Meanwhile, the state of Madhya Pradesh is at the top, with 2979 cases of atrocities/violence against STs, Rajasthan being the second highest with 2498 and Odisha only accounts for 773 cases – in registration of cases of offences of atrocities against the scheduled tribe community.

The union ministry report also reveals that, 52,866 cases of atrocities against Scheduled Castes (SCs) and 9,725 cases of Scheduled Tribes (STs) were registered in year 2022 under the PoA Act. The majority of these cases, a staggering 97.7%, were recorded in just 13 states, with BJP-ruled Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Madhya Pradesh topping the list. In 2022, out of 51,656 cases registered under the PoA Act, Uttar Pradesh reported 12,287 cases accounting for 23.78% of the total 97.7 % cases of atrocities against Dalits in 2022 was reported in 13 states. Following this, Rajasthan reported second highest atrocities cases of Dalits with 8,651 cases (16.75%), while Madhya Pradesh had 7,732 cases, making up 14.97%. Other states with a significant number of cases include Bihar with 6509, Odisha with 2902 cases and Maharashtra with 2276 cases.

Moreover, as the table above shows thirteen States, cumulatively accounting for 97.7% (51656) of the total cases (52866) relating to offences of atrocities against members of SCs, registered under the PoA Act in conjunction with the Indian Penal Code, 1860 (repealed), during the year 2022. The report also provides the figures pertaining to the atrocities against the STs. The 13 states directly account for 98.91% (9627) of the total 9735 cases.

India’s disturbing trend of caste-based violence continues to escalate, with Uttar Pradesh topping the list of atrocities against Dalits and marginalised communities. According to the National Crime Record Bureau’s 2022 data, (same period as the ministry’s report) the state reported a staggering 15,368 cases, marking a 16% increase from 2021’s 13,146 cases. Rajasthan follows closely, ranking second with 8,752 registered cases of anti-Dalit violence. Madhya Pradesh retains its third position, accounting for 7,733 cases of atrocities against Dalits.

NCRB 2022 report shows 57,582 cases of Dalit Violence in 2022

The National Crime Records Bureau’s (NCRB) ‘Crime in India’ annual report for the year 2022 also highlighted that the total number of 57,582 cases were registered for committing crimes against Scheduled Castes (SCs), an increase of 13.1% over 2021 (50,900 cases). The crime rate registered shown an increase from 25.3% in 2021 to 28.6% in 2022. In crime head-wise cases, highest number of cases (18,428, 32.0%) were registered under simple hurt followed by cases under Criminal Intimidation with 9.2% (5,274 cases) and SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act with 8.2% (4,703 cases).

Similarly, a total of 10,064 cases were registered for committing crime against Scheduled Tribes (STs), showing an increase of 14.3% over 2021 (8,802 cases). Anti-Dalit crime rate registered increased from 8.4% in 2021 to 9.6% in 2022. The NCRB figures further elaborated that in Crime head-wise cases, highest number of cases (2,826 cases, 28.1%) were registered under simple hurt (2,826 cases) followed by rape with 13.4% (1,347 cases) and assault on women with intent to outrage her modesty with 10.2% (1,022 cases).

The report highlighted that Uttar Pradesh (15,368), Rajasthan (8,752), Madhya Pradesh (7,733), and Bihar (6,509) reported the highest number of crimes against SCs. In UP, the number of crimes against SCs went up from 13146 in 2021 to 15368 in 2022 – an increase of 16%. The figure was 12,714 in 2020.

BJP-ruled UP tops in cases of Dalit atrocities

Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populous state, grapples with an alarming rise in Dalit atrocities. Uttar Pradesh ruled by the BJP for two terms under Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, has earned the unfortunate distinction of topping the list of states with the highest number of registered cases of atrocities against Dalits. Registration of 12,287 Dalits atrocities cases, consisting 23.78% of the total cases reported nationwide in year 2022.

Investigation done by police during 2022 in PoA cases

As the report states, 69,597 cases related to SCs and 12,417 of STs were brought forward by the Police. In which chargesheet had been filed in 49,852 cases and 77 cases transferred to another State/Agency. At investigation stage, 65 cases have been quashed/stayed by the court and Final Report has been filed in 12,113 due to reason of false case, mistake of fact/law, insufficient evidence etc.

However, at the end of 2022, 17,166 cases of SCs and 2,702 ST cases pending with the police, only 2 cases investigated u/s 157(1)(b) of CrPC during the year 2022. In these cases, it is seen that 60.38% cases relating to Scheduled Castes were charge sheeted in courts during 2022, in 14.78% SCs cases final report submitted (such as false, mistake of fact/law, true but insufficient evidence) during the 2022. Similarly, 63.38% cases related to SCs were charge sheeted during the year, with 14.71% of cases having final reports submitted, during the year 2022.

Notably, the disturbing trend in the report also revealed that the conviction rate under the Prevention of Atrocities (PoA) Act plummeted to 32.4% in 2022, a significant drop from 39.2% in 2020.

This downward spiral raises questions about the effectiveness of law enforcement agencies and judicial cognizance in protecting Dalits from caste-based violence despite stringent laws. Further compounding the issue is the scarcity of special courts designated to handle these cases. Out of 498 districts across 14 states, only 194 have established these crucial courts, hindering swift justice for victims, according to report.

Report flags lack of Exclusive Special Courts in India

As section 14 of the PoA Act, empowered the state government to establish Exclusive Special Court for one or more district for dealing with the atrocity and violence cases of scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes for the purpose of providing a speedy trial in such cases, the number of Exclusive Special Courts are not adequate in India as out of 498 total districts across the country only 194 special courts have been established. The number of special courts in the country are not even half of the total districts within the country.

This shortfall created a significant obstacle in delivering justice to victims of caste-based violence and discrimination. As Exclusive Special Courts have powers to take direct cognizance of offences under the Act, the inadequacy of Exclusive Special Courts hampered the proper implementation of the PoA Act and led to delays and ineffectiveness in anti-Dalit violence cases. The report stressed that it is the duty of the State Government to establish adequate number of Courts to ensure that cases under the PoA Act are disposed of within a period of two months, as far as possible.

Special Police Stations for SCs and STs Complaints set up by five states only

As per the report, Special Police Stations for registration of complaints of offences against members of the SCs and STs have been set up in five States includes Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Kerala and Madhya Pradesh. In Bihar’s 38 districts, 40 Special Police Station has been established, in Chhattisgarh’s 28 districts, 27 Special Police Station, 24 in Jharkhand’s 24 districts, 3 in Kerala’s 14 districts and, 51 in Madhya Pradesh’s 52 districts. Despite almost equal establishment of Special Police Station in MP, the state positioned on third in accounting of atrocity cases against Dalits and the marginalised.

Dalit Atrocities soar in UP, 49,613 cases reported from 2018-2021

In March 2023, the Indian government informed Parliament that a staggering number of over 1.9 lakh cases of crimes against Dalits were recorded during the four-year period from 2018. According to data from the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), Uttar Pradesh alone has reported 49,613 cases of total atrocities and attacks on Dalits (11,924 in 2018, 11,829 in 2019, 12,714 in 2020, and 13,146 in 2021). Union Minister of State for Home Affairs, Ajay Kumar Mishra, shared this information in response to a question posed by BSP MP Girish Chandra, who inquired about mechanisms for monitoring such incidents.

NCRB data shows 57,582 cases of Dalit Violence in 2022

The National Crime Records Bureau’s (NCRB) ‘Crime in India’ report for the year 2022 also revealed that a total of 57,582 cases were registered for committing a crime against Scheduled Castes (SCs), an increase of 13.1% from 2021 (50,900 cases). The crime rate registered an increase from 25.3% in 2021 to 28.6% in 2022. The report highlighted that Uttar Pradesh (15,368), Rajasthan (8,752), Madhya Pradesh (7,733), and Bihar (6,509) reported the highest number of crimes against SCs. In UP, the number of crimes against SCs went up from 13146 in 2021 to 15368 in 2022 – an increase of 16%. The figure was 12,714 in 2020.

Most recent shocking instances of anti-Dalit violence in UP, Rajasthan and MP

Sabrang India and CJP have been diligently tracking the alarming rise of hate crimes against Dalits and other marginalised communities in India. The numerous incidents include violence, discrimination, and social exclusion of Dalits have been reported, highlighting the devastating reality of Dalit survival in the country.

Uttar Pradesh

BJP’s government in Uttar Pradesh has faced many severe criticisms for its inability to prevent Dalit violence in the state, despite being in power for two consecutive terms. The recent surge in anti-Dalit attacks has raised concerns about the government’s commitment to protecting the rights of the Dalit community in the state. As the whole country witnessed the horrible tragic incidents of Hathras and Lakhimpur Kheri in year 2020, representing a distressing chapter in India’s ongoing struggle with anti-Dalits crimes and caste discrimination in the state of Uttar Pradesh. The tragic incident of Lakhimpur Kheri where two Dalit minor sisters were found hanging from a tree in Uttar Pradesh’s Lakhimpur district. The family alleged abduction, rape, and murder, later post-mortem reports confirmed that the Dalit sisters were raped before being murder. Similarly, the Hathras incident of rape, murder, and alleged systemic failures, has revealed the systematic exclusion of Social Justice against the victims belonged to Dalits and marginalised communities, especially Dalit women.

CJP’s recent report on Dalit atrocities in the state of Uttar Pradesh may be read here

On August 18, 2024, in Uttar Pradesh’s Ambedkar Nagar, a 21-year-old gang-rape survivor ended her life after UP Police denied to lodge an FIR against three men for the crime and coerced her father into misreporting the complaint. Father of the victim revealed that his daughter had gone missing from their home on the evening of August 16. The father immediately went to the local police outpost to file an FIR but the Police refused to lodge an FIR and forced him to change the complaint. On August 18, the victim’s younger sister discovered her hanging in her room. The devastated father reported to police that his daughter had felt humiliated and abandoned due to the authorities lack of response.

On October 5, 2022, in Ambedkar Nagar, a student hung herself from the ceiling of her room. The father of the victim has reportedly stated that she had gone into “depression” after allegedly being kidnapped and gang-raped by two youth when she was on her way to school in the district’s Malipur area.

Rajasthan

Rajasthan reported the second highest number of Dalit atrocities nationwide, with 8,651 cases reported in 2022. The state’s disturbing trend of violence and discrimination against Dalits persists, despite laws aimed at protection. Brutal incidents, including killings, rapes, and social boycott highlight the need for urgent action and accountability.

On January 26, 2024, a 17 year old tenth-grade student, was busy with creating reels at Ajmer’s Ana Sagar Chaupaati, a popular place for tourists and visitors, when he was attacked. A group of young men approached him and demanded he stop taking videos. Following which, the men who have been identified as Pushpendra, Rohit, and Gokul, assaulted the boy brutally. They used sticks and forced him to kneel down, and made him utter the word “papa.” The torment did not end there; one of the perpetrators even urinated on the young victim and reportedly even forced him to drink liquor.

In Rajasthan’s Alwar, an eight-year-old Dalit boy was reportedly assaulted for touching a water bucket near a hand pump in a village in Rajasthan’s Alwar district. As per a report by the Indian Express, the police have stated that the incident occurred on the morning of March 30, 2024 when the boy, a fourth-grade student at the village’s government school, went to drink water from the hand pump on school grounds. As per the complaint, a man from a higher caste, who was filling the bucket with water at the Time, attacked the boy when he touched the bucket. The man refused to apologise and even shouted at the boy’s family, subjecting them to casteist abuse. A police complaint has been lodged in Ramgarh police station by the parents.

Another incident in Rajasthan’s Karauli district, in what seems to be a shocking incident, a magistrate reportedly asked a Dalit gang rape survivor to undress to inspect her injuries. The magistrate has been booked after the survivor lodged a complaint on March 30, 2024 accusing the magistrate of requesting this during a court session in Hindaun. The incident is being treated as an instance of outraging modesty, and charges have been filed under section 345 of the IPC and the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act.

Madhya Pradesh

Madhya Pradesh reported the third highest number of Dalit atrocities nationwide was also faced criticism recently for curtailing welfare funds of the SC/STs and diverting the SC/ST welfare fund for the welfare of cows, museums and religious sites. As per a document reviewed by the HT, ₹252 crore has been allotted to cow welfare (Gau Samvardhan and Pashi Samvardhan), a total of ₹95.76 crore has been allocated from the SC/ST sub-plan. Madhya Pradesh’s decision to divert ₹95.76 crore from the SC/ST welfare fund to support cow welfare, museums, and religious sites was a shocking betrayal against marginalised communities. This move not only undermines the government’s duty to ensure social justice but also perpetuates the systemic oppression of Dalits. The cow welfare fund has increased from about ₹90 crore in the last year. Madhya Pradesh was the second state after Karnataka to divert funds from the SC/ST sub-plan for other schemes. Karnataka decided to take ₹14,000 crore from the sub-plan for funding its welfare scheme.

A Dalit youth in Mainpuri, while working on his own land, was attacked by a group of men. The authorities have registered a case involving assault and harassment against the Dalit community under the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989. As per reports, the police are now searching for the culprits who are currently absconding. The police have filed a complaint against one Munshi Khan and his associates.

In Morena, Madhya Pradesh, a Dalit sarpanch was reportedly tied to a tree and beaten. After the violence, the man was forced to flee his native village. The sarpanch of Koutharkalan panchayat has reportedly filed a complaint at the Porsa police station on Thursday. He had reportedly faced harassment over the past two years. The attackers had pressured him to leave his position and hand over his digital account details. However, after he refused to follow their demands, the goons allegedly took him to the outskirts of Koutharkalan, tied him to a tree, and brutally thrashed him, covered in a report by CJP.

However, before 2022, India registered 1,89,945 cases of crimes against the Dalit community during the four-year span (42,793 in 2018, 45,961 in 2019, 50,291 in 2020, and 50,900 in 2021). Out of all these cases, chargesheets were filed in 1,50,454 of these cases which resulted in only 27,754 convictions. These are records of only reported crimes having taken place, there is no way to account for cases that never reached law enforcement officers.

What is the Prevention of Atrocities Act 1989?

While acknowledging the deep-rooted caste system and its role in perpetuating atrocities, the Parliament of India enacted the scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 and the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Rules 1995 that come into force with effect from January 30, 1990. This special legislation enacted with aims to preventing commission of offences by persons other than Scheduled Castes and Schedules Tribes against members of SCs and STs and also provide for Special Courts for trial of such offences and for relief and rehabilitation of the victims of such offences. The PoA Act is extended to whole of India.

Ineffective implementation of PoA act still a challenge for Social Justice

The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, remains ineffectively implemented, undermining social justice and defying Supreme Court directives. Despite landmark judgments and established special courts, rising atrocities and low conviction rates expose systemic apathy, compromising protection for marginalised communities.

Importantly, the Supreme Court of India in a landmark judgement of National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights & Ors. vs. Union of India & Ors. (2017) 2 SCC 432, where the bench led by then CJI T.S. Thakur and Justices D.Y. Chandrachud and L. Nageswara Rao, directed the strict implementation of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989. This pivotal decision affirmed the findings of the Justice K. Punnaiah Commission (appointed by the Andhra Pradesh Govt in April, 2003 to inquire into the crimes suffered by SCs and STs) and the 6th Report of the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.

In the National Human Rights Commission’s ‘Open House Discussion’ on “Prevention of Atrocities and other forms of Discrimination against SC/ST Community: Challenges, Protection and Way Forward” held on June 23, 2023, the Director, Ministry of Social Justice & Empowerment also expressed its concern and pointed out that a predominant rise in cases can be seen after the amendments that widened the gambit of the Act when they were introduced. This requires strengthening of the administrative regime, especially the institutional mechanisms or the Police Protection Cells as mandated under the PoA Act, which is being looked after by the MoSJ&E. He further added that as of now, a total of 176 executive special courts have been constituted across the country in order to make the system more approachable for the victims.

The full report of the Ministry of Social Justice may be read here:

Related:

Hate Watch: violence against Dalits fails to get attention

Dalit woman dies of suspicious circumstances after brother, uncle beaten to death

Accused of not voting for “free ration”, Dalit man beaten brutally in UP

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The BJP now has a government–or is part of the government–in 16 states, up from seven states in May 24, 2014, when the party came to power at the Centre: Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Bihar, Goa, Gujarat, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Jharkhand, Maharashtra, Manipur, Meghalaya, Nagaland, Tripura, Sikkim, Uttarakhand and Uttar Pradesh.

At its peak, the BJP had governments (or was part of the government) in 21 states.

With yesterday’s election performance, the Congress now has a government or is part of the government in five states–Punjab, Karnataka, MP, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh–with 21% of the population, up from.two states with 7% population in 2017.

The Congress lost elections in Mizoram, where the Mizo National Front won 26 seats in a 40-member assembly. In Telangana, the incumbent Telangana Rashtra Samithi was voted back to power with 88 seats in the 119-member assembly.

Other parties are in power in seven states–Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, Odisha, Mizoram, Telangana, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal. Jammu & Kashmir is under Governor’s rule.

Of 678 seats in MP, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, Telangana and Mizoram–which account for a sixth or 15.2% of India’s population–the Congress won 305 seats, and the BJP won 199 seats, Election Commission data show.

The BJP lost 180 seats that it won in 2013, and the Congress gained 162 across three state assemblies–Rajasthan, MP and Chhattisgarh–as results were declared on December 11, 2018, according to an IndiaSpend analysis of electoral data, as we reported on December 12, 2018.
In 2013, the BJP won 377 seats and the Congress 118 in the three Hindi-heartland states. The BJP had no seats in Mizoram in 2013, and this was the first election for Telangana, which was created in 2014. This means the BJP lost 48% seats it won in 2013, and the Congress gained 137%, we reported.

In MP, the vote shares of the BJP and the Congress were 41% and 40.9%, respectively. In 2013, the comparable vote shares were 45% and 36%, we reported on December 12, 2018.

In Rajasthan, the BJP and Congress vote shares were 38.8% and 39.3%, respectively. In 2013, the BJP vote share was 45% and the Congress 33%.

In Chhattisgarh, the BJP and Congress recorded vote shares of 33% and 43%, respectively. In 2013, this was 41% for the BJP and 40% for the Congress.
 

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Building upon Narayan’s research, IndiaSpend analysed government nutrition data, spoke to several experts and government officials, and found that:

In India, 7.5% children under five years of age are severely wasted–a rise of 1.1 percentage points from 6.4% in 2005-06, according to National Family Health Survey 2015-16 data. All the experts IndiaSpend interviewed were of the view that eggs included in the mid-day meals of children could be a critical factor in combating malnutrition.
 

Source: NITI Aayog, Swati Narayan
 
“Eggs will be helpful in addressing malnutrition among kids because scientific research shows that animal-based protein is better than plant-based protein,” said Mansi Patil, a public health nutritionist and metabolism clinical dietician at AshaKiran Hospital, Pune.
 
Though some states in India had introduced mid-day meals earlier, this was universalised only in  2001. Eggs were first served in mid-day meals in Tamil Nadu in 1989, when the state was governed by the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK). The initiative started with one egg every two weeks and then was stepped up to one every week.
 
So why are administrations in BJP governed states–some of which, like Gujarat (39.3%) and Madhya Pradesh (42.8%), report a significant percentage of underweight children–not serving eggs in mid-day meals?
 
Officials in BJP governed states interviewed by IndiaSpend said they were concerned about offending the sentiments of vegetarians. “In Gujarat, most of the population is vegetarian,” said RG Trivedi, commissioner (mid-day meal scheme) in Gujarat. “Additionally, we provide pulses daily in mid-day meals as protein-rich food, hence we don’t serve eggs.”
 
Trivedi is correct–61% of Gujarat’s population is vegetarian, according to the latest available census data on food habits. This, however, is not true of the average Indian–70% of Indians eat non-vegetarian food.
 
“You can compare protein content of vegetarian and non-vegetarian foods, but the quality of protein in eggs is higher than others according to the protein digestibility corrected amino acid score (PDCAAS),” said Purnima Menon, Senior Research Fellow at the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), Delhi. PDCAAS is a tool to evaluate a particular protein’s quality based on human requirements and how they digest it.
 
In Himachal Pradesh too, officials spoke of the concerns of vegetarian parents. “We do not give eggs because of religious and cultural issues,” said Naresh Sharma, nodal officer (mid-day meal scheme) for Himachal Pradesh. “People in Himachal Pradesh consider eggs non-vegetarian and there are children whose parents would have problems if we served them. To avoid controversy, we don’t.” The census doesn’t provide data on vegetarianism in Himachal Pradesh.
 
Non-BJP states avoid eggs too, but BJP states most resistant
 
IndiaSpend investigations found that non-BJP states that do not offer eggs in mid-day meals were more constrained by the lack of resources than religious or cultural sentiments.
 
“Non-BJP states such as Punjab, Delhi and Mizoram also do not provide eggs. And Jharkhand, a BJP majority state, does,” said Sinha. “But, in states like Gujarat and Rajasthan, you cannot even talk (about providing eggs) for the fear of hurting upper-caste Hindu sentiments. Over the years, activists have been demanding eggs, but there is more resistance in BJP states due to cultural issues.”
 
On April 22, 2018, the ministry of health and family welfare set off a controversy when it tweeted a stock photograph that seemed to indicate that a vegetarian diet is the only way to stay healthy. The tweet was later deleted, as Scroll.in reported on April 23, 2018.
 
Manisha Chachra, a research scholar in political studies at the Jawaharlal Nehru University who has studied the Hindu right-wing, explained the importance of sattvik food in its ideology. “The BJP is an affiliate of the Sangh Parivar, which ideologically follows certain upper-caste Hindu beliefs as characteristics of Hindutva,” she said. “One of this is the sattvik diet, which excludes non-vegetarian food, onion, and garlic. There is a bigger dietary politics to this kind of exclusion (of eggs).”
 
In Delhi, the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) government has not been able to fulfill its promise of boiled eggs as part of the mid-day meal scheme for school, according to this April 9, 2018, report by India Today.
 
Sinha’s argument about the need for more resources to provide eggs can be corroborated by Arunachal Pradesh’s 2018-19 mid-day meal policy. “Green leafy vegetables and fruits are available in rural areas with minimum prices and these are important items included in the menu, but eggs are not available and unaffordable,” it said.
 
The north-east has a particular problem. Eggs are largely unaffordable here because there are free poultry industries, and this pushes up the price of procurement, said Narayan. “If the central government wanted, it could have provided funds to all states for providing eggs, but it did not,” she added.
 
Former union health secretary K Sujatha Rao told IndiaSpend that costs are a major concern in the inclusion of eggs in mid-day meals. “It would be ideal to have village communities encouraged to develop hatcheries under the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act scheme and have eggs provided to schools and anganwadis,” she said. “These interventions should be decentralised and communities should be more involved rather than only the government.”
 
The other view: Introduce eggs with caution
 
Some dieticians advocate caution in the push for eggs to be included in mid-day meals. “We should ‘introduce’ eggs rather than include them,” said Mansi Patil. “If children are malnourished and we suddenly introduce eggs (into their diet), it may have a negative impact on their bodies. So let’s say we should start with 2-3 eggs a week and then slowly increase (the numbers). We need to realise that a body needs fats and carbohydrates too. There needs to be the right mix of nutrients.”
 
Patil added that the number of eggs that need to be consumed depends on the kind of malnutrition a child suffers from and what kind of metabolism her body has. “In severe acute malnutrition (SAM), as opposed to moderately acute malnutrition (MAM), we cannot introduce eggs right away. We need to focus on carbohydrates and energy first so that the body slowly shapes us to be able to take protein.”
 
Dipa Sinha, assistant professor, Ambedkar University, and an activist with Right To Food campaign, however, said that this cannot be a reason to deny eggs to children. “The overall proportion of SAM kids is low so that cannot be a reason to not provide eggs,” she said. “For SAM kids, there is an established protocol, where they need to be taken to the hospital by anganwadi workers and treated accordingly because they are given a proper diet.”
 
Animal rights activists who advocate vegetarian food in the context of cruelty against poultry birds argue this differently. “Chickens used for eggs are among the most abused animals on the planet,” wrote Bhuvaneshwari Gupta, a former campaigner and nutrition adviser with PETA India, in June 2015 for the Huffington Post. “Most are forced to live their entire lives in an area smaller than the size of an iPad screen. Their beaks are typically cut off with a hot blade to prevent them from pecking each other in frustration, because the industry simply won’t give them more space.”
 
Narayan agreed that the poultry industry needed better standards of hygiene and should be more aware of animal rights. “However, that cannot be a reason to deny eggs to children,” she said.
 
(Saha works as media & policy communications consultant with the Policy & Development Advisory Group, Delhi. Starting September 2018, he will be pursuing his Ph.D. in International Development at the Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex, UK.)

First Published on India Spend
 

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The public affairs index (PAI) 2018 developed by Public Affairs Centre (PAC), a Bengaluru-based think tank, evaluated state governance using 10 broad themes, 30 focus subjects, and 100 indicators, according to its website. These include law and order, economic freedom, environment, transparency and so on. This is the third edition of the index. The previous ones can be found here and here.
 
The top five states in the order of their ranking are Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Telangana, Himachal Pradesh and Karnataka. Of these, Kerala is governed by the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Democratic Front, Tamil Nadu by the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK), Telangana by the Telangana Rashtra Samiti (TRS) and Karnataka by a Janata Dal (Secular)-Congress combine.
 
The top 10 list includes all the southern states–none of which are governed by the BJP. Four states in this list are governed by the BJP and two by its chief opponent, the Congress (singly or in a coalition). Andhra Pradesh, ruled by the Telugu Desam Party, was placed ninth.
 
These ranks are significant because BJP came to power on the promise of delivering development through its sabka saath, sabka vikas (development for all) campaign.
 
“The election manifesto, which revolves around the core issues of good governance and development, discusses in detail the party’s focus at tackling the concerns of price rise, corruption, black money and policy paralysis,” noted the prime minister’s website, narendramodi.in, the day his party’s election manifesto was released–April 7, 2014.

 
 
The PAI index has ranked 30 states, including Delhi. The aggregated rankings of the the top two states–Kerala and Tamil Nadu–have remained the same over three years.
 
“These [southern] states have been doing well historically,” Narayana A, faculty on governance at Azim Premji University, told IndiaSpend. “It may not be the presence or absence of the BJP that matters so much. The nature of politics may be a factor like the mobilisation of other backward classes and scheduled castes states like Kerala and Tamil Nadu.”
 
An enlightened or politically active population puts pressure on governments to perform better, he added.
 
Himachal Pradesh best among small states
 
Himachal Pradesh topped the list of small states. A state is classified as “small” if its population is less than 20 million.
 
Of the 12 small states that made it to the list, BJP heads, or is a part of, the government in eight. Goa and Tripura made it to the top five. The non-BJP exception is the Congress-led government in Mizoram, placed third after Goa and Sikkim.
 
Among the 18 large states (with population over 20 million), the top four were south Indian states, followed by BJP-governed  Gujarat and Maharashtra. Bihar languished at the bottom in the list of large states and the overall aggregated ranking.
 
Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh were the other states at the bottom of the PAI index for large states. All the bottom four large states are BJP-governed.
 

 
BJP-governed states, led by Gujarat, have most economic freedom
 
“The theme of economic freedom explores the effort undertaken by the state governments to improve business environment in the state,” the report said.
 
Gujarat topped the list of five states that offer the most economic freedom while Maharashtra was ranked second. Telangana, placed third before Himachal Pradesh and Haryana, was the only state without a BJP government in this category.
 
“BJP has come to symbolise the economic and political right. They want to present the party as one which promotes business which makes it easy for investments to come in,” said Narayana.
 
The southern states may not do as well as Gujarat in ease of doing or promoting business but Tamil Nadu and Karnataka have done well in attracting foreign direct investment, Narayana pointed out. States like Jharkhand and Madhya Pradesh just provide land or speedy clearances but that makes for only “selective good governance”, he said.
 
India jumped 30 notches up in the top 100 rankings on the World Bank’s ‘ease of doing business’ index, thanks to major improvements in indicators such as resolving insolvency, paying taxes, protecting minority investors and getting credit, The Hindu Business Line reported on October 31, 2017.
 
Gujarat has consistently been ranked first for economic freedom since the PAI was first published in 2016. Bihar was ranked last among the large states on this aspect.
 
Delhi, Tripura fare poorly in law and order
 
Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Maharashtra (in that order) have the best record in managing crime and maintaining law and order among the large states. Haryana and Jharkhand rank the last in this list. The top five safest states feature two BJP-ruled states, including Gujarat, and three governed by others including West Bengal.
 
This theme explored violence, atrocities, and policing including indicators such as rapes, murder, dowry deaths per 100,000 population among other factors.
 
As many as 39 crimes against women were reported every hour in India, up from 21 in 2007, according to Crime in India 2016 report by National Crime Records Bureau, IndiaSpend reported on December 12, 2017.
 
“It is interesting to point out that despite Kerala having a very high number of FIRs, in the matter of their disposal and conviction rate have performed well,” the report noted. “The reason for such high number of crimes reported has been explained by senior police officers of the state as arising out of awareness and social aggression; it cannot be denied that this is an indicator of high trust in the police as an institution.”
 
Nagaland and Goa were the best amongst small states while Delhi and Tripura were at the bottom in this list. These two states have been at the bottom across the three years of the PAI. Nagaland was the best performing as per the aggregated ranking of 30 states.
 
The number of rapes reported each year in Delhi has more than tripled over five years to 2016, registering an increase of 277% from 572 in 2011 to 2,155 in 2016, according to data released by the Delhi Police, IndiaSpend reported on July 8, 2017.
 
Delhi at the bottom on environment and transparency
 
Delhi, governed by the Aam Aadmi Party, is placed last in the list on two counts–environment, and transparency and accountability.
 
Air quality in Delhi is at ‘hazardous’ levels, with areas in the national capital registering an air quality index value–-a composite measure of ozone, nitrogen dioxide, sulphur dioxide and particulate pollution–-of 999 on June 13, 2018, according to the World Air Quality Index, IndiaSpend reported on June 18, 2018.
 
Globally, India fared poorly in terms of environmental health. It is now among the bottom five countries on the Environmental Performance Index 2018, plummeting 36 points from 141 in 2016, The Hindu reported on January 24, 2018.
 
Karnataka emerged as the best in the category among large states while Arunachal Pradesh was placed on top amongst small states. “The two states that stand out are Gujarat which has fallen seven ranks from last three years to 10 now; and Telangana which has improved its position from 17 last year to 7 this year,” the report noted.
 
Transparency and accountability included indicators such as services provided under the e-governance plan, anti-corruption cases disposed as a percentage of total cases registered, and social audit under Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act.
 
Karnataka and Haryana were the top two states on the transparency scale. Kerala fell eight places to 11th among the large states in this respect between 2017 and 2018. But Telangana’s ranking improved seven spots to 4th during the same period.
 
(Paliath is an analyst with IndiaSpend.)

First Published on India Spend
 

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Even as the central government is reportedly mulling passing an ordinance “to restore the original provisions” of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act 1989, at least three BJP-ruled states have begun enforcing the new law as per the recent Supreme Court order. On March 20, the SC ruled that, arrests cannot be made under the law without obtaining prior permission, along with a host of other stipulations.

Image: The Tribune
 
Dalits and civil rights activists fear that the Supreme Court’s ruling weakens the law. Another potential option for the central government is reportedly a bill that may come up in the Parliament’s monsoon session to amend the SC/ST Act. The Centre, which has filed a review petition over the court’s order, has reportedly said that state governments “should not do anything by which the SC/ST Act is weakened or whittled down“. 
 
Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, and Chhattisgarh have handed out formal orders, directing police chiefs to act upon the Supreme Court’s order. Himachal Pradesh has informally disseminated the order to police officers, with DGP S. R. Mardi curiously saying he has only “circulated” the order on WhatsApp to senior police officers, but “no formal instructions have been issued.” Haryana is seeking legal advice.
 
Rajasthan’s ADGP (Civil Rights), M. L. Lather, said that his office sent out a circular to all district police and commissionerates to implement the new guidelines in relevant cases a few days after the Supreme Court’s order. 
 
In Madhya Pradesh, ADGP (Scheduled Castes) Pragya Richa Shrivastava notified officials in charge of SC/ST police stations, districts, ranges, as well as government railway police regarding the Supreme Court order and directed them to comply with the guidelines. According to a senior officer, the guidelines did not require a notification as once the order was passed, it became law. The police headquarters was compelled to send out a circular as a case was reported in the state’s Damoh district following the Supreme Court order. Local police were not aware of the new order, and so adhered to the prevailing guidelines; however, the accused pointed to the new guidelines. 
 
In Chhattisgarh, Additional Director General of Police R. K. Vij, who sent out a circular to all SPs, refused to comment on Monday, April 16. However, a senior police officer said, “Once the Supreme Court issues directives, it is routine practice for the administration to issue orders to the lower rank and file to apprise them of what the Supreme Court has said. This has happened in changes of law of juvenile justice, rape and so on. The police are duty-bound to follow Supreme Court directives. If the Supreme Court were to review the changes, then of course the police would do so too.” Chhattisgarh police issued a circular on April 6. 
 
Haryana’s DGP B. S. Sandhu said, “Although there is a Supreme Court verdict on the case, the Centre has also filed a review petition. Thus, I have forwarded the issue to ACS (Home), requesting him to seek legal opinion on the matter and advise us accordingly. So far, we have not implemented any change. As per standard practice, we do conduct a thorough probe in all such cases before arresting any accused.” 
 
In Punjab, ruled by the Congress, the state welfare department has reportedly advanced the order’s file to Chief Minister Amarinder Singh, who hadn’t responded. On April 1, the Chief Minister’s office said in a statement that the government was “committed to the welfare of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes” and that Punjab’s Assembly “had sought the Centre’s intervention to legally pursue the case.” In Congress-ruled Karnataka, where elections will be held next month, the order has been informally disseminated. Kerala, ruled by the CPI(M), has filed a separate review petition over the Supreme Court order, making it the only state to thus far challenge it. There, the police chief has just forwarded the order.

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