated Article 19 of the Indian Constitution.

In addition to this, Home Minister Amit Shah had also firmly stated that the Kuki-Zo community’s demand for a separate administration under Union Territory status in tribal-majority districts of Manipur is non-negotiable. During a recent security review meeting, Shah instructed officials to reject this demand outright. He also directed strict action against armed members of groups that had signed the Suspension of Operations (SoO) agreement with the Union if they were seen carrying weapons in public.

Moreover, Shah ordered the police to closely monitor the movement of individuals between Manipur and Myanmar to prevent overstays beyond the one-week limit set by the Inner Line Permit (ILP). He also directed state authorities to restore all damaged places of worship—including temples, churches, and mosques—as part of efforts to rebuild trust and maintain communal harmony in the violence-stricken state.

Following these directives, Governor A.K. Bhalla held a follow-up meeting with Chief Secretary Prashant Kumar Singh, Director General of Police Rajiv Singh, security adviser Kuldiep Singh, and paramilitary officials. The Governor reiterated the Home Minister’s instructions and called for immediate implementation.

March 1: Kukis demand separate administration before free movement

Kuki organisations have reiterated their demand for a separate administration in the form of a Union Territory with a legislature, insisting that a resolution must be reached before allowing Meiteis to move through Kuki-dominated areas.

On Saturday, March 1, the Kuki Students’ Organisation and the Kuki-Zo Women’s Forum Delhi and NCR staged a demonstration at Jantar Mantar, where scores of Kuki-Zo tribe members gathered, declaring that they could not return to Manipur until the crisis in the state was resolved. Protesters carried placards denouncing former Chief Minister N. Biren Singh, calling his resignation a mere “smokescreen” and holding him responsible for the current turmoil in Manipur.

In a statement issued at the protest site, the demonstrators emphasised that the Kuki-Zo community has long endured historical injustices and demanded an urgent political solution. The statement, copies of which were to be sent to the Prime Minister and Home Minister as a charter of demands, underscored that despite being an integral part of the Indian Union, the Kuki-Zo people have faced systemic marginalisation and exclusion from governance in Manipur.

“The present administrative machinery in Manipur has utterly failed to protect our lives and address our grievances, aspirations, and rights,” the statement asserted, arguing that a separate administration is the only viable path for the emancipation of the Kuki-Zo people.

Key demands raised at the demonstration included:

• Creation of a separate Union Territory with a legislature for the Kuki-Zo people.
• Formation of a committee to prepare a roadmap for the proposed separate administration.
• Protection of Kuki-Zo rights and interests, including land rights, cultural heritage, and linguistic identity.

The protesters maintained that without these assurances, they would remain displaced and unable to return to their homeland.

Kuki Inpi rejects free movement initiative, demands political resolution

The Kuki Inpi Manipur (KIM) has reaffirmed its firm opposition to the Government’s “free movement” initiative, declaring that until a satisfactory political resolution is reached, the Kuki-Zo community must remain resolute against any government action that threatens their rights and interests. In a statement issued today, KIM emphasised that the initiative “poses a serious threat to the delicate balance and order that currently exists.”

The implementation of the policy was met with fierce resistance on March 8, particularly in Churachandpur, Kangpokpi, and other Kuki-Zo-dominated areas. Protesters blocked roads with boulders and debris, while clashes with security forces escalated as stones were hurled at personnel attempting to enforce the directive. The confrontation resulted in the death of Lalgouthang Singsit and left many others, including women, injured.

KIM condemned the government’s approach, stating that allowing Meiteis unrestricted access to Kuki-Zo areas would only exacerbate tensions. “Until a comprehensive political solution is reached—one that ensures lasting peace and respects the aspirations of the Kuki-Zo community—the Kuki Inpi cannot accept this policy, which appears to be designed for temporary peace rather than a genuine resolution,” the statement read.

KIM further urged the Union to adopt a more proactive and justice-driven approach to resolving the crisis, addressing the root causes of the conflict and acknowledging the unique grievances of the Kuki-Zo people, who have suffered immensely due to the ongoing ethnic violence.

“As we mourn the loss of Lalgouthang Singsit, we extend our deepest condolences to his family and loved ones. The Kuki-Zo community must stand united and unwavering against any governmental measures that undermine their rights and dignity,” KIM asserted.

March 8: Violent clashes in Manipur over free movement of vehicles

On Saturday, tensions flared in Manipur as security forces clashed with protesters attempting to block the passage of a bus from the Meitei-majority valley through Kangpokpi. The confrontation resulted in the death of one protester and injuries to several others. This violence followed a directive from Union Home Minister Amit Shah, mandating the free movement of vehicles on all highways in the state. In line with this order, Chief Secretary P.K. Singh flagged off two buses from Imphal Airport to Churachandpur and Senapati, escorted by Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF). However, officials reported that the Senapati-bound bus remains stranded in Kangpokpi.

Protests erupted in the Gamgiphai area of Kangpokpi when demonstrators, primarily from the Kuki-Zo community, blocked National Highway-2 (NH-2) by cutting down trees and throwing stones. Security forces intervened, leading to violent clashes in which one Kuki protester was killed and 43 others, including security personnel, sustained injuries. Manipur Police confirmed that among the injured were 27 security personnel, with two in critical condition. This marks the first fatality since the imposition of President’s Rule on February 13, 2025. Despite the unrest, authorities stated that buses travelling along the Imphal-Bishnupur-Churachandpur route faced no significant disruptions.

The Indigenous Tribal Leaders’ Forum (ITLF), a key organisation representing the Kuki-Zo community, strongly condemned the security forces’ actions in Kangpokpi. In a statement, the ITLF criticised the government’s decision to enforce free movement through Kuki-Zo areas without prior political resolution, arguing that it provoked resistance. The forum endorsed an indefinite shutdown called by the Kuki-Zo Council, urging widespread adherence to the protest. Another Kuki-Zo organisation, KOHUR, alleged that security personnel used excessive force against peaceful demonstrators, some of whom were reportedly singing the Indian national anthem while holding the national flag.

Tensions have been escalating since the government’s announcement on March 1, during a security review meeting chaired by Amit Shah, to ensure unrestricted movement on highways. Kuki-Zo organisations have opposed this move, demanding Union Territory status for their areas before allowing free movement between the hills and the valley. On Saturday, protesters escalated their demonstrations by allegedly pelting stones, using catapults, and blocking the roads with boulders, felled trees, and burning tyres. Clashes intensified when shots were reportedly fired from within the protesting crowd, prompting security forces to retaliate. In the ensuing violence, 16 protesters were injured, and two security vehicles were set on fire.

As per multiple media reports, the unrest also impacted a peace march by the Federation of Civil Society (FOCS), a Meitei organisation, which was halted by security forces at Sekmai before reaching Kangpokpi. Meanwhile, a Manipur State Transport bus en route to Senapati was unable to proceed past Keithelmanbi, approximately 5 km from Kangpokpi district headquarters, due to roadblocks and renewed clashes. As the situation escalated, protesters torched a Border Security Force (BSF) vehicle, prompting further retaliation from security personnel.

In response to the unrest, a large deployment of security forces, including both Union and state personnel, has been stationed in Kangpokpi, Churachandpur, Tengnoupal, Pherzawl, and Jiribam districts. Senior officials are closely monitoring the situation, though authorities reported no major incidents on Sunday. However, the indefinite shutdown called by Kuki-Zo groups has severely impacted daily life in Kangpokpi and partially affected other Kuki-Zo-dominated districts. Activists and volunteers have erected blockades on key highways, while businesses and markets remain closed in protest against the government’s decision.

The situation remains volatile as tensions between the Meitei and Kuki-Zo communities continue to fuel unrest in the region.

March 8: Crackdown on Kuki-Zo women protesters sparks outrage

The Kuki Women Organisation for Human Rights (KWOHR), Sadar Hills, has strongly condemned the alleged security forces’ crackdown on “unarmed Kuki-Zo women” protesting in Kangpokpi District on International Women’s Day.

According to the organisation, security personnel forcibly dispersed demonstrators at Gamgiphai and Keithelmanbi Military Colony, resorting to lathi charges and firing rubber bullets against protesters opposing the government’s decision to reopen roads in the conflict-ridden region. The violence left over 70 women injured, with 31 sustaining serious wounds. The situation escalated further when 30-year-old protester Lalgouthang Singsit tragically lost his life during the clash.

KWOHR asserted that the protest was a response to the ongoing persecution of the Kuki-Zo community, citing widespread incidents of rape, torture, and violence over the past 22 months. The demonstrators also sought to challenge what they perceive as a unilateral decision by Governor Ajay Bhalla and Home Minister Amit Shah to forcibly open roads without addressing the security concerns of the Kuki-Zo people.

The organisation accused security forces of disproportionately targeting Kuki-Zo civilians while overlooking their suffering. It highlighted the community’s isolation from essential services—including hospitals, airports, and educational institutions—since ethnic violence erupted on May 3, 2023.

“Is this the peace we are expected to embrace under President’s Rule?” KWOHR questioned, criticising the government’s approach to restoring normalcy. The organisation further challenged the authorities to ensure true democratic dialogue by engaging all stakeholders, including the Kuki-Zo community, rather than consulting only Meitei organisations.

Raising concerns over the government’s push for free movement, KWOHR questioned whether it genuinely served all communities or was designed to benefit valley residents at the expense of the hill population. “Is free movement meant only for the Meiteis while the Kuki-Zo people remain cut off from vital resources?” the organisation asked.

KWOHR has demanded accountability for the excessive use of force, calling for an immediate investigation into the actions of security personnel responsible for the fatal shooting and the violent suppression of peaceful protests.

March 9: Kuki-Zo groups intensify protests amid indefinite shutdown in Manipur

Kuki-dominated areas in Manipur remained tense on Sunday as agitators continued to enforce an indefinite shutdown in protest against the Union’s directive to restore free movement on highways. The shutdown, called by the Kuki-Zo Council (KZC), brought normal life to a standstill across Kangpokpi, Churachandpur, Tengnoupal, and Pherzawl districts, with major roads blocked and businesses shuttered.

In Kangpokpi district, reports emerged of security forces clashing with Kuki-Zo protesters attempting to block roads at several locations. While it remains unclear whether there were further injuries, tensions ran high as demonstrators also enforced shutdowns in other Kuki-dominated regions. PTI reported that in Churachandpur and Tengnoupal, protesters set tyres ablaze and erected boulders to obstruct roads, prompting security personnel to intervene and clear the blockades. Few vehicles were seen plying the roads, and agitators urged residents to stay indoors.

Amid mounting anger, Kuki-Zo groups are expected to intensify their demonstrations, demanding the immediate removal of Kangpokpi Superintendent of Police Manoj Prabhakar. At Kangpokpi District Hospital, Kuki-Zo women gathered to mourn the death of the young protester, whose body remains in the morgue. Ng. Lun Kipgen, spokesperson for the Committee on Tribal Unity (CoTU), condemned the alleged brutality of security forces and urged the Governor of Manipur to dismiss the SP.

The indefinite shutdown, which began at midnight on Saturday, has effectively halted the government’s efforts to restore free movement across the state. As tensions continue to rise, the impasse between the Kuki-Zo community and the Union underscores the urgent need for a political resolution to address the grievances of the tribal groups and restore lasting peace in Manipur.

Related:

Manipur Chief Minister N Biren Singh resigns amid political turmoil and ethnic unrest

Supreme Court seeks forensic report on audio recordings alleging Manipur CM’s role in ethnic violence

Divided & strife-torn Manipur: intensified violence, abdication by state & union governments, demands of accountability from BJP MLAs

Fresh violence grips Manipur: Clashes in Jiribam and widespread protests after rape and brutal killings

The post Manipur tensions escalate over free movement policy: Kuki-Zo resistance and government crackdown appeared first on SabrangIndia.

According to the monitoring by the Centre for Study of Society and Secularism (CSSS), India witnessed 59 communal riots in 2024, a significant rise compared to 32 riots in 2023, reflecting an 84% increase. These 59 incidents of communal riots resulted in 13 deaths—10 Muslims and 3 Hindus. The western region of India, particularly Maharashtra, emerged as the epicenter of these conflicts, with the state of Maharashtra accounting for 12 of the 59 riots. The CSSS’s monitoring is based on reports from prominent newspapers- the Mumbai editions of The Times of India, The Hindu, Indian Express, Sahafat (Urdu), and Inquilab (Urdu).

Most communal riots were triggered during religious festivals or processions. These included four riots during the Pran Pratishthan ceremony at Ram Mandir in Ayodhya in January, seven during Saraswati Puja idol immersions, four during Ganesh festivals, and two during Bakri Eid. This data highlights how religious celebrations are increasingly being used to fuel communal tensions and political mobilization.

In addition to the communal riots reported in the above newspapers, 13 mob lynching incidents were reported in 2024, resulting in 11 deaths—one Hindu, one Christian, and nine Muslims. While this marks a decline from the 21 incidents of mob lynching recorded in 2023, the continued occurrence of such attacks remains a serious concern. This report provides a detailed analysis of both communal riots and mob lynching in 2024, the physical manifestation of communal violence in the country.

 Methodology:

Centre for Study of Society and Secularism bases its findings on the reports on communal riots that appear in Mumbai edition of five leading newspapers –The Hindu, The Times of India, The Indian Express, Shahafat and The Inquilab. These newspapers are thoroughly studied for the reportage of communal violence. Communal riots that are either not reported or are reported in other editions of these newspapers are not included in this monitoring.

The Ministry of Home Affairs and National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) maintains comprehensive records of communal riots in India but has stopped publishing its data regularly. Due to their wider sweep and better access to the criminal justice system, the numbers recorded by these institutions are invariably several folds higher than the number of communal riots reported in the newspapers monitored by the CSSS.

1. Physical violence

This part of the report looks at physical violence stemming from communal attitudes. Other two parts will look at structural and symbolic violence based on communal attitudes. Physical form of communal violence encompasses communal riots, mob lynching and hate crimes. Physical violence, includes actions that cause death, inflicts physical injuries, and/ or targets and damages properties, including homes, shops and commercial establishments, vehicles, and other movable and/or immovable properties.

Salient Features of Communal Violence in 2024:

Increase in the number of Riots:

As compared to the year 2023, according to the monitoring of CSSS, the number of communal riots in as reported in the abovementioned five newspapers in 2024 has increased by 84%. While the above-mentioned five newspapers reported 32 communal riots in the year 2023, the same newspapers reported 59[2] communal riots in the year 2024. Maharashtra (12) followed by Uttar Pradesh (7) and Bihar (7). These communal riots claimed 13 lives – 3 Hindus and 10 Muslims. This increase in the number of communal riots belies the narrative of the state that India is free from communal riots as there are no communal tensions and the state has maintained communal harmony.

The spike in the number of communal riots in India in the year 2024 can partly be attributed to the general elections that were held in April/ May, 2024. Similarly, important states witnessed assembly elections including Maharashtra, Haryana and Jharkhand. Hate speeches with communal overtures were used to polarize communities on religious basis. Part of the spike in the number of communal riots can be attributed to the ecosystem of impunity that is promoted by the state. This point will be elaborated further below in the report.

Theatre of Violence:

As in the year 2023, in 2024, Maharashtra witnessed maximum number of riots – 12.  Bihar and Uttar Pradesh followed with seven each. Maharashtra constituted for almost 20% of the total number of communal riots in 2024 as per the reports in the five newspapers. Maharashtra electorally and politically is a significant state where both the NDA and INDIA Alliance was trying to wrest control from the NDA. Interestingly, amidst intense factionalism in Maharashtra and hotly contested electoral contest, Maharashtra underwent acute communal churning – communal riots, hate speeches, and mob lynching. The last five years especially in Maharashtra have been particularly strenuous for its social fabric. It is noteworthy that until a decade back, the communal riots took place mostly in urban areas. However, in the last few years as in 2024, communal riots have spread to rural areas- villages and towns.

The region wise distribution of riots is also telling about the nature of communal riots in India and its motivation. Traditionally, the cow belt comprising of Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Haryana and Bihar, witnessed higher number of communal riots along with the state of Maharashtra. Traditionally, the southern states of India have reported far lesser number of communal riots. The same is the case with the state of West Bengal. However, in the last few years, especially since 2022, there is a spike in communal riots in western region of India- Maharashtra, Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh. Thus, in the last few, the theatre of violence though continues in the cow belt- Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh, it has expanded to newer regions especially that of Maharashtra, West Bengal and Haryana. In 2024, the western zone of India comprising of Maharashtra (12), Gujarat (5) Madhya Pradesh (5) and Rajasthan (3), according to the reports in the above newspapers, accounted for 25 communal riots, constituting almost 42 percent of the total communal riots in 2025.

Northern region comprising of Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, and Haryana have reported 13 communal riots – comprising 22 percent of total communal riots. Similarly, eastern region comprising of Bihar, Jharkhand, West Bengal and Odisha North India have witnessed 13 riots constituting 22 percent of total communal riots 2024. The Southern zone, comprising Karnataka and Telangana reported seven communal riots constituting 12 percent of total communal riots. The North Eastern region though reported only one riot in Tripura, it is important to note that the conflict in Manipur, which is largely ethnic having communal overtures, is ongoing.  CSSS has elaborated on Manipur violence in a separate report[3].

Ruling Regimes:

Out of the 59 communal riots in the year 2024, 49 communal riots took place in states where the BJP is ruling either on its own, or in coalition with other parties. The coalition partners include Shiv Sena (Eknath Shinde faction) and National Congress Party (Ajit Pawar faction) in Maharashtra and Janata Dal in Bihar. Seven out of 59 communal riots took place in the states ruled by Indian National Congress while three communal riots took place in West Bengal where the Trinamool Congress is in power. This data also can be explained by pointing out that BJP ruled states have taken little action to deter communal violence and religious polarization. The state authorities in these states have used bulldozers as a form of “collective punishment” against Muslims. The non BJP ruled states have desisted from such actions and deterred communal riots to some extent.

Nature of State and changes in trends:

In 2024, communal riots exhibited a familiar pattern observed in previous years. These riots were mostly low-scale and under the radar, typically lasting only a few hours, with fewer casualties, and confined to smaller areas. However, these communal riots have led to polarization and deepened communal consciousness. The reported number of fatalities remained relatively low. A significant characteristic of the communal riots in 2024 was the lesser planning compared to previous years.

This planning ranged from identifying properties of individuals from “other” communities, employing specific trigger to start the communal riots and arranging combustibles like gas cylinders, stockpiling weapons, mobilizing mobs to inflict maximum damage on the communities attacked. This was the characteristic of the institutionalized riot system (IRS) that was prominent in the major riots in the past. In the recent years, this planning is limited as there is a pervading atmosphere of communal consciousness causing tensions, making it easier for a communal riot to take place. The smallest reason makes it easier to trigger communal riot as will be evident from the communal riots listed below. It’s become common that even in case of the most mundane arguments between persons from two different religious groups, the incident is given a communal turn. The most common trigger observed is that of organizing aggressive rallies and derogatory sloganeering in public spaces during religious festivals as will be discussed in details.

Historically, communal riots often involved groups from two religious communities clashing, with both sides inflicting and suffering losses. These included acts of arson, assaults, and even heinous crimes such as rape. However, in recent years, the nature of larger riots has shifted. Instead of clashes between two communities, many significant riots now involve state actions disproportionately targeting the Muslim community. These actions include using bulldozers to demolish properties owned by Muslims, causing significant economic damage. Additionally, the state has slapped cases and implicated the members of the Muslim community, even in instances where they are victims of violence during communal riots.

The disproportionate and seemingly one-sided state action have led to social discord, communal consciousness, and polarization. This atmosphere of communal tension has been steadily intensifying over recent years. For instance, the Pew Research Center, a respected research institution, categorized India in 2022 as “very high” on its Social Hostilities Index (SHI), with a score of 9.3. Social hostilities index (SHI) factors in levels of religion-relate harassment, mob violence, terrorism, militant activity, and conflicts over religious conversions or the use of religious symbols and attire. PEW Research also pegged India high at 6.4 out of 10 on Government Restriction Index (GRI). The GRI measures laws, policies, and actions that regulate or limit religious beliefs and practices. These include policies banning particular beliefs or practices, the unequal granting of benefits to certain religious groups, and bureaucratic rules requiring religious groups to register to access benefits (The Hindu, 2025).

Similarly, in 2020, India’s SHI score of 9.4 out of a possible 10 was worse than that of neighbouring Pakistan and Afghanistan. These trends underscore a consistent decline in India’s performance on this index, reflecting a troubling pattern of rising communal hostility.

Area Hegemony/ Assertion of Hindu Rashtra:

The communal riots in 2024 are marked by a bold assertion of Hindu right-wing power in public spaces, characterized by deliberate processions passing through Muslim-majority neighborhoods with loud music or provocative slogans. This trend is a continuation of developments from recent years. Numerous right-wing Hindu groups are emerging at the grassroots level, and in their efforts to gain popularity and influence, they often organize processions or protests in front of mosques or other Muslim places of worship, as well as in Muslim neighborhoods, aiming to provoke or humiliate the community. The aim is not just to establish hegemony in Muslim inhabited areas but also public spaces where Hindus reside. The outcome of such rallies is also the gaining of considerable clout of the Hindu organizations and its members in Muslim and Hindu neighbourhoods.

Historically, India has had a rich cultural heritage where Hindus and Muslims celebrated each other’s festivals and respected one another’s religious spaces. There was a mutual understanding regarding the routes of processions, ensuring that potential misunderstandings or clashes were avoided. Consultations at local levels are held to decide routes. For example, it was common for Hindus to participate in Urs processions, while Muslims would set up stalls to welcome Ram Navami processions and offer refreshments to devotees. These events were expressions of faith, with local residents participating, rather than political statements.

However, in the current political climate, these processions have shifted from being expressions of faith to displays of political hegemony. These processions are fueled by political mobilization. They are increasingly driven by agendas of asserting Hindu supremacy in Muslim-majority areas, with the aim of showing that these neighborhoods can be breached at will by right-wing groups. This assertion of dominance has become a key factor in the communal riots of 2024.

Implicating of Muslims in Criminal cases:

Recent communal riots point to an emerging three trends that result in marginalization of the Muslims. The first trend, already discussed, is the domination or hegemony in public spaces by Hindu right-wing groups. The second trend is the implicating of Muslims in serious criminal cases, and the third trend one involves meting out collective punishment to Muslims through the demolition of their properties and places of worship.

The first aspect, area domination, involves provoking and humiliating the Muslim community by Hindu right-wing groups. When even the slightest retaliation from the Muslim community occurs, it is often used as a pretext to disproportionately arrest Muslims or impose severe charges on them. This has become a disturbing norm: even when Hindu right-wing groups march aggressively into Muslim-majority areas and vandalize property, a large number of Muslims are still named in FIRs. These individuals are frequently charged with serious offenses, and investigations are handed over to agencies like the NIA, likening these cases to terror-related cases. It is ironic that even in places where Muslims are named in large numbers in the complaints, the injured or dead are also Muslims and they also suffer the most damage to property.

Muslims accused in such cases face long legal battles, making them vulnerable not only to imprisonment but also to extra-judicial killings as witnessed in Bahraich. Most of these accused come from economically disadvantaged backgrounds, with many being the sole breadwinners for their families. They often cannot afford to fight lengthy legal cases, leaving them in a state of ongoing hardship and fear.

Bulldozers and demolitions used as “collective punishment” against the Muslims:

Apart from the threats of demolitions to mosques and contestations related to places of worship that have been one of the reasons for communal riots, the Muslim community is dispossessed and face disproportionately higher losses in communal riots owing to the “collective punishment” meted out by the state in the form of demolitions of their homes and shops. In the year 2024, out of 59 incidents of communal riots, in four incidents, the state resorted to demolish the properties belonging to Muslims. The authorities alleged that the properties were illegal. However, as is the case from previous years, no due process was followed including serving of adequate notice or opportunity of hearing before the demolitions. The demolitions took place immediately after the communal riots, making its timing suspicious. It is noteworthy that all these demolitions took place in BJP ruled states.

In Mumbai, Maharashtra, the state demolished fifteen properties belonging to the Muslims in Haidary chowk in Mira Road after communal riots took place in January (details given below). In the state of Uttar Pradesh known for arbitrary demolitions, in Bareilly, the state demolished 11 houses of Muslims after communal riots took place during Muharram procession on 18^th July (details given below).

In a shocking incident yet giving insights into how demolitions are used brazenly by states, in the state of Rajasthan in Udaipur, demolished the house of a 15 years old Muslim boy who allegedly stabbed his Hindu schoolmate to death on 16^th August (Mateen & Meena, 2024). In Surat, demolitions took place in Sayedpur after communal riots took place over allegations of stone pelting on Ganesh pandal during Ganesh festival.

Triggers for Communal Riots:

Religious Processions and Public Celebrations of festivals:

In 2024, religious processions and public celebrations of festivals were the triggers for the majority of communal riots, accounting for 26 out of 59 incidents. This amounts to almost half the incidents of communal riots. These included four riots during the Pran Pratishthan ceremony at the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya in January, four during Ganesh Chaturthi, seven in Bihar during Saraswati idol immersions, two each on Ram Navami and Bakri Eid, and one each on Muharram, Urs, Durga idol immersion, Eid Milad-un-Nabi, Karthik Puja and a local Hindu procession. These 26 incidents do not account for numerous disruptions to Christmas celebrations or attacks on Christians across India.

These riots resulted in the loss of three lives, all of whom were Hindus. A notable pattern in these incidents was the systematic targeting of Muslims, often orchestrated by right-wing Hindu groups, with the state also playing a partisan role and taking one-sided action against Muslims.

Contested placed of Worship:

The year 2024 witnessed six communal riots over the issue of contested places of worship, mainly the state and right-wing fringe groups alleging that mosques and dargahs were illegal or that they were built on Hindu place of worship. This narrative kept the communal pot churning and tensions high in different places. The total number of lives claimed by these communal riots was ten (nine of Muslims and one Hindu) and nearly all arrested were Muslims. It is notable that most of these conflicts have been festering in the two states of Uttarakhand and Uttar Pradesh.

Desecration of Places of Worship:

Five communal riots took place due to desecration of places of worship. One took place over a severed head of a calf found in a temple in Ratlam, Madhya Pradesh. Second one took place over a piece of tail of a cow in a temple in Bhilwara in Rajasthan. Third communal riot was in Jirania in Tripura when an idol of goddess Kali was defaced. In Karnataka’s benguluru, a mosque in Katipalla near Surthka was pelted with stones. In Hyderabad, a man allegedly tried to damage an idol of the local deity in Muthyalamma area temple.

Other Triggers:

The other triggers for communal riots also reflect the communal discourses prevalent in our society. One narrative often cited by the state is that of ‘infiltration of Bangladeshi immigrants’. These riots took place in Ghaziabad and different places in Maharashtra. These riots were a result of aggressive rallies organized by Hindu right-wing organizations to ‘protest’ the violence against Hindus in Bangladesh.

Other triggers included the accusations of ‘love jihad’ and other trivial personal disputes between individuals from different communities which were given a communal twist.

Mob Lynching

According to the monitoring of CSSS based on the above-mentioned five newspapers, India witnessed thirteen (13) incidents of mob lynching in the year 2024. These 13 incidents of mob lynching resulted in 11 deaths: one Hindu, one Christian, and nine Muslims. While this represents a decline from 21 incidents of mob lynching recorded in the year 2023, the persistence of these attacks remains a concern. The decline in the number of incidents of mob lynching may be attributed to the guidelines of the Supreme Court in favour of strict action by the state in cases of mob lynching. The constant rebuking by the judiciary especially when Hindus were victimized in mob violence compelled state to take action in incidents of mob lynching. However, the mob lynching in the case of cow vigilantism continues.

Seven of these incidents of lynching were linked to cow vigilantism or accusations of cow slaughter. Other cases of lynching were on the accusations of interfaith relationships and assaults targeting Muslims for their religious identity. Geographically, Maharashtra accounted for three lynching along with Uttar Pradesh, while Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Haryana, and each reported two incidents, and Karnataka recorded one.

It is noteworthy that as in the case of communal riots, Maharashtra accounts for maximum number of mob lynching incidents. Uttar Pradesh too accounts for three incidents of mob lynching.

The thirteen cases of the incidents of mob lynching, classified according to the accusations or triggers, are listed below.

Seven out of thirteen, that is over 50 percent or over half of the cases, can be attributed to the pretext of cow slaughter. Chand Miyan (23) and Guddu Khan (35) from Uttar Pradesh were lynched by cow vigilantes near temple town Arang, in Chhattisgarh while transporting buffaloes on 7^th June, 2024. Saddam Qureshi, the third victim, survived with critical injuries. According to the account of the survivor, 14-15 people chased them in a car and attacked them, beat two of them to death and threw their bodies from the bridge onto the riverbed. The survivor reported that he jumped off the bridge to save his life. Reportedly, the body of one of those killed shows multiple fractures, with one foot split apart, indicating the extent of the torture inflicted on the victims. The police filed a FIR (Times of India, 2024).

In another incident that took place in Charkhi Dadri, Haryana, Sabir, on 27^th August, a migrant and scrap dealer from West Bengal was lynched and died in the attack. Asiruddin from Assam was also beaten up by the accused but survived. The police arrested five people and two juveniles in conflict with law were detained on charges of being involved with the attack. The accused suspected that both the victims had consumed beef. The accused lured the victims to a local bus stand claiming that they had some scrap to dispose. At the bus stand, the group of accused attacked them and beat them.  When passers-by intervened, they took the two to some other location on their motorcycles. Sabir was later found dead near a canal in Bhandwa village. Asiruddin was found dumped at another location (The Hindu, 2024).

In another incident reported from Haryana, Aryan Mishra (19) on 23^rd August, had gone for a drive with his friends — brothers Harshit and Sagar (alias Shanky) Gulati — and two others in their Renault Duster. A group of cow vigilante saw the speeding vehicle of Aryan and assumed that they were cow smugglers in the speeding car. A 30-km chase from Faridabad Sector 21 to Palwal’s Baghola ensued. The accused then opened fire, killing Aryan. Five men, including the leader of an outfit called ‘Live for Nation’, Anil Kaushik, were arrested (Raj, 2024).

One Haji Ashraf Munyar (72) who was onboard Dhule-CSMT Express on – was attacked by a group of men who accused him of carrying beef in his tiffin. The incident came to light after the incident was captured on video which went viral. On August 28, 2024, Mr. Munyar boarded a train from Chalisgaon in Jalgaon district to visit his daughter who lives in Kalyan. Mr. Munyar was travelling alone in a general compartment where over a dozen men began to harass him. According to the newspaper report, the goons in the video are seen slapping, hitting and kicking him on his face, eyes and head constantly, asking him to show what was he carrying in his bag. Munyar in the video as reported is seen begging with folded hands to the assaulters requesting them to spare him. The assaulters were heard responding, “We will call Bajrang Dal to chop your body. We will rape your mothers and sisters.” The police filed an FIR but it didn’t include section 307- attempt to murder. The family of the victim demanded that this charge should be added to the FIR (Sah, 2024).

In another incident from Maharashtra, 28-year-old Mohammad Hazek, a footwear trader, was attacked by cow vigilantes in Beed district. The incident occurred on the night of 5th September at around 12:15am. Hazek was at a paan shop, speaking with his fiancée on the phone, when he witnessed a speeding vehicle hitting a stray cow before driving away. Hazek attempted to take a photo of the vehicle but was unsuccessful. However, he managed to photograph the injured cow and shared the image with his fiancée. A few minutes later, as Hazek was walking back home, he was ambushed by a group of men armed with sticks and rods. The group accused him of being a cow transporter and began attacking him. Out of the eight men named in the FIR, the police have identified and arrested four individuals: Mandar Deshpande, a 30-year-old resident of Karanja Road, and three others—Omkar Lande (23), Anil Ghodke (26), and Rohit Lolge (20).(Akhef, 2024).

Mishrikhan Baloch, 40 years old, was lynched by five people in Aagthala village of Banaskantha district in Gujarat on 23^rd May, 2024. The cause of the lynching was the ongoing conflict between the victim and the five accused and he was last attacked in July 2023 for ferrying buffaloes. On the fateful day, Baloch was on his way to the animal market in Deesa with two buffaloes when the pickup van was chased and ambushed by the accused. The accused were identified as Akherajsinh Vaghela, Nikulsinh, Jagatsinh from VatamJoona village, Pravinsinh from Chibhda, and Hamir Thakor from Deodar, all located in Deodar taluka of Banaskantha. The assailants struck Mishrikhan with iron rods, pipes, machetes and the handle of a jack, inflicting severe injuries. The accused were booked for murder, wrongful restraint, rioting, rioting with deadly weapons, issuing death threats, and criminal conspiracy under the Indian Penal Code (Times of India, 2024).

In Majhola area in Moradabad of Uttar Pradesh, 37 years old Shahedeen Qureshi was beaten to death on 30^th December, 2024, by cow vigilantes who were part of Rashtriya Bajrang Dal. The functionaries of the Rashtriya Bajrang Dal reportedly claimed that they came to know that Qureshi had slaughtered a cow and caught him red handed and handed him over to the police. The police have filed two FIRs- one against unidentified persons for the murder of Qureshi and the other FIR is related to cow slaughter (Singh K. , Times of India, 2024)

Accusations of interfaith romance or relationships, derogatorily termed as ‘love jihad’ has been used to foment communal tensions and target innocent people. In a not very surprising incident, a 19 years old Muslim student of Savitribai Phule Pune University was attacked by five persons who accused the student of “love jihad”. According to the police, the attack took place on 8^th April when the male student was accompanying two female students on the campus. They started questioning the student and asked him to show his Aadhaar card. Upon seeing the student’s Muslim man, the assailants attacked him. The police have registered FIR against unidentified persons (New Indian Express, 2024).

Other pretext for mob lynching included accusation of theft. In Aligarh, Uttar Pradesh, Mohammad Farid, 35 was lynched to death. Farid, his brother Zaki and their aides were accused by a woman, wife of textile trader Mukesh Chand Mittal, of dacoity in Mittal’s house. She claimed that Farid threatened her at gunpoint, snatched her gold chain, and took INR 2.5 lakh cash and jewellery from her. A group of men caught Farid when he was running out of the house and beat him to death with sticks. Zaki, Farid’s brother claims that Farid was targeted for his religious identity. Case is filed against Farid, Zaki and five others under IPC sections 395 (dacoity) and 354 (assault or criminal force to woman). The FIR has mention unidentified persons in connection to lynching (Lavania, 2024).

People from vulnerable social groups were targeted under the most trivial pretext, exposing the pervading atmosphere of impunity and lawlessness. In the Jalalabad area of Shamli district, Uttar Pradesh, Mohammad Firoz, 31 years old was beaten to death on 5^th July, after he was accused of entering a house “in an intoxicated state”. The men of the house brutally thrashed Firoz and handed him over to the police. Firoz later died at his home. Afzal, Firoz’ brother reported that Firoz was promoting his business over the loudspeaker when he got into an altercation with the other party and was thrashed. A case was registered against Mohalla Ganga Aryanagar in Jalalabad – Pinki Kumar, Pankaj Kumar and Rajendra Kumar and their associates under section 105 (culpable homicide) of BNS. The accused were not arrested for the lack of evidence (Sharma, 2024).

Pavan Kumar, Rahul and Binayak were assaulted in Chikkabettahalli in Benguluru, Karnataka on 18^th April, 2024. They were allegedly assaulted by accused Farman and Sameer for raising ‘Jai Shri Ram’ slogans on Ram Navami. Reportedly, a case was registered under IPC sections 295A, 298, 143, 147, 504, 324, 326, 506 and 149 (Times of India, 2024)

Salman Vohra (23), who went to watch a cricket tournament match in Chikhodra, Gujarat on 22 June, was mercilessly beaten to death by a group of men. According to the reports, the mob had been heckling Muslim players with Hindutva slogans like “Jai Shri Ram” as the Muslim players performed well in the tournament. Reportedly, the locals claimed that tensions had begun even before the match because Muslim players were excelling in the tournament, which did not sit well with some locals associated with right-wing groups. The incident started with a parking dispute. A group of men allegedly arrived on motorcycles and got into a fight with Salman, telling him to move his bike from the stand. They started mercilessly beating Salman. Members of the crowd even cheered the attackers. Two other Muslim men were injured; one received around 17 stitches, and the other around 7 stitches. Salman had marks on his right hand, cuts below his eyes, and his ear was brutally damaged—almost bitten off by the attackers. A knife wound damaged his kidney, which was the most severe injury. He was also beaten on his lower waist and neck, causing significant bleeding. The family filed an FIR on 23 June at the Anand Rural police station. It includes sections of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) such as: 143 (Punishment for unlawful assembly), 147 (Punishment for rioting), 148 (Being armed with a deadly weapon), 302 (Murder), and 324 (Voluntarily causing hurt by dangerous weapon) among others, including The Gujarat Police Act. Seven accused have been arrested in the matter, and the court has given seven days remand for all these accused (Maktoob Media, 2024).

Bindu Sodhi (22) was lynched by her own uncle and others in the village of Toylanka in Chhattisgarh, on 24^th June, 2024. She and her family had adopted Christianity. Sodhi’s uncle and other villagers were not allowing Sodhi to plough her own fields if she didn’t give up Christianity. Sodhi’s mother, brother and younger sister managed to escape the attackers (Carvalho, 2024).

List of Communal Riots in 2024

1. In Shajapur in Madhya Pradesh, on 9th January, some Muslims in Magaria locality allegedly pelted stones on a procession where youth associated with Hindu organizations distributed yellow rice for the consecration ceremony of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya. According to the complainant, Mohit Rathore, some Muslim men near a mosque on the Naag-Naagin Road stopped the procession taken out ahead of the Ram Temple consecration since it was a Muslim inhabited area and the youth in the procession were raising slogans (Aafaq, The Scroll, 2024). One person was seriously injured during the riot. The police filed a case under provisions of the Indian Penal Code pertaining to rioting, promoting communal enmity, and hurting religious sentiments. The first information report has been filed against 24 named persons and 15-20 others. All the named persons are Muslims.

2. In another incident in Maharashtra, communal riot took place in Garib Nawaz Nagar of Nagpur on 21st January. The incident took place during a celebration of the `Pran Pratishtha’ ceremony in Ayodhya. According to the police, an altercation broke out between groups from two communities on 22nd January during a program organized to celebrate the consecration of the Ram temple in Ayodhya. Both groups pelted stones and around 10 to 12 persons sustained injuries (Bose, 2024)

3. In Mira Road locality of Mumbai, Maharashtra, Muslims allegedly vandalized four cars and 10 motorbikes which had flags with the words ‘Jai Shree Ram’ on them. The incident took place on 21st January at Naya Nagar of Mira road. After this episode of violence, members of some Hindu groups retaliated next day by damaging stationary autorickshaws in the area of the Muslims and pelting stones. Interestingly, though the attacks were made from both sides, Mira Bhayander Municipal Corporation used bulldozers on 23rd January afternoon to demolish about 15 structures in the Muslim-dominated Haidary Chowk area in Mira Road. Nine persons were injured in the incident (Indian Express, 2024).

4. In Bhoj village of Vadodara district in Gujarat, on 22nd January, stones were allegedly pelted on a Shobhayatra that was undertaken to celebrate the consecration of the Ram temple in Ayodhya. Reportedly, the situation was already tense in the village before this yatra and thus a meeting was held with members from both the communities to ensure peace. However, stone pelting took place when the procession reached a particular street. Thirteen of the 16 accused booked for attempt to murder were arrested (Indian Express, 2024). Similar incident was reported from Kheralu town of Mehsana district in Gujarat in the same month (The Hindu, 2024)

5. Two days after the Pran Prathisthan at Ram temple in Ayodhya, communal riots erupted in Howrah, West Bengal. On 24th January, members of the Muslim community had organized a procession of Urs to celebrate the birth anniversary of Hazrat Ali, son-in-law of Prophet Mohammad at Belilious road in Central Howrah. However, clashes took place when some Hindus raised the slogans of ‘Jai Shri Ram’. Some Hindu groups alleged that the Muslims pelted stones and tore their religious posters. Over 20 persons were injured. Police imposed section 144 to prevent further violence (Financial Express, 2024).

6. The most significant communal riot which claimed six lives was that of Haldwani in Uttarakhand on 8th February, 2024. The violence erupted over an anti-encroachment drive in Haldwani’s Banphoolpura area to demolish what Nainital District Administration claimed was an ‘unauthorised’ madrassa and a prayer site. The violence that ensued claimed six lives- five Muslims and one Hindu. Fourteen were critically injured. The police imposed a curfew in the area and also issued shoot at sight orders in response (Mishra I. , 2024)

7. On February 9th, communal riots erupted in Bareilly, Uttar Pradesh, when stones were thrown at the followers of Tauqeer Raza, a prominent cleric and leader of the Bareilly-based political party, Ittehad-e-Millat Council. The incident occurred as Raza’s followers were returning from a demonstration he had organized to protest the permission granted for prayers in one of the cellars of the Gyanvapi mosque. During the protest, pamphlets were distributed by the followers, and they also shared posts on social media. In response, the police filed an FIR against unidentified individuals under sections 153A (promoting enmity between different groups) and 295A (deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage religious feelings) of the Indian Penal Code. Additionally, two FIRs were registered for rioting, one filed by members of each community involved (Singh K. , Times of India, 2024).

8. Seven communal riots were reported from the state of Bihar related to the Saraswati idol immersion on 9th February. Communal riots were reported from Bhagalpur where stone were pelted took place at a procession en route to immerse the Goddess Saraswati idol in the Lodipur area. Gunshots were also fired during the clashes in which about 15 people who were part of the procession were injured (Kumar, 2024).

9. In Saharasa, Bihar, a clash between two groups in Nariyar Lataha Tola locality left four people injured on 9^th The trigger was the immersion of Goddess Saraswati idol (Kumar, 2024).

10. In Sheikhpura, Bihar, six people were injured in a similar clash on 9^th February, 2024 (Kumar, 2024).

11. In Sitamarhi, Bihar, violence erupted in the Kanhauli police station area on 9^th February, 2024 leaving half a dozen people injured. Gunshots were also fired (Kumar, 2024).

12. In Darbhanga, Bihar, a clash broke out between members of Hindu and Muslim communities in Bahera market during the immersion of Goodess Saraswati idol on 9^th February, 2024. Reportedly, police have lodged separate first information reports with Bahera, Bishanpur, Hayaghat and Bhalpatti police stations against 170 named accused and 400 unidentified people (Kumar, 2024).

13. In Bahuara village of Siwan district, six people were injured in stone pelting during a riot on 9^th February, 2024 (Kumar, 2024).

14. More than 10 people were injured in a clash in Jamui district of Bihar over the immersion of Goddess Saraswati idol on 9^th February, 2024 (Kumar, 2024).

15. In Vadodara, Gujarat, on 22^nd February, 2024, stone pelting took place between two groups in Navapura are. Communal tensions were fanned when allegedly a derogatory post about Lord Ram was posted on instagram from ID named Sahid Patel. When some Hindus went to the Navapura police station to file the FIR and demand action against the accused, a mob of 150 of Muslims reportedly gathered. Clashes took place between two groups. The police resorted to lathi charge. Sahid Patel, the accused was arrested along with 11 others who were booked for rioting. A total of 22 have been booked for rioting (Times of India, 2024).

16. In an incident that took place in Pahuna village of Chittorgarh in Rajasthan, on 19th March, a Hindu religious procession was underway. When the procession reached a mosque, prayers were taking place. The dispute began because of the noise of the drums that accompanied the procession while the prayers were underway in the mosque. Following an altercation, the two sides hurled stones at each other, leading to injuries. Police arrested 18 people for stone pelting. The police reported that one Shyam Lal Chhipa died of a heart attack during the scuffle (The Hindu, 2024)

17. Communal riot took place on 28^th March in Shirsoli in Jalgaon in Maharashtra when stones were allegedly pelted on persons who participated in the procession to celebrate the birth anniversary of Shivaji. Upon reaching a mosque in the evening, stones were pelted on the procession where six people got injured. Police detained six persons (Chavan, 2024).

18. Two communal riots took place on the occasion of Ram Navami- one in Murshidabad in West Bengal and other in Palamu in Jharkhand. In Murshidabad, stones were pelted on the Ram Navami procession in Rejinagar area on 17th April. A blast was reported from the Shaktipur area near the procession injuring one woman (Times of India, 2024)

19. In Palamu district of Jharkhand, clashes were reported between groups of Hindu and Muslim residents on 17th April. The Muslims of the village of Kajru had opposed the passing of the Ram Navami procession through the mosque. The Muslims argued that Ram Navami wasn’t celebrated in this manner in the past. However, two groups reportedly attacked each other and around five two-wheelers were damaged in the clash. The police arrested ten accused, five from each group (Deccan Herald, 2024)

20. The shrine which had the graves of Imamshah Bawa and his family members in Pirana, Gujarat was flattened by Hindu trustees of the shrine on 7th May, 2024. The Shrine was hailed as a symbol of Hindu- Muslims amity in the region. The destruction of the shrine led to clashes between members of both religious communities where stones were pelted and four persons were reported injured. The police arrested 37 persons booked under sections of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) pertaining to attempt to murder, rioting, and damage to public property among others (Ghosh, 2024)

21. On 29^th May, 2024, groups of students from two communities clashed at the Guru Nanak Dev Degree College at Mailur on the outskirts of Bidar city, Karnataka. The scuffle broke out during a practice session in the college against the backdrop of a youth festival that was organized by the college. When the students were practicing for a play, two of the actors raised the slogan ‘Jai Sri Ram’ which was part of the play. This was objected by the students of another community and two of them allegedly attacked the students who had raised the slogan. Meanwhile, the students of both the communities started quarrelling on the campus, which led to manhandling and fisticuffs between them. The police controlled the tensions and the festival was cancelled (Badseshi, 2024).
22. On 14th June 2024, the severed head of a calf was discovered at the Jagannath Mahadev temple in Jaora, Ratlam district, Madhya Pradesh. This led to communal tension and blockages of roads by groups protesting against this mischief. The protestors also clashed with the police. The police used tear gas to disperse the crowds and arrested four Muslims and charged them under the National Security Act. The accused were paraded in the town and portions of houses of two of the accused- Salman Mewat and Shakir Qureshi were demolished by the state claiming they were illegally constructed (Mohan, 2024)

23. One communal riot took place in Telangana on the occasion on Bakri Eid on 16th June. The incident took place in Medak district where the Mirajul Uloom Madrasa’s management had purchased cattle for sacrifice for Bakri Eid. Soon after they brought in the cattle, a mob gathered around the madrasa and started protesting against the sacrifice. Clashes took place in three different locations in Medak. The police arrested BJP Medak district president Gaddam Srinivas, BJP Medak town president M. Nayam Prasad, Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha President, and seven others in connection with the violence in Medak. There were allegations that thousands of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), and Hindu Vahini members attacked the madrasa and severely injured the members of the management (The Scroll, 2024).

24. In another incident on Bakri Eid, communal riots took place in Balasore town of Odisha when a group of people protested in Bhujakhia Pir area over presence of animal sacrifice blood on the road on 17th June. It is alleged that the group of Muslims pelted stones on the protestors and houses and also torched vehicles. These clashes turned violent (Times of India, 2024).

25. Similarly, in Maharashtra, demolitions of around 70 Muslim properties took place in Vishalgad Fort near Kolhapur on 14^th These demolitions came on the heels of the communal riots that took place near the Vishalgad fort when Hindu right-wing organizations alleged that the Muslim community was encroaching on the land near the Vishalgad fort and organized a protest against the same. The mob during these “protests” attacked Muslim properties and a dargah and adjacent mosque in the nearby Gajapur village. Despite these attacks on Muslim owned properties, the state ordered and carried out demolitions the very next day under lashing rains (Doshi & Mutha, 2024). The Courts had to intervene to halt the demolitions.

26. In Bareilly’s Gausganj area, the Muharram procession came under attack while passing a temple on 18^th It reportedly led to confrontation and stone pelting from both the sides. The videos of this violence circulated widely and clashes took place again next day, resulting in injuries to many people. One Tej Ram (23) died in the violence. Ironically, the administration in Bareilly demolished eleven houses of Muslims alleging that they were illegal. 35 accused- all Muslims were arrested and sent to jail (Singh, 2024).

27. In Bareilly, UP, on 2^nd August, a mob attacked and torched the house of Mohammad Saddam who eloped with a Hindu girl from his neighbourhood on 29^th The couple was traced and brought to a police station. The girl was handed over to her father while Saddam was detained for questioning as his house was set on fire. An FIR was registered against the perpetrators — 21 identified and 30 unknown — under the BNS section of rioting, and another FIR was registered against Saddam for abduction on the complaint of the woman’s father (Singh & Ansari, Times of India, 2024).

28. In Ghaziabad, Uttar Pradesh, on 10^th August, 2024, Bhupendra Tomar alias Pinki Choudhary, leader of Hindu right wing organization, along with his associates, attacked several Muslim families living at a JJ cluster in the Madhuban Bapudham area. He accused them of being illegal Bangladeshi migrants, a claim that was investigated into by the police and rejected. He justified his actions citing the ill treatment of Hindus in Bangladesh. The FIR was registered against Tomar and his men under BNS sections 191(2) (rioting), 354 (sexual harassment), 115(2) (voluntarily causing hurt), 117(4) (group of five or more persons acting in concert commits murder on the grounds of race, caste or community), 299 (deliberate and malicious acts, intended to outrage religious feelings of any class by insulting its religion or religious beliefs) and 324(5) (damage to property). He was arrested (Times of India, 2024)

29. Similarly, in the state of Maharashtra, the Sakal Hindu Samaj organized bandh and protests in the towns of Nashik,

30. Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar,

31. Jalgaon and

32. Ahmednagar on 16th August to protest against the violence suffered by Hindus in Bangladesh. These places witnessed vandalism and violent clashes between the protestors and other groups which opposed these protests. The protestors and leaders including Mahant Ramgiri Maharaj, a prominent Hindu religious leader raised derogatory slogans and made derogatory statements about Islam in these rallies (Indian Express, 2024)

33. In Udaipur, Rajasthan, state authorities demolished the house of a 15 years old Muslim boy who allegedly stabbed his Hindu schoolmate to death on 16th August. The Hindu right-wing organized protests in the city and raised anti-Muslim slogans and torched vehicles. The accused boy was rightly arrested. However, the state authorities went ahead to demolish the house the family was living in and owned by his uncle. The authorities claimed that the house was illegally built on forest land and that they had served notice one day before demolition (Mateen & Meena, BBC, 2024)

34. On 24^th August, twelve people, including a pregnant woman, were injured in a communal clash in Uttar Pradesh’s Meerut district. Qureshi (28), who was in an inebriated state, got into an altercation with Wahid Ahmed (30) of the same village over an issue while returning home. While both were fighting, a local doctor, Sitaram, 62, tried to intervene. The doctor’s intervention irritated both Qureshi and Ahmed, who then allegedly jointly attacked Sitaram. It soon flared into a communal clash as Hindus and Muslims allegedly threw bricks at each other and attacked with sharp weapons, resulting in injuries to around a dozen people. The police filed an FIR and arrested one person (Indian Express, 2024).

35. In Bhilwara, Rajasthan, a chopped tail of a cow was found in the premises of a temple in Bhavani Nagar on 26th August. Thousands gathered outside the temple to protest and demand police action. Some protestor pelted stones and vandalized shops (The Hindu, 2024).

36. Communal riot broke out in Jirania in Tripura when an idol of goddess Kali was defaced on 26th August. Clashes took place between groups of Hindus and Muslims. Miscreants burnt down at least 12 homes and looted at least three shops in addition to vandalising a place of worship. Fifteen displaced families were provided shelter in a government school. At least two persons were injured (Syed, 2024)

37. Properties of Muslims were vandalized and attacked by a mob of two thousand on 4^th September in Jainoor situated in Asifabad district of Telangana state. The violence was triggered by allegations that a Muslim man had sexually assaulted a tribal woman in the district. According to reports, a video circulated on social media which showed the mob freely setting shops of Muslims on fire and pelting stones on a mosque. The violence occurred during a bandh called in protest against the sexual assault incident. The Muslim accused of sexual assault has been booked under the SC/ST Act for attempted rape, attempted murder, and murder (Maktoob Media, 2024).

38. The festival of Ganesh Chathurthi and immersion witnessed four communal riots. In Ratlam of Madhya Pradesh, on 7th September, 2024, in Mochipura, stones were pelted on Ganesh idol which was taken for installation. Subsequently, nearly 500 persons gheraoed the Station Road police station demanding action against an unidentified person who threw a stone at the Ganesh procession in Mochipura area. One police van was damaged in the stone pelting. Heavy security was deployed and case registered by the police against unknown person (Malpani, The Hindu, 2024)

39. In another incident related to Ganesh festival, in Sayedpura of Surat in Gujarat, some people allegedly pelted stones at the Ganesh pandal on 8th September, 2024. Reportedly, all six people who were involved in stone pelting along with 27 others who encouraged the incident, were arrested by the police. According to the police, 1000 police personnel were deployed in the area to maintain law and order after tensions escalated following the stone pelting incident. Lathi charge, and tear gas was also used to disperse the protesters. Shortly after the riots, “anti-encroachment” drive was undertaken by the administration and demolished properties in the Muslim dominated Sayedpura (Times of India, 2024).

40. In Gokulnagar of Bharuch, Gujarat, communal clashes took place between two groups on 10^th September, 2024 over installation of religious flags in the area. Members of one community started putting up religious flags in anticipation of Eid-e-Milad. There was an altercation over this issue which led to stone pelting, injuring two. The police has filed an FIR against 20 persons and detained 17 for the violence (Times of India, 2024)

41. Karnataka too witnessed communal riot related to Ganesh Chaturthi. On 11th September, there was alleged stone pelting during the Ganesha immersion procession in Nagamangala town of Mandya district, which escalated into clashes. According to Mandya district administration, 20 shops and eight vehicles were torched by the mob. Violence broke out when the Ganesha procession stopped near a mosque and youths raised slogans. The opposing group also raised slogans leading to an altercation. 52 persons were arrested and prohibitory ordered were imposed in the town by the administration. 600 police personnel were deployed (The Hindu, 2024)

42. On 15^th September, six persons pelted stones on a mosque in Katipalla near Surthkal in Manguluru, Karnataka. The miscreants came on two motorcycles and threw stones on the Mosque, which was lit up for Eid. All six accused were arrested by the police (Indian Express, 2024).

43. In Bhiwandi of Thane district in Maharashtra, on 17th September, 2024 marking the immersion of Lord Ganesh day, communal tensions heightened when rumours spread that stones were pelted on Lord Ganesh procession. This led to an altercation between two groups. Police resorted to lathi charge to disperse the crowd. Some suspects were reportedly detained for questioning by the police (Indian Express, 2024)

44. On Eid Milad-un-Nabi on 16th September, 2024, communal riot was reported from Mandsaur in Madhya Pradesh. Hindu outfits alleged that stones were thrown at a temple from the Eid procession when it was passing the temple. They also alleged that an assistant of the Priest got injured in the stone pelting (Malpani, The Hindu, 2024).

45. Communal riots took place in Bhadrak district of Odisha on 27^th September over a social media post. The members of the Muslim community clashed with the police when they were denied permission for a protest march in response to social media comments about the Prophet, leading to stone-pelting by the agitated crowd. According to reports, government vehicles were vandalized and officers on law and order duty received injuries in the stone pelting (The Hindu, 2024).

46. A communal clash took place between two groups at the Dehradun railway station in Uttarakhand on 26^th October, when two groups confronted each other over an inter-faith couple. A Muslim girl and her partner were found arguing on the railway station while her father had filed a missing report. The Railway Protection Force (RPF) intervened when they saw the couple arguing and took them to the RPF police station for safety. Rumors of a communal incident began to circulate, leading to the formation of two groups at the railway station, one led by Vikas Verma and the other by Asif Qureshi, ‘president of the Dehradun city unit of Azad Samaj Party.’ Both groups engaged in heated arguments, and the situation escalated as they began pelting stones at each other. Eight two-wheeler vehicles along with police vehicle were damaged. A case was registered against 14 identified accused, including Vikas Verma and Asif Qureshi and around 100 unidentified with 50 each from both the sides, under sections 191(2) (rioting), 221(obstructing a public servant from discharging his duties), 223 (disobedience of order passed by public servant) and 324(4) (damaging property) of the BNS and Section 7 of the criminal law (amendment) Act (Das, Times of India, 2024).

47. In the state of Maharashtra, which witnessed a significant spike in communal riots in the recent years, trivial incidents including altercation over parking of vehicle in Akola district between a Muslim and Hindu and a small collision between a rickshaw and motorcycle in Hariharpeth in Akola led to communal riot on 8^th October, 2024. This indicates towards how sensitive and volatile the social atmosphere in Maharashtra has cascaded into against the backdrop of the hate speeches and political mobilization by the Sakal Hindu Samaj in the last three years in the state (Lokmat Times, 2024).

48. In Bahraich of Uttar Pradesh, one youth, Ram Gopal Mishra lost his life when he succumbed to his gunshot injuries received during a Durga idol immersion procession on 13^th October, 2024. He was shot at in the Maharajganj area of the district. The violence erupted over the playing of music during the procession. The clashes that ensued led to torching of homes, a motorbike showroom, Lucknow Seva Hospital and a medical store. Reportedly, the Public Works Department (PWD) served notices to 23 establishments — 20 of them belonging to Muslims — to vacate property after the communal riots. The police arrested over 89 persons related to the violence. At least 11 FIRs had been registered in connection with Mishra’s killing and over 1000 booked. Days later, two of the accused in the Mishra case were killed in encounter by UP police (The Hindu, 2024).

49. A Muslim ban was attacked and beaten up by a mob outside a temple of a local deity in Muthyalamma area in Secunderabad on 14^th He allegedly barged into the temple in the early hours of the day and damaged the idol. He was caught by the devotees who dragged him out of the temple and beat him up before handing him over to the police. The police has filed an FIR in the case against the accused man (Times of India, 2024).

50. Communal riots erupted in Chamoli district of Uttarakhand when individuals from two communities had a spate over parking space on 15^th October, 2024. According to reports, the incident took place around 9.30 am, when a Hindu local was parking his scooter in front of a Muslim shop owner. An altercation started when the shop owner reportedly asked the man not to park the vehicle there. Soon others gathered and beat up the Hindu man. The man went to the police and was sent for a medical check-up. However, members of some Hindu outfits gathered and took out a procession in protest. The mob created a ruckus, vandalised some shops, and damaged signboards. The ruckus went on till around 2 pm. Following the altercation, a large crowed from the two communities gathered at the Gauchar outpost.The police registered a case against the accused, Rizwan, Salman, Asif and 70-80 unidentified individuals, under sections 115(2), 191(2), and 352 of the BNS (Mishra, 2024).

51. In Dehradun, the shops of Muslims were attacked and vandalized and four police officers were injured when the members of ‘Sanyukta Sanatan Dharm Rakshak Sangh Uttarakhand’- an umbrella body of Bajrang Dal, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, and other right-wing Hindu organizations were stopped from marching to Jama Masjid to demolish the same on 24th October, 2024. More than 200 people have been booked in connection with a stone-pelting. The right-wing organizations claimed that the mosque is illegal much against the declaration made by the district administration recently that the mosque was legally registered in 1969. In September, the organizations had organized a protest to demand that the Muslim families living nearby the Mosque be expulsed from their homes. These events had contributed to escalated tensions in the area (Das, Times of India, 2024).

52. The houses and properties of Muslims were attacked in Kadakol village of Haveri district in Karnataka on 30^th October, 2024 after there were rumours that the houses of the Hindu residents around a shrine will be taken over by Wafq board. Reportedly, miscreants allegedly threw stones and ransacked houses, besides destroying a parked motorcycle in the village. Five people were injured. The authorities assured the families that their houses are not being taken over. Twenty two persons were detained for questioning by the police (Kattimani, 2024).

53. On 16^th November, communal riots broke out in Beldanga town in West Bengal’s Murshidabad district. Tensions erupted following reports of an allegedly objectionable message written on a neon signboard at a Kartik Puja pandal in Beldanga. There was stone pelting, and shops and vehicles were attacked. Some people sustained injuries in the vandalism and arson. 17 persons were arrested (Singh S. S., 2024).

54. In Madhya Pradesh, communal riot broke out in Mauganj district on November 19, 2024, when BJP MLA Pradeep Patel reached land near the Devra Mahadevan temple which he alleged was encroached upon. An altercation ensued between BJP volunteers and Muslim residents of the area, leading to stone pelting which injured three people. The police teams upon reaching the spot reportedly took away Patel to Rewa and claimed to have acted against accused persons and bring normalcy (Times of India, 2024)

55. Another significant communal riot took place in Sambhal in Uttar Pradesh when a survey team surveyed the Shahi Jama Masjid after claims were made by Hindu groups that a temple once stood on the very same site. Groups clashed with each other- one opposing the survey on 24^th November, 2024. The violence that ensued claimed four lives- all Muslims who were shot at. 20 police personnel were injured along with others. Groups of people clashed with each other and police near the Shahi Jama Masjid in Kot West and indulged in arson according to the police (Rehman, 2024).

56. A minor dispute between two individuals in Mehkar town of Buldhana district, Maharashtra escalated into a violent clash between two communities on 24^th November, 2024. The situation led to arson and stone-pelting. Violence erupted in the Marimata Chowk area of Mehkar when a quarrel broke out between two youths dining at a hotel on Janefal Road. The argument spiraled into a full-fledged riot, with mobs from both sides resorting to stone-pelting. During the clash, an Omni van, two motorcycles, and an auto rickshaw were set on fire. The police have filed cases against more than 50 individuals from both communities and arrested 23 suspects based on a FIR and counter FIR (Sable, 2024).

57. In Dehradun, Uttarakhand, members of Sanatan Sanskriti, a right-wing Hindu group demolished a mazaar situated within the campus of an influential reputed residential school in November. The miscreants livestreamed the demolition. The group also claimed they took permission from government officials to raze the structure, a claim denied by the administration. The group claimed that the mazaar was a new structure and stands in violation of the chief minister’s orders prohibiting religious structures in public institutions. However, according to locals the mazaar was very old. The school authorities clarified that during the civil work, the Mazaar was damaged and thus they were repairing the same (Tyagi, 2024).

58. On 1^st December, 2024, communal riot flared in Maharashtra’s Buldhana district after a procession celebrating Tipu Sultan triggered violent clashes between two groups. The dispute, which began over fireworks, quickly escalated into widespread violence, with stone-pelting and the setting of vehicles and shops on fire. According to reports, the clashes began following a disagreement related to fireworks during the procession. The situation spiraled out of control, resulting in significant property damage and injuries. Police used tear gas and lathi charges to disperse the unruly crowds. 18 individuals were arrested, and an FIR was filed against 70-80 unidentified people (Latestly, 2024).

59. On 25^th December, communal riot broke out in Rohtak, Haryana, when the members of Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Bajrang Dal stormed into the venue of a Christmas celebration and disrupted it. The miscreants alleged that religious conversion were taking place at the celebration. The miscreants climbed on the stage and recited ‘Hanuman Chalisa’ and demanded that Christmas celebrations take place only in the confines of churches (Times of India, 2024)

[1][1] Irfan Engineer, Neha Dabhade and Mithila Raut

[2] One communal riot was reported outside of the Mumbai edition of the five mentioned newspapers used for collecting data. The communal riot took place in Howrah, West Bengal on 13^th October over a picture made during a drawing competition during a Durga Puja celebration. FIR was filed and arrests were made in the case (Indian Express 14^th October 2024).

[3] https://csss-isla.com/secular-perspective/peace-eluded-manipur-in-the-year-2024/

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The Hindu. (2024, January 23). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/stones-thrown-at-shobha-yatra-to-celebrate-ayodhya-event-in-vadodara-one-hurt/article67767711.ece

The Hindu. (2024, March 21). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/communal-violence-in-rajasthan-village-leaves-1-dead-12-injured/article67972512.ece

The Hindu. (2024, September 8). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/madhya-pradesh/stone-pelting-at-ganesh-procession-in-mps-ratlam-security-stepped-up/article68618352.ece

The Hindu. (2024, September 12). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/karnataka/52-held-following-clashes-during-ganesha-procession-at-nagamangala/article68634906.ece

The Hindu. (2024, October 20). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/uttar-pradesh/bahraich-communal-violence-demolition-notices-strike-fear-in-shopkeepers-many-vacate/article68775025.ece

The Hindu. (2024, August 30). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/haryana/haryana-cow-vigilantes-kill-migrant-scrap-dealer-on-suspicions-that-he-ate-beef/article68586248.ece

The Hindu. (2024, September 28). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/odisha/odisha-imposes-internet-shutdown-in-bhadrak-over-communal-tension/article68693346.ece

The Hindu. (2024, January 23). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/stones-thrown-at-shobha-yatra-to-celebrate-ayodhya-event-in-vadodara-one-hurt/article67767711.ece

The Hindu. (2024, March 21). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/communal-violence-in-rajasthan-village-leaves-1-dead-12-injured/article67972512.ece

The Hindu. (2024, August 26). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/rajasthan/shops-shut-communal-tension-in-rajasthans-bhilwara/article68569206.ece#:~:text=Shopkeepers%20downed%20shutters%20Monday%20after,prevent%20violence%20from%20flaring%20up.

The Hindu. (2024, September 12). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/karnataka/40-held-in-connection-with-group-clashes-during-ganesha-immersion-procession-at-nagamangala-in-karnataka/article68632873.ece#:~:text=Sources%20said%20there%20was%20stone,shops%20were%20set%20on%20fire&text=

The Hindu. (2025, January 3). Retrieved from The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/data/india-among-25-nations-with-high-religious-restrictions-data/article69053493.ece

The Print. (2024, January 23). Retrieved from The Print: https://theprint.in/india/tension-in-nagpur-locality-after-violent-altercation-between-two-groups/1936312/

The Scroll. (2024, August 27). Retrieved from The Scroll: https://scroll.in/latest/1072495/communal-violence-breaks-out-in-west-tripura-after-hindu-idol-allegedly-defaced

The Scroll. (2024, 17 June). Retrieved from The Scroll: https://scroll.in/latest/1069371/telangana-three-bjp-leaders-among-ten-arrested-for-communal-violence-in-medak

Times of India. (2024, April 17). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/blast-injures-one-during-ram-navami-procession-in-west-bengal/articleshow/109382084.cms

Times of India. (2024, November 20). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/bhopal/tensions-rise-in-mauganj-community-clashes-over-land-encroachment-near-temple/articleshow/115462372.cms

Times of India. (2024, June 18). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/odisha-curfew-what-led-to-communal-violence-in-balasore/articleshow/111078677.cms

Times of India. (2024, June 16). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/indore/two-more-arrested-for-desecrating-temple-in-jaora/articleshow/111029522.cms

Times of India. (2024, June 8). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/raipur/chhattisgarh-vigilantes-lynch-2-truckers-carrying-buffaloes/articleshowprint/110806233.cms

Times of India. (2024, May 24). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/ahmedabad/man-lynched-for-ferrying-buffaloes-in-banaskantha/articleshow/110377331.cms

Times of India. (2024, February 24). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/vadodara/communal-riot-in-vadodara-instagram-comment-triggers-violence-three-injured/articleshow/107956239.cms

Times of India. (2024, September 11). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/surat/over-17-detained-2-injured-after-communal-clash-breaks-out-in-gujarats-bharuch/articleshow/113251233.cms

Times of India. (2024, October 15). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/idol-vandalised-at-secunderabad-temple-intruder-beaten-up/articleshow/114228850.cms

Times of India. (2024, April 19). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/bengaluru/3-assaulted-in-bengaluru-over-jai-shri-ram-slogan-4-held/articleshow/109412698.cms

Times of India. (2024, April 17). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/blast-injures-one-during-ram-navami-procession-in-west-bengal/articleshow/109382084.cms

Times of India. (2024, June 18). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/odisha-curfew-what-led-to-communal-violence-in-balasore/articleshow/111078677.cms

Times of India. (2024, August 11). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/ghaziabad/man-arrested-for-leading-attack-on-minority-families-in-ghaziabad-slum/articleshow/112434714.cms

Times of India. (2024, September 9). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/anti-encroachment-drive-in-surat-area-that-witnessed-stone-pelting-at-ganesh-pandal/articleshow/113197280.cms

Times of India. (2024, December 26). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/chandigarh/vhp-bajrang-dal-protest-at-christmans-event-in-haryana-recite-hanuman-chalisa/articleshow/116671034.cms

Times of India. (2024, November 20). Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/bhopal/tensions-rise-in-mauganj-community-clashes-over-land-encroachment-near-temple/articleshow/115462372.cms

Tyagi, T. (2024, November 15). Times of India. Retrieved from Times of India: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/mob-razes-mazaar-at-elite-school-at-doon-in-dehradun/articleshow/115313725.cms

The post Hegemony and Demolitions: The Tale of Communal Riots in India in 2024 appeared first on SabrangIndia.

A protest was sparked by the desecration of a Constitution replica in front of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s statue. During a bandh called by the Dalit organisations to condemn the desecration incident, the perpetrator of which had been deemed as “lunatic” by the police before his arrest, certain outside elements came and indulged in violence. The police, which let the unruly crowd run amok for almost one hour, weaponised this incident to target Dalit colonies by conducting combing operations, using brute force and indulge in violence. While the police registered FIRs focusing on property damage caused during protests, following the desecration of the Constitution in front of DR BR Ambedkar’s statue, twelve detailed private complaints of police violence remain unacknowledged.

Key findings from the report

1. Custodial death of Somnath Suryawanshi: Somnath, a 35-year-old law student and an LIC agent, was arrested on December 11 and subjected to severe custodial violence. He succumbed to injuries on December 15, with the post-mortem report citing “shock following multiple injuries.” Despite filing complaints, his family has seen no action against the police officers implicated. His mother, Vijayabai Suryawanshi, has rejected a government compensation offer of ₹10 lakh and has demanded life imprisonment for those responsible.
2. Widespread police brutality: The report documents harrowing accounts of police combing operations in Dalit-majority areas like Bhim Nagar, Priyadarshini Nagar, and Sarang Nagar. Residents reported police breaking into homes, assaulting men and women, including minors and elderly individuals, and using caste-based slurs. Women recounted instances of extreme violence, including injuries on their private parts, and detainees were allegedly tortured in custody with blows to their feet and palms to conceal visible injuries. The brute violence and unchecked brutalities displayed by police during the beatings of women and the young in their homes during the combing operations and after that in custody have violated all laws and statutes including directions by the Supreme Court on police conduct towards those in custody. 
3. Failure to address complaints: Victims and their families have filed twelve detailed complaints highlighting police atrocities and instances of police brutality, but none have been converted into FIRs. Instead, police FIRs focus on property damage caused during protests, ignoring complaints of custodial violence and abuse.
4. Administrative lapses: The team found that prior to the desecration, a far-right Hindutva event had taken place near the area of incident. At the said extremist event, incendiary speeches had been made. The report finds that the administration allowed the Hindu Ekta Morcha, an event organised by an outfit with with a history of inviting speakers who make incendiary speeches that violate the law and breach social peace, , to proceed without adequate preventive measures. No steps, such as videography of speeches or imposition of Section 144 of the CrPC (163 pf the BNSS), were taken to avoid unrest. The police also failed to investigate the role of Datta Sopan Pawar, who desecrated the Constitution replica and was swiftly declared “mentally deranged” without a formal psychiatric assessment.
5. Targeting of activists and Dalit leaders: Prominent Dalit activists and leaders were particularly targeted. Activist Vijay Wakode died of a heart attack shortly after attending deceased Somnath’s funeral, allegedly due to relentless police intimidation. Other victims include law student Dhammadip Mogale, who was assaulted and threatened into silence, and activist Vatsalabai Manvate, who faced brute violence during the combing operations.

Recommendations and demands

The fact-finding team has called for urgent and comprehensive action to address these violations:

• Accountability for police atrocities: Immediate FIRs must be registered against officers involved in violence, including under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. Suspensions and investigations of the erring officers should follow, under the supervision of the judiciary.
• Transparency and public accountability: Publicly disclose police orders regarding the chain of command responsibility in police operation and deputation register to ascertain who was responsible for the combing operation that violated the law, the Indian Constitution and International Human Rights Law. Additionally, video recordings of the Hindu Ekta Morcha, and CCTV footage from police stations must be disclosed. Compliance with Supreme Court guidelines on CCTV installation in police stations should be ensured. 
• Public Disclosure of Police Personnel present at the Police Station at Parbhani where gross human rights abuses have been alleged to have taken place, the Case Diaries of Instructions given by SPs and their superiors behind all these actions. 
• Compensation and rehabilitation: All victims of police brutality should receive substantial reparation in the form of financial compensation and access to medical and psychological care. Somnath’s siblings should be given government jobs as part of rehabilitation efforts.
• Independent investigation into the Constitution desecration: The role of Datta Sopan Pawar and the possible involvement of others must be thoroughly investigated, with findings made public.
• Systemic reforms: The state must commit to ending caste-based discrimination within law enforcement, ensuring strict adherence to human rights laws and accountability for violations.

It was days after the tragic incidents in December 2024, Advocate. Abhay Taksal (CPI), Advocate Pawan Jondhale, Youth Ambedkarite Leader, Sudhir Salve, Comrade Vikas Gaikwad, Comrade Pritam Ghagave, and Ambedkarite leader, Rahul Pradhan spent hours in Parbhani interviewing victims, eye-witnesses and even interacting with the authorities. It is on this basis that the Fact-Finding Report has been prepared. Teesta Setalvad, secretary, Citizens for Justice and Peace and Raju Parulekar, poet, writer and political commentator guided the effort. 

The events in Parbhani represent a horrifying betrayal of constitutional values and the rule of law. The victims, primarily from marginalised Dalit communities, continue to await justice while the guilty remain shielded by systemic bias and administrative indifference. The fact-finding team emphasises the urgent need for accountability, transparency, and systemic reform to ensure such atrocities are never repeated. The nation must stand in solidarity with the victims and demand justice for Parbhani.

The Preliminary Fact-finding report may be read here:

Artwork by Sunil Abhiman Awchar

The post Parbhani police under scrutiny: Fact-finding report exposes allegations of brutality, illegality, and constitutional violations appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The incidents documented here range, from communal targeting and inflammatory speeches to acts of inhuman violence and systemic discrimination, took place in the month of January till now. Public platforms and political events have been weaponised to spread hateful ideologies, with prominent leaders openly calling for boycotts, violence, and exclusion of minority communities. Vulnerable groups, particularly Muslims, Dalits, and tribals, have borne the brunt of this assault, facing economic sabotage, public humiliation, and even physical attacks.

This alarming trend is not just an affront to individual victims but a grave threat to Maharashtra’s legacy of cultural diversity and harmony. The state, once celebrated for its progressive movements and commitment to social justice, now finds itself mired in a toxic environment where fear, division, and hate dominate public discourse. These incidents expose the failure of the government to uphold the rule of law and protect its citizens, raising urgent questions about accountability and justice.

What follows is a detailed account of some of the most glaring incidents of hate and discrimination in Maharashtra in the month of January 2025. These accounts are not isolated events but part of a larger, systemic assault on the principles of secularism, equality, and human dignity. They demand immediate action and an unwavering commitment to restoring the ideals enshrined in India’s Constitution.

Detailed reports of hate incidents

• Targeting of Muslim-owned businesses in Yavatmal

On January 14, two Muslim-owned restaurants in Wani, Yavatmal, were forcibly shut down by members of the Bajrang Dal. The group accused the establishments of serving beef, leading to the police seizing the meat without providing any evidence or conducting a fair investigation. This incident underscores a worrying pattern of weaponising religious sentiment to economically and socially marginalise Muslims. Such acts not only deprive individuals of their livelihoods but also perpetuate a climate of fear and exclusion, eroding the rights of minority communities.

• Brutal assault on a tribal elderly woman in Amravati

In one of the most horrifying incidents, a 77-year-old tribal woman in Retyakheda village, Amravati, was subjected to medieval-style violence on December 30, 2024. While the incident occurred on December 30, it surfaced on January 5, 2025 after a police complaint was lodged by the victim’s son and daughter-in-law.

As per a report of Siasat, accused of practising black magic, the tribal woman was tied up, beaten with sticks, branded with hot iron rods, and forced to inhale chilli smoke. The assailants, led by the village head, further degraded her by making her consume urine and dog excreta and parading her through the village adorned with a garland of slippers. Despite the gravity of the attack, authorities have yet to invoke the Anti-Superstition Act, raising serious questions about the systemic apathy towards tribal and marginalised communities.

The victim’s family has since approached higher authorities, including the Maharashtra State Women’s Commission and the Inspector General of Police, seeking justice. While the district collector assured them of further investigations, such delays and the initial reluctance to file appropriate charges reflect a larger failure to deter such barbaric acts.

#Horrific An elderly tribal woman was tied with a rope, beaten and forced to eat dog excreta, burnt with a hot iron rod, incident took place in Amravati, Maharashtra. pic.twitter.com/GRd8bWe8sv

— The Dalit Voice (@ambedkariteIND) January 19, 2025

• Anti-Muslim rhetoric at Kurla event

At the “Samrast Yatra” event in Kurla, Mumbai, organised by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang Dal, a Jain monk disseminated hate speech rife with anti-Muslim propaganda. He falsely attributed statements to Dr B.R. Ambedkar, claiming the Dalit leader had called for the expulsion of Muslims from India. Such deliberate distortions of history weaponise revered figures to justify communal hatred.

The monk’s speech also demonised Bangladeshi Muslims, referring to them as “lungiwallas” and inciting Hindus to take violent action against them. This open propagation of hate speech at a public event, without any fear of legal consequences, underscores the emboldenment of extremist voices under the current political climate.

• Minister Nitesh Rane’s hate-filled speech

Maharashtra cabinet minister Nitesh Rane has become a recurring figure in the spread of communal hatred. At the Hindu Jagran Sabha in Sangli on January 10, Rane openly called for the economic boycott of Muslims, accusing them of using their businesses to fund fabricated plots like “love jihad” and “land jihad.” He further stoked paranoia by claiming that Muslims aim to turn India into an Islamic nation by 2047.

As per multiple media reports, Rane also coined the communal slur “every vote against Mulla” as a divisive rallying cry. His speech, laced with inflammatory rhetoric and veiled threats, exemplifies how elected representatives are misusing their positions to deepen communal fissures, rather than promoting harmony and inclusivity.

• Sadhvi Ritambhara’s provocative speech in Dadar

At an event organised by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad’s Matrishakti and Durga Vahini in Dadar on January 5, Sadhvi Ritambhara delivered a speech designed to incite violence. She vilified historical Muslim figures as well as women, proclaiming that “women who give birth to people like Aurangzeb and Taimur can’t be our ideal women.” Such statements not only demonise entire communities but also perpetuate divisive stereotypes.

Ritambhara amplified the baseless conspiracy theory of ‘love jihad,’ urging Indian women to “poke out the eyes of love jihadis.” The event concluded with participants taking an oath against this fabricated menace, further cementing hatred against a specific group.

• Casteist slur by Shiv Sena MLA Sanjay Gaikwad

At a public gathering in Buldhana, Shiv Sena MLA Sanjay Gaikwad demeaned voters by accusing them of selling their votes for paltry amounts of money, alcohol, and meat. He shockingly stated, “Even a prostitute is better than that,” displaying an utter lack of respect for both voters, women and marginalised groups. Such derogatory remarks from a public representative not only degrade the dignity of citizens but also highlight the normalisation of casteist and classist language in political discourse.

While addressing a public gathering in #Maharashtra‘s #Buldhana, #ShivSena (#EknathShinde faction) MLA #SanjayGaikwad says, “The voters here were sold for 2-5 thousand rupees, alcohol, and meat. Even a prostitute is better than that” pic.twitter.com/MXKRf6bhy0

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) January 7, 2025

A dire need for accountability and action

These incidents are not isolated but part of a broader, systematic pattern aimed at normalising hatred, targeting minorities, and eroding India’s pluralistic ethos. What is particularly troubling is the state’s apparent complicity, whether through direct endorsement, tacit approval, or sheer apathy. Police inaction, delayed investigations, and the absence of legal consequences embolden perpetrators and send a dangerous signal that hate crimes and divisive rhetoric will go unchecked.

The rise in hate incidents also points to a calculated strategy to divert attention from pressing socio-economic issues by deepening communal and caste divides. Elected representatives and influential figures who engage in hate speech must be held accountable under the law? Furthermore, civil society must amplify its efforts to counter such narratives, and judicial interventions must be swift and decisive in upholding justice.

The escalation of hate incidents in Maharashtra underlines the urgent need for introspection and systemic reform. The state government must decisively act to restore public trust by cracking down on hate speech and violence, irrespective of the political or social standing of the perpetrators. Anything less would not only betray the ideals of justice, equality, and secularism but also embolden those seeking to dismantle the fabric of Indian democracy.

Related:

Massive all-party march in Parbhani demands justice for Dalit youth’s custodial death

CJP calls for electoral action against BJP leader’s hate speech at Rohini Chetna event

From fact-checking to chaos: How meta’s new moderation model risks eroding trust and democracy

Unity Beyond Religion: Stories of shared humanity and mutual respect

The post Maharashtra’s Descent into Hate: Six incidents reported in January 2025 highlight Maharashtra’s rising communal and caste-based violence appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Several cases of targeted attacks on the Pangals have been effectively silenced during the violence, especially sensing the sentiments of the fragile raged sentiments of the Meiteis and the Kukis. However, the most recent incident on January 5, 2025 seems to have crossed the thresholds of humanity and ethics. A teenager from the Pangal community Akhter Tampakmayum, 18 years, is alleged by Aramabai Tenggol, an armed Meitei militia, to have molested a girl from the Meitei community. According to the boy, “he and his lady co-worker of Kafya Café were summoned by the militant outfit’s Heingnag Unit (34), the reason for which as reported was a case of a proposal got misunderstood by the girl. At the Arambai Tenggol unit’s premise, he is reported to have been tortured, beaten, and force-fed ‘raw-pork’; while also forcing him to give a statement falsely accusing the Muslim Imams of promoting hatred against the Meiteis. The boy was reportedly nailed on his hands and feet by Arambai Tenggol’s leader Korounganba Khuman who then coerced him to say that Imams of mosques encourage Pangal youths to develop relationships with Meitei girls, to help increase Pangal’s population and to erase the Meiteis from Manipur”, the later part of which was video recorded and widely circulated on social media platforms. The boy was reportedly handed over to the police by the Arambai Tenggol and released on the same day. Such acts of the Arambai Tenggol, for that matter its Heingang Unit, is but an outright provocation to the wider Pangal community, a serious act to hurt the sentiments of the people following the Islamic faith. This not only explains their underlying wider intentions against the Pangals, a small minority Muslim community in Manipur but also invites serious questions on the nature of activities of this armed group with relation to the state’s and national security, communal harmony, and public order.

If the allegation of molestation is found true, the boy could have been punished in accordance with the law of the land. The Arambai Tenggol’s extra-judicial and extra-Constitutional act, not only by taking the matter into their own hands but also by trying to insult and provoke the whole community and its Islamic faith, is highly condemnable. This only invites more trouble in a state already mired by tumultuous violence and chaos. At the same time, it won’t be wrong to also say that the prejudicial targeting of the Islamic faith comes with their intentional second-class treatment of the Pangals. Thus, the Arambai Tenggol’s violent and extra-judicial nature of activities acts as the catalyst to create distinct fissures and polarisation between the communities, with a huge potential to create not only distrust but also an ominous atmosphere that has a latent energy to spark violence any time in the state.

While there has been a long list of hateful targeted attacks by certain sections of the Meiteis on the Pangals in the post-independent Manipur despite an unhindered peaceful co-existence in the history of the state, a more evident anti-inter-community marriage or relationship campaign had started prior to the breakout of May 3, 2023, after which it has been witnessed to be profoundly promoted by armed militias in particular and the masses in general. This is being done to ensure the purity of “Meitei blood” and the continuity of an undefiled Meitei race. Mass campaigns have been organised by the Arambai Tengol, the armed militia to school the public in general and the Meitei women in particular about the need for maintaining a “pure Meitei race”, often associating with a mass pledge in the name of God to not pollute their blood. This kind of mass campaigns by armed and radical organisations with widespread public support, often associating hatred and rhetorical diatribes against the Pangals using social media platforms are largely responsible for creating distinct communal enclaves in the state.

The concern, therefore, lies in the governments’- both the Union and the state’s failure to contain the militias operating in the violence-hit Manipur and giving them a free hand, while the state watches the inhumane and unethical acts of hateful crimes from its “protected thrones”. The incident mentioned above is not the first time that the Arambai Tenggol has inflicted hate crimes on the Pangals, even if, in the almost two years that Manipur has been in turmoil, these have remain largely uncounted, unnoticed. There were several incidents- both reported and unreported, but side-lined through some sort of negotiations wherein the Pangals, sensing that this was the need given the situation that the state has been in. It is the Pangals who have had to compromise every time against the might of the militias supported by the government. However, as part of their continuous provocation and insults, taking the opportunity of a Pangal boy proposing to a Meitei girl, the Arambai Tenggol has seized this one incident, escalated its campaign to further intimidate a miniscule minority community, while also at the same time deeply hurting their religious sentiments and faith.

To the utter blindness and silence of the governments in all these happenings right in front of them, it becomes pertinent to question the following-

1. Have the Union and the state governments ceased to exist in Manipur?
2. Have the governments handed over the due rights for law enforcement, and to manage the state’s law and order in Manipur to the armed militias, like the Arambai Tenggol and others?
3. What is Arambai Tenggol’s objective in relation to co-existence in Manipur?
4. Are human rights and freedom to profess a religion of one’s choice, as enshrined in the constitution of India still available to the people of Manipur?
5. Is Arambai Tenggol a superior authority over the government in the state of Manipur?
6. If there is a government for the people in Manipur, what are its agendas for the state against such hateful targeted attacks?
7. If there is a people’s government, how is it going to counter hate crimes?
8. Is the Meitei as a community wholly supporting the Arambai Tenggol’s act of terror and insult to the faith of and against the Pangals? If not, how are those supporting peaceful co-existence going to counter such hateful terrors and insults undermining the history of togetherness?

The governments and the people of Manipur alike, need to wake up from their deep slumber, face reality, and counter —for the goodness of humankind and for the sake of upholding the integrity of Manipur—and respond. Both the Meitei-Kuki conflict and the Arambai Tenggol’s acts of terror and insults on the Pangals are equally detrimental to the well-being of the Manipur society. One must fight back to ensure substantive justice with the same intent in both cases. Calling for justice for survivors of the inter-ethnic conflict between the Meitei and Kuki, while ignoring and promoting the Arambai Tenggol’s continuous provocations on the Pangals is but a myopic meaning of ‘justice’. All right thinking persons from within all communities, be it the governments or the people, need to come out of our self-imposed cylos and isolation. Open our eyes wide, and fight against the sections of militias propagating communal hatreds and violence and to bring back and ensure our history of peaceful co-existence. With the governments lying in a determinedly shameless deep slumber that renders their writ non-existent, the onus lies even more on the people of Manipur to stop these hate-filled communal acts and targeted crimes against the Pangals.

(The author is a Ph.D. from Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi)

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

Related:

2024: Peace, a distant dream for Manipur

Divided & strife-torn Manipur: intensified violence, abdication by state & union governments, demands of accountability from BJP MLAs

Fresh violence grips Manipur: Clashes in Jiribam and widespread protests after rape and brutal killings

The post Arambai Tenggol: champions of Manipur’s ‘integrity’ or a Meitei communal militia? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Role of the security forces in the conflict:

Table – 1: Number of people killed

Table – 2: Number of persons injured

In all, 81 persons, including women and children were killed and 214 persons were injured in the Meitei-Kuki conflict in Manipur in the year 2024, as reported in the 5 newspapers monitored by the CSSS – The Times of India, The Indian Express, The Hindu, Inquilab and Sahafat.  Among the 81 killed, 19 were from Meitei community, while 15 were from Kuki community, 12 were security personnel, and 4 were Hindu migrant workers. Community of the rest 31 persons was not reported. Among the injured, 65 were from Meitei community, 1 injured was from Kuki community, 40 injured were security forces and the community of 106 injured persons was not reported. Two migrant Hindu workers were also injured. While some Meiteis were injured from gunfire from the hills in Kangpokpi district on the bordering villages in the valley, most were injured during protests in the Imphal Valley and in Jiribam district due to firing by the security personnel. Both – Meiteis and Kukis were killed in the conflict, and at least one Kuki woman was raped and brutally assaulted. Kuki militants’ fire on Meitei villages appeared to be with the intention to disturb the “peace” to force political negotiations around their demand of separate administration. At times, they appeared to be revenge killings.

Several houses and vehicles were burnt down, including those of unarmed members of both communities, and that of the MLAs in the valley. Five churches, a fuel pump and 272 Kuki houses and 62 Meitei houses were burnt during the year 2024. Till date, 258 people have been killed and 386 religious places have been vandalized. There are 60,000 internally displaced persons living in inhuman conditions in relief camps. 39 persons are missing since the conflict. It is also noteworthy that the CM Shri Biren Singh condemned attacks on Meiteis, he seems to have maintained silence when Kukis were killed or injured.

While no efforts worth the name were made to resolve the ethnic conflict in Manipur, 90 additional companies of the Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) were deployed. With these deployments, the total CAPF deployed in the state totalled 288 – 165 companies of CRPF, 104 of BSF, 8 of RAF, 6 of SSB and 5 of ITBP. These are in addition to the deployment of Assam Rifles, which is under the Army’s operational command. With more than 60,000 armed CAPF in addition to the state police, for a population of about 3 million, Manipur must be the most militarized state in India after J&K. This level of violence has led to very high levels of polarization of the two ethnic communities. Lt. General (Retd.) Rana Pratap Kalita stated that polarization along ethnic lines has spread to government officials and police. According to him, there was easy availability of weapons and sustained misinformation by all stakeholders. The Manipur Police with overwhelming majority of Meiteis allegedly favour their community. There is one incident though, in which one Meitei ex-serviceman who was specially appointed, was suspended when the force led by him in Jiribam district fired on protesting Meiteis, leading to the death of a Meitei. Security personnel also had to pay a heavy price in this conflict.

There was a huge conflict between the Meitei police commandos posted in Kuki dominated Moreh town bordering Myanmar, in January 2024, and the Kuki community. The Kuki women agitated against posting Manipuri police with Meitei commandos in which several people were killed. CSSS had prepared a detailed report on this conflict. Likewise, the Assam Rifle are alleged to be partisan towards the Kukis. However, when we talked to the Commandants of the Assam Rifle, they not only denied the allegation, they also provided data suggesting that more Kukis have been at the receiving end of their bullets, arrests, and seizure of weapons than the Meiteis.

The approach of the state towards the conflict seems to be limited to attempts to suppress it, without making any serious attempt to find a resolution. Either the Biren Singh led BJP state government has no solution, or perhaps aims to derive political benefit from the conflict, viz., strong consolidation of Meities, which form nearly 54% of the state’s population and inhabiting in the valley. The valley elects 40 out of 60 MLAs in the Manipur state legislature. However, the strategy does not appear to have worked as in the Lok Sabha elections, both the MPs elected from the state belonged to the Congress Party. The Meiteis also seem to be running out of patience for non-resolution of the conflict for over 19 months. The Meiteis are also suffering losses in the conflict. The attack on houses of the MLA, including the BJP MLAs, ministers and the CM, shows the frustration of Meiteis. Also, the Conrad Sangma led NPP, a coalition partner of NDA, with 7 MLAs withdrew their support to the Biren Singh Government, although it did not lead to the fall of the BJP led government, as the BJP has majority in the state legislature on its own. Eleven BJP MLAs did not attend the meeting called by Biren Singh and were served show cause notices.

No justice to the victims:

The wheels of justice are moving extremely slow. 42 SITs have been constituted by the Supreme Court to investigate 3,023 FIRs filed. In all, 11,892 FIRs had been filed. However, they were later consolidated into 3,023 FIRs. According to the information shared by the CM and reported in The Times of India on 1^st August 2024, 11,133 houses were burnt and 4,569 others were destroyed in the conflict. Farmlands belonging to 5,554 farmers had been hit. Till 18^th December 2024, according to a report in The Hindu, chargesheets had been filed only in 192 cases of heinous crimes pertaining to rape, sexual offences against women, arson, loot and murder, which constitutes only 6% of the cases investigated. Till November 20, 2024, 742 suspects had been identified, after examining 11,901 witnesses. 574 persons have been charge-sheeted, while 384 persons had been arrested. The SITs have seized 501 weapons and 13,464 ammunitions out of about 6,000 weapons ‘looted’ from the police, most of them in the valley. Although charge sheet has been filed, trial had not begun till 18^th October in the case of two Kuki women mass raped and paraded naked on 4^th May 2023, the day after the conflict began.

Growing power of the armed militants:

This level of conflict has strengthened the armed militants on both sides of the divide. The communities do not trust the security apparatus of the state to protect them. This has led to sprouting of bunkers manned by armed community volunteers to ensure no one from the ‘enemy’ community intrudes into ‘their’ area. Arambai Tenggol, a militant Meitei organization has armed itself with the help of over 6,000 arms ‘looted’ from the police armoury and others it might have obtained from across the border. State police apparatus seems to indulge them and look the other way in all their illegal actions. Arambai Tenggol even abducted Additional Superintendent of Police and vandalised his home and property after he arrested 6 members of the militant outfit on 27^th February 2024 (ibid). The militant organisation issued summons to all the MLAs, Rajya Sabha and Lok Sabha MPs to assemble on January 24^th, 2024, at Kangla Fort in Imphal, and they were made to take an oath that they would work for the interest of the Meitei community and their demands, including delisting of the Kuki community from the ST list, deportation of Kukis, withdrawal from the SoO agreement with Kuki militants and other such partisan demands (ibid). That the elected representative could not have disobeyed the summons shows how powerful these armed militants have become.

The Kuki armed militants also command similar obedience from the community. House of Michael Lamjathang Haokip, a BJP spokesperson in Churachandpur, belonging to Thadaou tribe, was burnt down in August by Kuki ultras, after he asserted that the Thadous are not within the Kuki family and wanted reproachment with the Meiteis. The guns of Arambai Tenggol and Kuki ultras terrorise, have eliminated, all moderate voices within their respective communities, and none in the Kuki and Meitei communities can go against or dissent from the positions taken by the militants.

The doctrine which prevailed in the conflict was that of deterrence, and not justice. Security of the community, according to this doctrine, lies in inflicting equal, if not more, damage to life and property of the rival community in order to deter them from attacking one’s own community. In Jiribam district, the cycle of revenge killing was more apparent. 22 persons were killed in Jiribam alone in 2024. Unarmed members of both the communities were targeted by armed groups to ‘send a message’ to the armed militants of the rival group and to demonstrate their prowess. The state appeared too weak to uphold democracy, protect the citizens and run the writ of democratic institutions and seek to do justice. The state found extremely challenging to ensure transportation of essential goods from the valley to hills and vice versa, in spite of heavy presence of armed security forces. The Meitei police commandos posted in Moreh town had to be flown by helicopter to avoid transporting them through Kuki dominated territory. Assam Rifle commandant told us that he had to remove his uniform and put it in his bag as he was approaching the checkpoint monitored by Meitei militants. Another AR commandant was asked to produce his ID card issued by the army which he took it as an insult to his post and refused to do so for checking by (Meitei) civilians. However, the negotiation took a long time for him to be allowed to proceed without showing his ID.

The issues that triggered violence were:

1) Demand of the ‘integrity of Manipur’: while the Meiteis staunchly defend the ‘integrity of Manipur,’ the Kukis were equally firm about their demand of ‘separation of administration’, which they defined as creation of a Union Territory with legislature as the only solution to the resolution of the conflict. The exchange of population now having been complete, and no Kuki left in the valley, they are strong votaries of separation of state.

2) Claim over the Thangjing hill range in Churachandpur district: while the Meiteis have their sacred deity and perform pilgrimage in Thangjing hill range according to their Sanamahi faith, the Kuki National Front renamed the place as Thangting, and put up a gate declaring it as “Thangting Camp of the Kuki National Front – Military Council”. The intention was to reclaim the hill exclusively and prevent pilgrimage by Meiteis.

3) ST status of both the communities remained contentious. The Arambai Tenggol administered oath to elected representatives from the valley that they would work for the withdrawal of ST status of Kukis. One of the Meitei demands is that they should be enlisted as a Scheduled Tribe community as otherwise they are confined to about 10% of Manipuri territory in the valley, and do not have right to own land in the hills. The Kukis and Nagas are opposed to their demand.

4) There were accusations of partisanship of security forces, and consequent reliance on armed militants to protect the community. Posting of Meitei police commandos in Kuki dominated Moreh town became very contentious. The police commandos had killed three Kuki women, even though not a single Meitei living in Moreh was killed on 3^rd May, when the conflict had started. Similarly, suspension of a Kuki head constable in Kuki dominated Churachandpur also triggered protests and violence. There is complete lack of trust on the Assam Rifles in the valley and similar lack of trust on the Manipuri police force in the hills.

5) Both communities nurtured prejudicial attitude towards and nurtured mistrust and hatred towards each other. Meitei community think that the Kukis are intruders and illegal immigrants, which would be proved by preparing NRC. Being illegal immigrants, they should be deported. Kukis are alleged by them to be narco-terrorists, growing poppy. Although, according to Vrinda, a former IPS officer residing in Imphal, everyone is involved in the poppy trade, and drug was promoted by the Indian state in the 1970s and 80s to get the youth hooked and dissuade them from join the separatists and armed militants demanding independence of Manipur from the Indian state. The Meiteis also accuse the Kukis of nurturing a desire for Zalingam or greater home land for Kukis. For the Kukis, the Meities would deprive them of their homeland, grab land their hills, grab their jobs, livelihood, and funds for the development of the hill districts.

Neither the Meitei armed organisation – Arambai Tenggol, patronised by some ruling party politicians, nor the Kuki armed militants seemed to be gaining any ground in this conflict. The Kukis have not been able to move any further in their demand of separate administration, nor the Arambai Tenggol and Sanamahi extremists have been able to gain more hegemonic position over the Kukis than they already were in – attaining ST status to buy land in the hills, monopolise state jobs, get Kukis deported from the state. None party in the conflict seemed to have moved an inch towards their objective. Both are tiring each other out. These levels of conflict are harmful to both communities, and indeed, to human society and to the country in general. The Central government and the government of Manipur have to undertake serious and urgent efforts to establish and facilitate a dialogue between the two communities and resolve the conflict. It is their Constitutional responsibility and duty. Representatives of both the communities must also realise that these levels of conflict cannot be sustained and are self-destructive. Conflict fatigue does not seem to have set in. The marginalised and poorer sections in both communities are suffering more. Civil societies, human rights organisations must also take initiatives to promote a dialogue between the two communities at various levels. The state needs to create jobs for Kukis and the Meiteis. There is imbalance in development of the Valley and the hills, which need to be addressed in terms of infrastructure like roads, educational institutions, universities, health infrastructure, including multi-speciality hospitals, markets for agricultural produce, financial infrastructure etc. The hill district area councils need more autonomy, regular functioning, and higher budgets for development of the hills. These could be the first steps.

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

Related:

Divided & strife-torn Manipur: intensified violence, abdication by state & union governments, demands of accountability from BJP MLAs

Fresh violence grips Manipur: Clashes in Jiribam and widespread protests after rape and brutal killings

“Leaked Intelligence report” on alleged Kuki militants entering Manipur from Myanmar sparks panic, later retracted by authorities

The post 2024: Peace, a distant dream for Manipur appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Maharashtra, with a mixed history of intra-community conflict, has in 2024 under a BJP-SS (Eknath Shinde-NCP (Ajit Pawar) regime emerged as a communal hotbed in the year 2024 with the highest number of communal riots and mob lynching incidents. These communal riots claimed 13 lives- three of whom were Hindus and ten of whom were Muslims. The majority of communal riots were triggered during religious festivals or processions, including Pran Pratishthan at Ayodhya Ram Mandir (four riots in January), Saraswati Puja immersions (seven), Ganesh festivals (four), and Bakri Eid (two). This data underscores how religious celebrations are increasingly being exploited as triggers for communal tensions and political mobilisation.

Citizens for Justice and Peace’s Hate Watch programme meticulously monitors day on day such incidents and also gives a visual representation of the same on Nafrat ka Naqsha that can be viewed here.

In addition to the communal riots, 12 incidents of mob lynching were reported in the year 2024, resulting in 10 deaths: one Hindu, one Christian, and eight Muslims. While this represents a decline from 21 mob lynching incidents recorded in the year 2023, the persistence of these attacks remains a concern. Six of these lynchings were linked to cow vigilantism or accusations of cow slaughter. Other cases of lynching were on the pretext of interfaith relationships and assaults targeting Muslims for their religious identity. Geographically, Maharashtra accounted for three lynchings, while Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Haryana, and Uttar Pradesh each reported two incidents, and Karnataka recorded one.

The data analysed reveals a troubling trend: while mob lynching incidents decreased, communal riots reported as reported in these five newspapers surged by nearly 84%. Together, these developments signify an escalation of communal tensions and the marginalisation of Indian Muslims, further threatening the secular fabric of Indian society. The rise in the number of communal riots can be attributed to the General Elections that were held in April/May in 2024 and state assembly elections in the states of Maharashtra, Jharkhand and Haryana. Similarly, the intervention of judicial interventions — calling upon the state to take action against mob lynching especially after Hindus were victims of mob lynching– have resulted in lesser incidents of mob lynching.

On the basis of its annual monitoring exercise, the CSSS based has released these trends of communal violence in India during 2024. The year saw a disturbing shift towards more institutionalized forms of violence, characterised primarily by attacks on places of religious worship and attempts by fringe Hindu right-wing groups to push for archaeological surveys of historic mosques and dargahs, including the Ajmer Sharif Dargah. These actions reflect a concerted effort to reshape India’s socio-political and cultural landscape.

This trend was accompanied by significant legislative changes, such as the introduction of the Uniform Civil Code in Uttarakhand and amendments to the Waqf Board Act. Additionally, the use of bulldozers to demolish properties owned by Muslims without due legal process continued unabated from 2023, symbolising the (mis) use of state power –where governments belong to the Bharaitya Janata Party (BJP) played a large part [1]–being wielded disproportionately against the Muslim community. Bulldozers in the years 2023 and 2024 have become synonymous with a kind of “collective punishment” meted out to the Muslims. Ironically, bulldozers are used to punish Muslims when they are victims of the same communal riots. Furthermore, an increase in communal riots, particularly during religious festivals, has heightened concerns about the erosion of India’s secular and composite cultural fabric.

A more detailed analysis is expected to follow this brief interim report.

[1] The hill states of Uttarakhand and Himachal Pradesh (governed by the Indian National Congress-INC have also witnessed acute communal polarization with the miniscule Muslim minority population being targeted through slurs, hate speech and attacks on places of worship (Sanjauli and Nandi masjids) https://sabrangindia.in/tensions-escalate-in-himachal-and-uttarakhand-multiple-protest-and-rallies-against-mosques/

Related:

Temple-mosque politics: Right Wing’s communal hit list getting longer?

The post How hate spread in 2024, a report of communal violence in India appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The entire tragedy at Parbhani, marked by violent police atrocities and custodial torture, was mitigated, in part, by the timely intervention of senior activists, their legal teams, and local journalists. As the combing operations began, Advocate Pavan Jhondhale and his colleagues swiftly made their way to the police station, where they encountered the terrified families of the victims, who were visibly cowering in fear. Advocate Jhondhale, speaking to SabrangIndia, recounted the chilling scene: “We could hear screams of pain coming from inside the locker room when we were at the police station after the combing operations.”

Advocate Jhondhale highlighted how the advocates were being stopped from meeting the victims. He stated“Following this, they visited the affected areas and made contact with the victims. On December 12, when the victims—seen as accused by the police—were brought to court, their injuries were unmistakable: bleeding, swollen limbs, and other visible signs of torture. The police’s behaviour at the Magistrates Court was hostile. They blocked the advocates from meeting the victims, erecting barricades to prevent communication. This occurred on December 12.”

Sharing how the victims of custodial torture, even after being presented to the court, could not express their pain and abuse that they were facing, Advocate Jhondhale said “Earlier, at the police station, the team had gathered details of the FIRs and the sections under which the victims had been booked. In FIR 590, 27 individuals had been arrested, while in FIR 591, 5 were detained. The advocates requested that the Magistrate ask the accused if they had any complaints about their treatment in police custody. However, out of sheer fear, the victims did not respond. The advocates urged the Magistrate to ask them again, as there were clear signs of injury.”

“When the Magistrate asked again, they still could not detail their treatment, out of intimidation,” Advocate Jhondhale explained. This led Advocate More, his colleague, to argue against extending the police remand due to the ill-treatment the victims had endured. Despite the compelling evidence, the court granted two more days of police custody.

Advocate Jhondhale  stressed on how the conditions of the victims worsened during the next two days that they spent in police custody, “On December 14, the advocates appeared in court again, and by this time, the condition of those who had been arrested had significantly worsened. It was then that the Magistrate ordered the victims to be transferred to Magistrate Custody (MCR). On December 15, a Sunday, all of the victims, including Somnath Suryawanshi, were transferred to MCR. Later that evening, the heartbreaking news came that Somnath Suryawanshi had died.”

While dealing with the fact that Somnath Suryawanshi died due to custodial torture, the team of advocates was also tasked with ensuring that the truth of how Somnath died gets documented and fair procedure is followed. Advocate Jhondhale said “Arguably, had the police custody remand (PCR) not been extended so routinely, a life might not have been lost. The advocates, in their efforts to seek justice, were also directed to the Sessions Court. On the very day of Somnath Suryawanshi’s death, December 15, Advocate Jhondhale provided that they had urgently requested an In Camera post-mortem and forensic examination to be conducted on Suryawanshi not in Parbhani, but in Shambhajinagat (Aurangabad). To ensure this, the advocates had to take the issue of the alleged death in police custody directly to the District Collector at her residential quarters on Sunday evening. They presented the guidelines and cited a Supreme Court judgment to support their demand. As a result of their persistent efforts, the transfer was finally ordered.”

Speaking to the SabrangIndia team, Advocate Pavan Jhondhale was categorical that it was this proactiveness that mitigated what could have turned out to be a far worse situation on the ground. His timely intervention, alongside the efforts of his colleagues and the local community, played a crucial role in addressing the police atrocities and ensuring that the victims’ suffering did not go unnoticed. Without this vigilance and persistence, the situation could have spiraled into something even more tragic.

Notably it was the combined legal and activist efforts of Pavan Jhondhale, Vijay Kale, Mahendra More, Imtiaz Khan, Vishwanath Anbhure, Vijay Sable that ensured some semblance of return to rule of law, in Parbhani post December 10, 2024.

Demands for a judicial inquiry have been made by the local affected population since December 17. In addition to the violent crackdown, several of those who reportedly are either residents of Parbhani or those who were peaceful protesting the desecration of the Constitution on December 10 were arrested on false charges. Among those arrested was Somnath Suryawanshi who succumbed to injuries allegedly inflicted in police custody after he had moved to judicial custody. Speaking to Sabrangindia on the status of the Ambedkarite protestors arrested on charges of rioting, advocate and activist, Rahul Pradhan Pradhan revealed that 26 individuals had been granted bail by the Sessions Court on December 18 and were expected to be released soon. However, five accused remain in jail, though none of them are women or minors.

न्यायासाठी आंदोलन थांबलेले नाही.
परभणी येथे आजपासून “न्याय आंदोलन” सुरू झाले असून परभणीतील सर्व आंबेडकरी समाज पक्षभेद, मतभेद सोडून साखळी आंदोलन करत आहे.

मी ही स्वतः आज या आंदोलनात सहभागी झालो. जो पर्यंत मुख्यमंत्री फडणवीस दोषी पोलिसांवर खुनाचे गुन्हे दाखल करणार नाहीत, तोपर्यंत… pic.twitter.com/oXhhYGt0vt

— Rahul Pradhan – राहूल प्रधान (@RahulPradhan84) December 19, 2024

Opposition protests, growing public discontent with the state government

The custodial death and the sarpanch’s murder became focal points for the opposition during the winter session of the Maharashtra legislature. Members of the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA), including the Congress, Shiv Sena (UBT), and NCP, staged a walkout accusing the government of neglecting law and order. Congress leader Nitin Raut criticised the police and the administration, stating, “The interim medical report confirms police brutality. This is a gross failure of governance, and the government must act immediately to ensure justice.”

सोमनाथ सूर्यवंशीचा पोलीस कोठडीतील मृत्यू अमानुष मारहाणीमुळेच

कायद्याचा विद्यार्थी असलेल्या सोमनाथ सूर्यवंशीची कस्टडी डेथ पोलिसांनी केलेल्या अमाणूष मारहाणीमुळेच झाली. त्यामुळे सूर्यवंशीच्या मृत्यूला जबाबदार असणाऱ्या पोलिसांवर तातडीने गुन्हा दाखल करण्याची मागणी आज सभागृहात केली.… pic.twitter.com/a3wsZzZiD8

— Dr. Nitin Raut (@NitinRaut_INC) December 18, 2024

Speaking in the Assembly, Raut raised the issue of brutality against Dali women by male officers as well. He also took to social media and stated “After the desecration of the Constitution in Parbhani, the police administration took the precautions that should have been taken while this was happening. The police have lathi-charged Buddhists, Bhim Sainiks and those protecting the Constitution. The police have beaten up the mother of a one-and-a-half-month-old child in her house. All this is an outrage. The government demanded in the House to immediately register a case against the guilty police officers and take action.”

परभणीत संविधान विटंबना झाली यानंतर जो काय प्रकार घडला, हे प्रकार घडत असताना पोलीस प्रशासनाने जी दक्षता घ्यायला पाहिजे होती ती घेण्यात आली. बौद्ध लोकांना, भीमसैनिकांना आणि संविधानाचे रक्षण करणाऱ्यांवर पोलिसांनी लाठीचार्ज केला आहे. सव्वा महिन्याच्या मुलाच्या आईला घरात पोलिसांनी… pic.twitter.com/tVkzce2xwT

— Dr. Nitin Raut (@NitinRaut_INC) December 19, 2024

Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Ambadas Danve expressed similar concerns, emphasising that the right to protest was being suppressed under the current regime. Congress MLA Nana Patole argued that the government’s mismanagement of the Parbhani violence and the Beed murder had heightened tensions across the state. Speaker Rahul Narwekar, however, rejected an adjournment motion to discuss these issues immediately, stating that the matter would be taken up later, leading to further outrage among opposition members.

The dual tragedies have led to mounting public anger, with activists, residents, and political leaders demanding accountability. In Parbhani, local residents staged protests alleging that the police crackdown disproportionately targeted Dalit communities. In Beed, Maratha leaders accused the administration of failing to address growing caste tensions.

Activists have raised contentions that the incidents highlight systemic flaws in governance, including police overreach, caste discrimination, and ineffective conflict resolution mechanisms. Opposition parties have called for judicial inquiries into both cases and immediate reforms to prevent such incidents in the future.

Protests and police brutality

The backdrop of these protests lies in the desecration of the Constitution on December 10, an incident that initially led to peaceful demonstrations by Ambedkarite groups. However, according to reports of eye-witnesses from the ground, these protests escalated into violence—an outcome many believe stemmed from law enforcement’s deliberate inaction. Advocate and  activist Rahul Pradhan, who has been on the ground in Parbhani since the incident, told SabrangIndia that the narrative pushed by the police does not reflect the truth. According to Pradhan, the Ambedkarite protests were entirely peaceful and concluded amicably after discussions between protest leaders—including activists Vijay Wakode, Sudhir Salve, and Ravi Kamble—and the police. He emphasised that the violence that later unfolded was not instigated by Ambedkarites but by unknown outsiders who engaged in arson, rioting, and stone pelting while the police stood by as passive onlookers.

Pradhan accused the police of enabling the violence, alleging that law enforcement allowed the hooligans to wreak havoc unchecked for hours. He noted that it wasn’t until the late evening of December 11 that the police began arresting individuals—but shockingly, their focus was on Ambedkarite activists who had peacefully protested rather than the actual perpetrators of the violence. “It seemed as if the police had an agenda, some instructions from above, and they were working according to it,” Pradhan stated.

The arrests of Ambedkarites were part of what Pradhan described as a targeted “combing operation” in Dalit and Buddhist-majority settlements. Such operations typically involve searching areas for individuals accused of cognisable offences, but in this case, the execution was brutal and indiscriminate. Pradhan and other activists recounted chilling accounts of police brutality during these raids, with men, women, and even children reportedly beaten savagely.

The horrors inflicted on these communities are deeply disturbing. Women were not spared, with male police officers allegedly assaulting them in particularly degrading and inhumane ways. Pradhan narrated the ordeal of a woman who had delivered a baby just a month prior—she was reportedly beaten without mercy. In another instance, police officers allegedly grabbed a woman by her hair, stood on her thighs, and struck her with sticks. Independent journalist Sharmistha Bhosale, who has been documenting the aftermath, shared harrowing images of the victims, corroborating these allegations of police excesses.

Rahul Pradhan’s accounts lay bare a grim reality: these raids were not about maintaining law and order but appeared to target Dalit and Buddhist communities in a manner that suggests systemic bias and state complicity. The violence unleashed by the police has left these communities traumatised, with many continuing to demand accountability and justice for the atrocities they endured. Suryawanshi’s death and the events that followed stand as a stark reminder of the deep-seated inequalities and institutional failures that plague the justice system in India. The outrage and protests sweeping Maharashtra are not just calls for justice for one man but a cry against the entrenched caste-based oppression and unchecked state violence that has gone on for far too long.

Sharmistha Bhosale, an independent journalist, also reporting from Parbhani, also shared her perspective with SabrangIndia, expressing deep anguish over the brutality inflicted upon the Dalit community, particularly women. “The way these people, especially the women, have been brutalised is beyond imagination. The targeted individuals are daily wage workers. Male police officers have, with impunity, used excessive force against Ambedkarites. Would male police inflict such gendered violence on women, even older women without the impunity born of political protection,” she asked. Sharmistha Bhosale shared exclusive photographs from Parbhani with Sabrangindia.

Advocate and activist Rahul Pradhan raised serious questions about the conduct of the police and their one-sided investigation into the Parbhani incident. According to Pradhan, the authorities are deliberately diverting attention away from the desecration of the Constitution, which initially triggered the protests. “Why have the police not checked the CCTV footage from the area where the desecration occurred? Did the perpetrator drop from heaven? Why is there no investigation against him?” he asked, pointing to glaring omissions in the police’s approach.

Pradhan also criticised the government for its inaction against the police officers involved. He argued that the absence of suspensions, transfers, or any punitive measures suggests tacit state support for the excessive use of force. “Even after the death of one Dalit man in custody and allegations of mass brutalisation, the government has taken no action against the police. If the state were not backing the excessive use of force against the marginalised, why would it stay quiet till now?” Pradhan remarked.

Pradhan, along with other activists, has demanded an independent judicial investigation into the entire series of events in Parbhani, beginning with the desecration of the Constitution and its underlying causes. He attributed the act of desecration to a climate of hate speeches prevalent in the area. Additionally, he called for the registration of an FIR against the erring police officers, including charges of custodial torture and murder in the case of Somnath Suryawanshi.

The demands for justice—ranging from a transparent investigation to accountability for the police—highlight the systemic flaws in how marginalised communities are treated by law enforcement and the state. The Parbhani incident is not merely a local tragedy but a reflection of a larger pattern of oppression and impunity that continues to plague India’s justice system.

“They took my son’s life” says deceased Somnath Suryawanshi’s mother

Under the scorching December sun in Parbhani, Vijaya Venkat Suryavanshi mourned the death of her eldest son, Somnath Suryavanshi, a 35-year-old law student from the marginalised Vadar community. Speaking to BBC Marathi, Vijaya recounted the heartbreak of losing her son while he was in judicial custody. “They deliberately took my son away. They beat him up and took his life. Then they called me to tell me he was gone,” she said, holding back tears. Somnath had travelled to Parbhani to take an exam but was arrested by the police in connection with the violence that erupted in the city on December 11. The police claim Somnath died of a heart attack, but the family strongly disputes this, pointing to the autopsy report that lists “shock following multiple injuries” as the cause of death.

The violence began after the desecration of a copy of the Indian Constitution placed near a statue of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar. Protests led by Ambedkarite groups culminated in a citywide bandh that escalated into stone-pelting and arson. Somnath, according to his family, had no involvement in the unrest but was arrested on December 11. He was held in police custody for two days before being transferred to judicial custody. By December 15, he was dead. The Suryavanshi family alleges that Somnath was subjected to severe custodial torture, with his brother Premnath detailing how the police “stripped him and beat him for days, trying to keep him alive with medical treatment until he succumbed.”

BBC Marathi’s on-ground reporting revealed accounts from Bhimnagar residents, who described widespread police brutality in the aftermath of the violence. Sudhakar Jadhav, a kidney patient recovering at home, claimed the police forcibly entered his house, dragged him and his son outside, and beat them ruthlessly. “They beat my son so much that his skin peeled off. The marks of their sticks are still visible on his back and thighs,” he said. Women in the area also alleged that they were assaulted, with one blind woman recounting how her son was beaten on his back and head. Activists from the Ambedkar movement accused the police of conducting targeted combing operations in Ambedkarite and Buddhist settlements, indiscriminately attacking residents, including women and children.

Rahul Pradhan asserted that the police “created terror” in these settlements under the guise of maintaining order. Vijay Wakode, another activist, accused the police of orchestrating Somnath’s death, alleging, “They beat him for two days in police custody and continued the assault in judicial custody.” Wakode himself passed away from a heart attack on December 16, adding another layer of tragedy to the unfolding events. Notably, Wakode had also been booked for rioting by the police.

Despite the mounting allegations, Special Inspector General Shahaji Umap dismissed claims of combing operations or misconduct. In a statement to BBC Marathi, Umap maintained that only individuals involved in the December 11 violence were detained and denied reports of police raids in residential areas. On Somnath’s death, Umap refrained from making further comments, suggesting that the medical report would provide definitive answers. There is however no response on the violence inflicted and injuries suffered by victims, evident from not just the post-morten but strong eye-witness accounts.

The Suryavanshi family and the residents of Bhimnagar continue to demand justice, accusing the police of unchecked brutality and systemic targeting of marginalised communities. This case has reignited concerns over custodial violence in India, with activists calling for accountability and reform to address the institutional impunity that enables such incidents. BBC Marathi’s detailed coverage sheds light on the devastating consequences of this alleged abuse of power, offering a grim reminder of the cost of silence and inaction.

Parbhani: Custodial death of a Dalit man

The unrest in Parbhani began on December 10 when a replica of the Indian Constitution placed near a statue of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar was vandalised. The desecration led to widespread protests by Dalit organisations, culminating in violence and clashes with the police on December 11. Incidents of stone-pelting and arson were reported, prompting the police to arrest several individuals. Among those arrested was 35-year-old Dalit law student Somnath Suryawanshi, who had reportedly returned to Parbhani to appear for an exam.

Somnath was taken into police custody on December 12 and subsequently transferred to judicial custody after having spent two days in police custody. On December 15, he complaint of chest pain, and when taken to the hospital was declared dead, with an interim postmortem report stating that the cause of death was “shock following multiple injuries.” His family alleged that he was subjected to severe custodial torture, with his brother, Premnath Suryawanshi, stating, “Somnath had nothing to do with the protests. He was beaten for days until he succumbed to his injuries.” Activists have accused the police of targeting Dalit settlements in the aftermath of the protests against the desecration of the Constitution, claiming that innocent people, including women and children, were subjected to violence during combing operations.

Detailed report on the same may be read here.

Beed: Murder of a Maratha sarpanch raises caste tensions

In Massejeog village of Beed district, the kidnapping and murder of Maratha sarpanch Santosh Deshmukh on December 9 has also caused significant unrest. Deshmukh, known for his leadership in the Maratha community, was allegedly killed in a caste-related dispute. The prime accused, Vishnu Chate, belongs to the OBC-Vanjari community, which has historically been at odds with the Marathas over issues such as reservation and local dominance.

As per multiple reports, Deshmukh’s body was discovered on the highway, and initial reports suggested he was tortured before being killed. Opposition leaders criticised the delay in apprehending the main accused, with NCP MLA Sandeep Kshirsagar noting that despite an extortion case being filed, no murder charges had been officially registered. BJP MLA Namita Mundada from Kaij described Deshmukh as a respected community leader whose death had shocked the region.

Custodial Violence in Parbhani: Tragedy and allegations of police brutality

The custodial death of 35-year-old Dalit youth Somnath Suryawanshi in Parbhani and the kidnapping and murder of Maratha sarpanch Santosh Deshmukh in Beed have triggered widespread condemnation from various political parties, Dalit organisations, and social groups. Both incidents have exposed systemic governance failures and reignited debates on caste-based discrimination and police brutality in Maharashtra.

In Pune, the Matang Ekta Andolan and the Republican Party of India (RPI) organised protests in front of the district collector’s office. RPI leader Parshuram Wadekar called for an independent inquiry into the incidents and demanded stringent action against those found responsible. A Dalit organisation released a statement condemning police actions in Parbhani, claiming that the authorities conducted brutal search operations targeting Dalit youths and women after the protests. The statement read, “After Dalit youths agitated in Parbhani, the police conducted search operations and beat the youths and women. Action should be taken against those found guilty.”

Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) city president Prashant Jagtap announced agitations outside the Pune collector’s office, stating, “Both the Parbhani custodial death and Beed sarpanch murder reflect a breakdown of law and order. This government must be held accountable for failing to protect its citizens.”

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