However, the arrest failed to pacify public outrage. By Wednesday night (April 30), around 9:30 PM, a group of men gathered near the market area where the accused had an office and began targeting businesses owned by members of the Muslim community. Videos later circulated on social media showed shops being vandalised, staffers slapped, and stones hurled at a nearby mosque. Several shops and eateries were damaged, and incidents of assault were reported. Though police intervened to de-escalate the situation, their response was widely seen as inadequate.

Right-wing outrage targets Muslim businesses in retaliatory fury

Fuelled by the accusation against the elderly Muslim man, Hindu nationalist organisations swiftly mobilised, broadening their focus from the individual to the entire Muslim community in Nainital. These groups, often operating under the banner of protecting Hindu interests, engaged in a campaign of collective punishment. Their actions extended beyond mere condemnation of the alleged crime, manifesting in direct attacks on Muslim-owned businesses and the physical assault of Muslim individuals.

Despite the prompt arrest of the accused and the completion of the minor’s medical examination – steps indicating the legal process was underway – these right-wing outfits continued their aggressive actions. Their demands often included handing over the accused to their custody, bypassing the judicial system entirely, and further inflamed the communal tensions by propagating a narrative of collective guilt and demanding discriminatory actions against the Muslim population of Nainital

Public reaction escalates into mob violence

The violence on Wednesday night appeared to be part of a broader, emotionally charged backlash. Despite assurances from law enforcement that the accused had been arrested and was facing severe charges, a large crowd moved through the central town area, launching coordinated attacks. Most of the affected establishments belonged to Muslims, heightening communal tensions. Shopkeepers and local residents described the scene as chaotic, with shutters broken, staff beaten, and customers fleeing. Among the worst affected was Monish Jalal, a restaurant owner in Gadi Padaw, who condemned the assault on his livelihood, saying, “We want justice for the girl, but what connection do we have with the accused?” reported the Times of India.

Others, like Bimla Devi, a senior resident running a family tea stall since the British era, described the damage to her stall as “complete destruction.” Both expressed dismay at the lack of timely police action and called for justice — both for the victim and for innocent business owners caught in the crossfire, as reported

Against the tide: Hindu woman stands up for Muslim community

In a striking display of moral courage amidst the rising communal frenzy, a Hindu woman emerged as an unexpected beacon of reason. As a rally of Hindu nationalist supporters marched through Nainital, their chants laced with anti-Muslim slogans in response to the alleged sexual assault, she bravely stepped forward to confront them. Her act was a powerful testament to shared humanity, as she challenged the very premise of their collective blame and the injustice of targeting the entire Muslim community for the alleged actions of one individual. Undeterred by the charged atmosphere and the potential for backlash, she directly rebuked the mob for their indiscriminate attacks on innocent Muslim shopkeepers, emphasising their lack of connection to the alleged crime.

Furthermore, she vocally condemned the abusive and derogatory language employed during the rally.

BJP leader threatened Muslim food vendors

In a video that quickly circulated on social media, BJP leader Vipin Pandey openly threatened to Muslim food vendors, insisting that their shop names must explicitly reflect their Muslim identity. Pandey warned that if the vendors failed to comply within a day, they would face physical assault. The remarks have drawn sharp criticism from various quarters, with many calling them inflammatory and divisive.

Civil society groups and political opponents have condemned the threat as a blatant attempt to stoke communal tensions and marginalise minority communities.

Meanwhile, local authorities have yet to take official action, prompting concerns over law enforcement’s response to hate speech and intimidation.

Political and community demands mount

The unrest prompted swift political and administrative responses. A group of residents submitted a memorandum to Kumaon Commissioner Deepak Rawat, making wide-ranging demands. These included a comprehensive verification of all “outsiders,” especially those belonging to the minority community working as tenants, daily wage earners, or small business owners. They also demanded the seizure of the accused’s property as a deterrent, an inquiry into property acquisitions by individuals from the minority community in commercial areas, and the establishment of a monitoring committee to oversee regional activity.

The memorandum also called for prioritising employment opportunities for local youth, and for Nainital to be declared a “sensitive cultural zone,” complete with special policy safeguards to preserve the town’s heritage and demography.

Administrative response: crackdown on encroachments and security measures

District Magistrate Vandana took immediate administrative action by appointing magistrates to sensitive locations, including the market and mosque premises. She instructed the Nainital District Development Authority to resume its anti-encroachment drive and ordered the completion of pending hearings on illegal constructions within 15 days. On Thursday, authorities carried out marking operations at multiple locations in the city, issuing 150 challans — 100 by the Municipal Council and 50 by the Development Authority — for unauthorised structures, encroachments on public infrastructure, and unapproved construction, according to the Indian Express.

Additionally, a notice was served to the accused, stating that his property was illegal and granting him three days to present his case before further legal action. Police presence was bolstered in sensitive zones, especially around religious sites, ahead of Friday prayers. The district also increased surveillance and verification of taxis, rental services, and roadside vendors to ensure tourist safety amid the turmoil.

Strikes, closures, and tourist disruption

According to reports, the violence and growing unrest had immediate consequences for daily life in Nainital. Schools remained shut on Thursday, and traders in the town centre observed a strike, partly enforced by local right-wing organisations. Amandeep Singh, general secretary of the Nainital Vyapar Mandal, said the strike symbolised collective anger at the crime, while also noting that food arrangements were made for stranded tourists. Police checkpoints were established along major roads, and tourists reported a curfew-like atmosphere, with most shops and restaurants closed.

“The tourism business has been severely affected,” said Nainital Hotel Association President Digvijay Singh Bisht, as Indian Express reported.

Local lawyers boycott case, demand inquiry into Nainital’s changing demographics

The case also resonated within the legal community. In a strong display of protest, district court lawyers unanimously decided to withdraw legal representation from the accused. Advocate Daya Joshi stated that the local bar had also requested an investigation into the recent influx of residents in Nainital. “No lawyer from our bar council will represent this man.”

Similarly, as the Indian Express reported that Protesters have demanded strict punishment for the accused, including the confiscation of their property. They also called for thorough verification drives targeting outsiders—particularly tenants and temporary workers from a specific community—and the identification and deportation of any foreign nationals residing illegally.

Muslim organisations submitted a memorandum to DGP

Simultaneously, Muslim organisations reacted strongly to the targeted violence. In a memorandum to DGP Deepam Seth in Dehradun, they condemned both the heinous crime against the minor and the subsequent attacks on innocent community members. “We too want justice for the girl,” said Naeem Qureshi, president of the Muslim Seva Sangathan. “But the collective punishment of unrelated individuals through violence and arson is unacceptable” as reported in the Times of India.

Uttarakhand High Court takes suo moto action

Taking cognizance of the volatile situation, the Uttarakhand High Court initiated suo moto proceedings. During the hearing, government counsel J.S. Virk informed the bench that heightened security measures were in place, including vehicle checks at key entry points into Nainital — Haldwani, Bhavali, and Kaladhungi. The court, comprising Justices Manoj Kumar Tiwari and Vivek Bharti Sharma, directed authorities to maintain strict law and order, prohibit large gatherings, and monitor social media to prevent misinformation and incitement.

As reported, the bench emphasised the importance of sustained patrolling to ensure that similar unrest does not spread or recur in other sensitive regions like Haldwani. It also called on citizens to cooperate with the administration to restore peace and communal harmony.

Related:

Uttarakhand High Court orders security, condemns hate speech over Uttarkashi Mosque

Stop using politics of hate to hide failure to protect women and their rights: Open Letter to Uttarakhand Govt

Religious hate finds a stage at Dehradun Press Club, event on “how to save women from jihadis” organised

The post Nainital on communal edge after 75-year-old Muslim man booked for alleged rape of minor girl appeared first on SabrangIndia.

While refusing to quash a criminal proceeding initiated based on the above statements, Justice Anand Venkatesh observed that Annamalai had turned a petition filed in the interest of the environment into a vehicle to generate communal tension and the statements had a communal fervour to them.

“From the speech of the petitioner (Annamalai), it is unmistakable that he was attempting to portray a calculated attempt made by a Christian Missionary NGO, which is funded internationally, to destroy Hindu culture. It also whips up a communal fervour when he says “we are all running to the Supreme Court to counter this” The public was, therefore, led to believe that Christians are out to finish off Hindu’s and that “we” (in this context Hindus) were running to the Supreme Court to defend it. A petition filed in the interests of the environment was suddenly converted into a vehicle for communal tension,” the court observed.

The high court also added that the case was another reminder for those in positions of power and influence whose words have a wider reach and impact on the citizens of the country.

Background

After the video clippings of the interview were shared on social media, the respondent Piyush, who is an environmentalist gave a complaint to the DGP, Home Secretary, and the Commissioner of Police, Salem feeling that the post could spread hatred between the two communities. He was, however, informed that the interview did not attract any breach of public peace and no prima facie case was made out.

Thereafter, Piyush applied Section 156(3) and 200 of CrPC before the Salem Judicial Magistrate, who, finding that a prima facie case had been made out under Section 153A and Section 505(1)(b) of IPC, issued summons to Annamalai. This summons and the entire proceedings was challenged by Annamalai.

Annamalai, in his defence, claimed that the speeches could at best be taken as a cry in anguish. He submitted that the interview was given as early as in 2022, but the complaint was made after about 400 days and the issue itself and during this period no untoward incident had taken place based on the speech.

Piyush, on the other hand, argued that Annamalai’s speech was a dog whistle, sending a political message in a particular manner to be understood by a particular demographic. He added that necessary state sanction had been taken and a detailed order had been passed by the Magistrate while taking cognizance which showed the application of mind and did not require any interference.

The high court also observed that the psychological impact on a person or a group would also come within the definition of hate speech and thus the courts should not only focus on the prima facie physical harm while dealing with these types of cases. The court further observed that the posts made on Twitter were permanent data and acted like a ticking bomb waiting to have its desired effect at a point of time. The court stated also that Annamalai’s statements had a prima facie psychological impact on the targeted group.

“Hence, the psychological impact of a statement made by a popular leader must not be merely confined by testing it only to immediate physical harm and it is the duty of the Court to see if it has caused a silent harm in the psych of the targeted group, which, at a later point of time, will have their desired effect in terms of violence or even resulting in genocide,” the court said.

The court also upheld the order of the Magistrate, stating that it was well-considered order while issuing the summons. Appreciating the order, the court added that it was rare to see such a well-considered order taking cognisance, particularly at the Magistrate level. Thus, finding that the order was well reasoned, the court refused to exercise its powers under Section 482 CrPC to interfere with the prosecution.

Related:

Chhattisgarh & Maharashtra: SC directs police to ensure no hate speech by BJP MLA Raja Singh & Hindu Jan Jagruti Samiti rallies

Muslims continue to feature as main characters in hate speech

28 States and UTs have appointed nodal officers to curb hate speech in compliance with 2018 Tehseen Poonawalla verdict :Union Home Ministry to Supreme Court

The post “Environmental Interest Converted Into Communal Tension”: Madras High Court Refuses To Quash Criminal Case Against BJP State Head Annamalai appeared first on SabrangIndia.

People assembling outside Paikar police station in Birbhum, West Bengal

Birbhum/Kolkata: Sunday, which witnessed a massive hashtag movement trending against Islam and Prophet Muhammad on Twitter. A similar model was perhaps being replicated in West Bengal to disturb the communal harmony, during the Maharashtra and Haryana assembly elections. Jharkhand too will have assembly polls in November-December.

However, this time around the efforts of the divisive forces was averted by West Bengal Police and local residents. Learning from  past mistakes  (Bashirhat), the police officials of Paikar Police station in Birbhum district were effective enough to pick up on Sanjay Kumar (name changed) for posting an offensive post in connection with Prophet Muhammad.

But given the inflammatory content on the post (a snapshot of which lies with eNewsroom) the Muslims from the adjoining area began assembling outside the police station demanding for immediate action against the arrested person.
 

When contacted Purnendu Bikash Das, officer-in-charge of Paikar Police Station. He said, “Yes, there was a cybercrime case, we have arrested him, and he shall be punished.” On being asked about the tension that gripped the area, he without divulging much details said, “The situation is under control.”

Speaking to eNewsroom, MD Ripon, one of the members of Bangla Sanskriti Mancha (BSM), an NGO, which has been working towards bridging the differences between the two Hindus and Muslims said, “I have been on the spot since the issue began, which was when a boy from Ammudda village began protesting outside the police station. Soon many more joined in. Also, we spotted some boys affiliated with the RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh) lurking around. However, on being confronted they disappeared from the spot.”

He further said, “The police along with us was able to handle the first batch of protesters, by explaining them the technicality and assuring that the boy would be punished for his offence. However, post-lunch, some local boys in a deliberated state began to create a ruckus once again. This time they even pelted stones. To stop the mob from attacking the police station, the officials had to resort to tear gas and lathi-charge to disperse the mob. The situation is now under control.”
 

The post Like Bashirhat, boy circulates derogatory content on Prophet Muhammad but Birbhum saved from burning appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Image Courtesy: IndusLadies

Githa Hariharan (githahariharan.com) is the author of novels, short stories, essays, newspaper articles, and columns.

Courtesy: Indian Cultural Forum.
 

The post Remembering Another Rama on Ram Navami appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Sabrang India spoke to Bagchi who sees clear signs of a new communal equation emerging in West Bengal.

Representational Picture. Image credit: India.com

SabrangIndia (SI): How many places were affected by recent communal tension?

Suvojit Bagchi (SB): Difficult to say. Received phone calls from many towns and villages and seen many reports on social media and video blogging sites. But I will refrain from naming the places as I have not visited the areas. However, I spoke to people who could be trusted and they have confirmed severe communal tension in four places– Chandannagore from Hooghly district, Kharagpaur in West Medinipur,  Hazinagar in North 24 Paraganas and Chachal in Malda districts .

SI: What is the scale and nature of damage?

SB: Again I will not conjecture on the nature and scale of damage as long as I have not visited or met the people in the area. It is particularly important as the state government has said that a section of the media is publishing “distorted reports.” So we need to visit these places. Two weeks after the flare up from October 11-15, I have managed to visit only one of the places twice – Hazinagar in North 24 Paraganas.

SI: What have you witnessed there?

SB: Much of it is published in The Hindu. But there are many angles to it which can be explored in further detail as you know a communal clash cannot occur suddenly, like a road accident. It takes time, it takes planning. It has multiple reasons – which unfold over weeks, months and years. Individuals with specific interests work as a catalyst, while political parties use such individuals. However, political parties may also fan tension between communities for very particular political requirements. So multiple issues come to play and you can only touch the surface in a two-day visit.

One factor was interesting in Hazinagar. The list of rioters provided to me by the leaders of Trinamool Congress features many local level leaders or even municipal councillors of the TMC. They are TMC in the morning and organise programmes for the Viswa Hindu Parishad (VHP) at night. Prabhat Khabar – a leading Hindi daily – published a small story in its October 3 edition naming many such local leaders and councillors of TMC who organised Hanuman Chalisa distribution programme for the VHP recently. This tiny information says a lot about today’s Bengal… that the civic body councillors are overtly engaging with an outfit which has a very clear agenda. This perhaps tells us how the politics of Bengal is changing and (changing) fast.

SI: You named one such person… Pradeep Pashi.

SB: I did. I was very keen to meet him as well but could not so far. This gentleman was close to CPI-M at one point of time. Now he is publicly with the TMC and he led the riots. Everybody in the area confirmed that Pashi led the scuffle in many areas. Now all the parties – especially CPI-M and TMC – tell me that he is an “anti social.” But Pashi was always an anti-social who engaged with the ruling parties whenever it suited him. Actually there is nothing surprising as that is how it works in the country. Now he realises that it suits him to be with TMC in the day and to lead a riot at night for right-wing outfits… he is doing that. His name, however, was not mentioned in the report of the Hindi daily.

SI: Are you suggesting that TMC led the riots?

SB: I won’t say that. TMC means Mamata Banerjee and it also means that they do have a secular credential. They have addressed many issues which have given some relief to the minorities. Many boys and girls of the Muslim community told me that they felt “empowered” as they are not unnecessarily hounded by the state and experience small pleasures like visiting shopping malls. I’m not saying that it did not happen in CPI-M’s time – but a section of the Muslims, if not the entire community, loves the chief minister, which is not a bad thing in today’s India.

Perhaps they also liked Jyoti Basu and often say – especially these days – that they did not have any communal tension during Basu’s time. TMC is aware that they have a solid Muslim vote base and thus they can’t afford to antagonise them either.

But TMC also did things which gave confusing signals. For example, one may ask why it is so important for the top leadership to so actively engage with anything that is religious – for all the communities – constantly mixing religion with affairs of State or politics. Why is that important? Now, if the State continuously engages with everything that is religious then the people perhaps start thinking that they can do anything in the name of religion and get away with it.

In Bengal the State perhaps needs to de-link itself with all religion a bit while ensuring law and order especially during the time of festivals. But it is challenging because the rise of BJP at the national level has changed many things in Bengal.

SI: How?

SB: I was talking to Piyush Ghosal. He was CPI-M’s zonal committee member, worked in the same area – Hazinagar – for many years and knows the area very well. He said something interesting. He said – which I quoted in The Hindu – that there was communal tension earlier too, during their time. In fact, in the 1990s a Koran was set on fire in Hazinagar and it was a very difficult time. But CPI-M could diffuse it as the organisation was remarkably powerful. All the MPs and MLAs and councillors belonged to them. Much like it is now for the TMC – they have 22 of the 23-member board in the local municipality. But many of them – as I said earlier – work for VHP or other Hindu outfits. CPI-M had an organisation, which did not have leaders with dual identity, and thus they could control sensitive situations quickly. TMC has an issue with its organisation.

But the other advantage (of CPI-M) is also significant. Historically they did not ever experience a buoyant BJP in the state, in the backdrop of a very strong BJP at the national level. This rise of BJP has impressed millions in India and there is no reason to think that the Bengali middle-class is not part of it. There is another issue.

There are many in the state who have come from East Pakistan and later Bangladesh. Like my family during Partition. Many of these people are covertly communal. They are Bengalis, they were part of CPI-M and even their top leaders, but they never publicly expressed any anti-Muslim bias. Because they knew that the party does not approve it. So the Bengalis, especially those who came from Bangladesh, had two opposing identities. They were communists and they were the people directly affected by Partition. The size of this population is huge. I do not know the percentage but I will not be surprised if these people (with roots in East Pakistan/Bangladesh) make up 35-40 percent of all Bengal’s electors, three to four out of nearly 10 crore people. I’m not saying majority have an issue with the minority but perhaps the majority has a problem.

The post “A new communal Equation is evolving in West Bengal, TMC Cadre during the Day are VHP Activists at Night” appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The post अहिंसा की धरती चम्पारण में बीते चार दिनों से जारी है हिंसा appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Image: The Indian Express

Its finest hour was in the aftermath of the Gujarat communal riots in 2002, when it actively held the state government to account for relief, reparations and justice for the survivors. But for much of its tenure, the NHRC has often been criticised for inaction during human rights violations in contexts of communal, caste and gender violence and discrimination, extra-judicial killings, torture and forced disappearances.

However, a recent report by the NHRC, for the first time, opens it up to grave criticism not just of inaction, but of actively contributing to a majoritarian, communally-charged discourse. Its team visited the Muslim-majority township of Kairana in western Uttar Pradesh in which some Muslim survivors of the communal violence in 2013 had migrated after being uprooted because their homes and families had been attacked and they felt it was unsafe to return. The report, in effect, regards these Muslim migrants not as victims deserving the defence of the NHRC but as people responsible for contributing to raised levels of crime and the harassment of women which resulted in the “exodus” of law-abiding Hindu residents from Kairana.

The NHRC states that it acted on the basis of a complaint by Supreme Court advocate Monika Arora, but the charge of a Hindu “exodus” from Kairana because of the alleged criminal activities of riot-affected migrants was first raised by BJP MP Hukam Singh. His complaint was part of an old strategy of majoritarian communalists to paint the Hindu community as victims even when Hindu communalists perpetrate communal attacks. His communally explosive charges were disproved by investigations by The Indian Express, The Hindu and NDTV, which demonstrated that most of the 346 Hindus alleged to have left Kairana did so much earlier in search of better opportunities, or were dead or still living in the town.

The NHRC still felt it fit to reinvestigate the same communally motivated charges that had been publicly disproved. It concurs in its report that because of “the post-rehabilitation scenario resulting in resettlement of about 25-30,000 members of Muslim community in Kairana town from district Muzaffarnagar, UP, the demography of Kairana town has changed in favour of the Muslim community becoming the more dominating and majority community”. The report agrees with “witnesses” and “victims” that “the rehabilitation in 2013 has permanently changed the social situation in Kairana town and has led to further deterioration of law and order situation.”

There is much that is extraordinary about these NHRC findings. In a recent report Living Apart: Communal Violence and Forced Displacement in Muzaffarnagar and Shamli, Akram Chaudhary, Zafar Eqbal, Rajanya Bose and I documented the exodus forced by communal attacks of around 50,000 Muslims, of whom around 30,000 were living in poorly resourced and self-settled refugee colonies. We described the enormous suffering of these displaced persons, forced forever to leave the villages of their birth in a continuing climate of hate and fear, moving from camps to tiny tenements, with education, livelihoods and social relationships destroyed. This exodus, caused by communal violence, spurred no action in support of the displaced persons by the NHRC. The thousands of Muslims forced to leave their villages because of targeted communal attacks are not “victims” or “witnesses” for the NHRC. They are, instead, the problem. The “victims” are the Hindu residents of Kairana town where the riot-displaced persons took refuge. It is also noteworthy that since 2013, the NHRC has taken no significant initiatives to assist riot victims.

Further, the figure of 25-30,000 persons having come into Kairana town after 2013 is a gross exaggeration. Our survey, reported in Living Apart, had found around 200 riot-affected families in Kairana. After the NHRC report, Akram Akhtar and his colleagues undertook a fresh survey in case they had missed any resettled families and found another 70 stray Muslim families in the outskirts of the town. Even if we assume an average family size of seven, this would still amount to around 2,000 persons, a far distance from the irresponsible figure quoted by the NHRC. 

The 2011 census showed that Kairana had a population of 89,000 persons, of who more than 80 per cent were Muslim. It is difficult to see then how an addition of 2,000 persons had so drastically altered the demography of Kairana “in favour of the Muslim community becoming the more dominating and majority community”, as stated by the NHRC, when it was already an overwhelmingly Muslim majority town. What is even more regrettable is that this small increase of Muslim people internally displaced by hate-violence is stated by the NHRC to have resulted in a deterioration of the law and order situation in Kairana town. Once again, this conclusion is not based on any crime figures or other data presented by the NHRC; instead, this is based on the statements of the Hindu “victims” that its team chose to speak with. The NHRC report states: “At least 24 witnesses stated that the youths of the specific majority community (Muslims) in Kairana town pass lewd/taunting remarks against the females of the specific minority community in Kairana town. Due to this, females of the specific minority community (Hindus) in Kairana town avoid going outside frequently. However, they could not gather courage to report the matter to the police for the legal action.”

Our enquiries with the local police revealed that there were no complaints of so-called “eve-teasing” or lewd remarks by Muslim youth made to them over the last year. It is highly unfortunate that the NHRC report plays into the communal stereotype that dates back to Partition — of Muslim young men sexually harassing Hindu girls. This is even more irresponsible because it was precisely this charge against Muslim youths that sparked off the 2013 communal massacre that led to the killings, arson and forced exodus of Muslims from mixed villages in the region. For the NHRC to accept these conclusions, without any credible independent evidence, reflects its unacceptable complicity in communal rumour-mongering and stereotyping.

This is a precipitous fall for the NHRC, from the heights it attained under the leadership of Justice J.S. Verma — after the Gujarat 2002 communal riots, it chose the mantle of the principal defender of the rights of a survivors of the gruesome attacks. The NHRC was unflinching and uncompromising as it documented the many failings of the state and central government in ensuring the protection, relief, compensation, rehabilitation and access to legal justice for the survivors. It was the NHRC which itself moved the Supreme Court to oversee the investigation and trial of the major massacres. From these heights, the NHRC slipped later to a record largely of wilful passivity during subsequent communal and caste massacres. But it has today allowed itself to echo communal majoritarian labelling of the victims. We have seen many public institutions enfeebled and compromised in recent years. The NHRC is too important a public institution, created as it was for the defence of the rights of the weak and oppressed, to be destroyed in this way.

(This article was first published on Indianexpress.com. It has been republished with the permission of the author.)

The post Not NHRC’s finest hour appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Umarkhed (Maharashtra): Following stone pelting near Markaz Masjid between two communities during Ganesh immersion, communal tension have erupted in the town of Umarkhed in Yavatmal district.

As many as 35 people including 12 policemen have been injured in the incident and 29 men have been detained, reports suggest. Minority community alleged one-sided action from police as the cops detained men only from the minority community.

On Thursday, September 15,at around 5 pm when people were offering afternoon prayer at Markaz Masjid, Ganesh bhakts were taking Ganesh procession and were playing DJ with high volume. Sources told TwoCirlces.net that Ganesh Bhakts did not stop playing DJ while passing through Masjid lane even though they were requested by people to turn it off and that resulted into stone pelting from both the sides.

“Windows and gate of Masjid was damaged due to stone pelting. Nearly 25 Muslims were also injured,” a source told Twocircles.net on condition of maintaining anonymity.
Local media reported that considering the sensitivity Police had already decided the route to be followed by Ganesh Mandals, however, Chhava Ganesh mandal of Tambolipura took procession on the wrong route where Markaz Masjid was stationed due to which communal tension flared up in the town.

Local media reported that although police could control stone pelting in an hour, angry mob burned down four shops and six vehicles, all belonging to minority community.
As a mark of protest, all Ganesh Mandals then stopped immersion and demanded arrest of minority people involved in stone pelting or they would not immerse Ganesh idols. Rajendra Nazardhane, BJP MLA from Umarkhed also raised same demand before the immersion of idols due to which police started to round up people from Minority community.

It was only on Friday, when 29 people were detained by police, that the Ganesh Mandals proceeded with immersion. People from minority community alleged that police indiscriminately detaining youth under the pressure of MLA and to please Ganesh Mandals, however, their community has suffered major losses in the stone pelting and burning of properties.

“They (police) came knocking at the doors at 3 am in the night and took away my son. He was not involved in any anti social activity but it seems out of enmity some people gave his name to police,” said a mother of one of the youth detained by police.

After the reports of random detention of minority youth reached Maulana Nadeem Siddique , Secretary, Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind (Maharashtra) called up SP of Nanded and IG of Amravati and requested them for fair investigation and not to harass innocent.
“ Akhilesh Kumar (SP) has assured me that they will release innocent youths who were not involved in stone pelting. I have also requested him to not work under any pressure and arrest miscreants from other community too”, Siddque said.

Courtesy: A Mirsab, TwoCircles.net

 

The post Communal Tension in Maharashtra: Stone pelting near Mosque during Ganesh Immersion appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Warm greetings from Sakhi Kendra, India! You might be aware of the violence that broke out in Kanpur during the month of March 2001.

Actually, for three–four months before the out–break of violence, there was some tension in the city but the administration and police chose to ignore the developments. Just one day before the outbreak of violence i.e. on March 15, 2001, a few hooligans made an attempt to burn an effigy as a protest against rumours of the burning of the Quran in Delhi, when the police stopped them. To enforce their will, a bomb was flung on inspector Suresh Chandra Badhauria of Beconganj police station. One week before this incident, volunteers of the Student Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) plastered posters and leaflets regarding the incident of the burning of the Quran, in Anwarganj, Chamanganj, Beconganj, Bajariya, Meston Road and other sensitive areas of Kanpur. This created tension and inflamed sentiments but the police and administration chose not to pay attention and not to intervene.

It was only when this procession reached the Shikshak Park, Naveen Market and tried to burn an effigy of the Prime Minister that the police intervened… As is usual during communal riots, the police gave a go–by to lawful conduct and instead of first scattering the mob with the use of tear gas, began indiscriminately firing.

According to official figures, 25 were killed, 8 are missing and 50 persons are injured. Unofficial investigations reveal that 100-200 persons have sustained bullet injuries and with as many as ninety per cent of those injured having injuries above the waist.

Though fundamentalists from the Hindu community also tried to give communal flare to this incident, they were utterly unsuccessful.

The police supported the communal criminals (belonging to the majority community) and there is evidence of this: The bangles’ market and shoe markets, where a majority of the shops are owned by Muslims was gutted down and though the these markets are located just behind the kotwali (the main police station of the city/control room) where a large police force is available all the time, the destruction was neither averted nor stopped. Incidentally these areas have never been targeted before during previous riots; they cannot therefore be categorised as communally sensitive localities.In order to raise issues related to the welfare of the victims of violence, we have formed the Kanpur Citizen’s Council. Members of this council met the police commissioner on April 3, 2001 and put our concerns before the administration. These are:

• Those students who have missed their examinations because of the imposition of curfew should be allowed to give their examinations;
• An accurate assessment of losses incurred should be made and reparation and compensation paid in accordance with the loss.
• A regular occurrence during communal violence is that the police fails in its primary duty towards citizens by failing to register complaints. Hence the Kanpur Citizen’s Council has taken the initiative of visiting various areas, establishing complaint complaint camps in different localities to collect complaints. The police commissioner has assured us that the district magistrate or the ADM will be present at these camps and that these complaints will be registered and treated as an FIR. Already, on April 5 and 7, two complaint camps were held at which nearly 100 complaints were registered. Most of these complaints were not registered by the police. Others were complaints, which had been registered but had no action taken by the police or the administration. The KCC is following up each of these complaints with the police.
• We have asked the administration to gather the complete records of persons missing, injured and killed during violence.
• Members of the KCC have decided to hold survey on the basis of government survey in order to get an accurate picture of the violence.
• During the violence, many innocent people have been indiscriminately arrested and hence the KCC has placed it’s demand with the administration that these people should be released forthwith We also took out a peace march under the banner of Manav Sadbhavana Abhiyan (a combined platform of activists and organizations of Kanpur) to convey a message of peace, solidarity and harmony.

Thanks to some of these combined interventions by the citizens of Kanpur, the administration has admitted that the violence was not communal violence but occurred because of the failure or the lack of desire to intervene. This admission itself is a victory for secular forces.

Neelam Chaturvedi

Sakhi Kendra, Kanpur, (India).

 Archived from Communalism Combat, May 2001 Year 8  No. 69, Open Letter

The post ‘Victory of secular forces’ appeared first on SabrangIndia.