Protest in 2025 was neither exceptional nor episodic. It formed part of the routine functioning of a democratic society in which citizens repeatedly turned to collective action when institutional mechanisms proved inadequate or unresponsive. From workers and farmers to students, environmental defenders, and religious minorities, different groups asserted their claims through peaceful assemblies, strikes, marches, sit-ins, and, at times, confrontational resistance.

Farmers returned to the streets years after the repeal of the farm laws because core demands remained unaddressed. Workers mobilised because new labour regimes threatened job security and social protection. Students protested because universities were being reshaped without consultation, autonomy, or academic rationale. Indigenous communities resisted development projects that endangered land, forests, rivers, and cultural survival. Women-led care workers demanded recognition of labour that the state depends upon but refuses to formalise. LGBTQIA+ communities marched not for symbolic inclusion, but for tangible civil rights denied through legislative inaction.

Equally significant was the geographic spread of these protests. They were not confined to metropolitan centres or politically oppositional states. Demonstrations occurred in border regions, hill states, conflict zones, university towns, industrial belts, forest villages, and district headquarters. This dispersion reflected a deeper reality: that the pressures producing dissent were systemic rather than sectoral.

The State’s response formed a critical backdrop to these mobilisations. Increasingly, protest was governed through prohibitory orders, preventive detentions, mass registration of FIRs, denial of permissions, barricading of public spaces, internet restrictions, and aggressive policing. Laws originally framed as exceptional—such as national security statutes or public safety legislation—were routinely invoked against demonstrators, students, and organisers. The language of governance shifted decisively from negotiation to control.

This year-ender documents these protests chronologically, treating each mobilisation as a distinct political event rooted in its own context. It does not seek to romanticise dissent or frame protest as crisis, but to record how public action functioned as a means of negotiation, contestation, and constitutional engagement throughout the year.

January 2025: Fragmented beginnings, shared democratic anxiety

1. Universities push back against the draft UGC regulations, 2025

January opened with Indian universities acting as early warning systems for democratic erosion. Students and faculty across campuses mobilised against the Draft UGC Regulations, 2025, which proposed fundamental changes to the governance of higher education. The regulations sought to centralise power in the hands of the Union government by altering Vice-Chancellor appointment processes, diluting academic qualifications, and legitimising the induction of non-academic ‘industry experts’ into university leadership.

Left-leaning Students’ Federation of India (SFI) organised marches, classroom boycotts, public readings of the draft regulations, and discussions highlighting how these changes threatened institutional autonomy. Faculty associations warned that the proposals undermined peer review, disciplinary expertise, and the principle of universities as self-governing communities. The protests framed higher education as a constitutional public good linked to equality and freedom of thought, rather than as a market-driven enterprise.

2. Trade Unions place economic justice at the centre of the budget debate

Parallel to campus mobilisations, organised labour intervened in the Union Budget process. Ten Central Trade Unions (CTUs) submitted a joint memorandum to the Union Finance Minister ahead of the 2025–26 Budget. The memorandum foregrounded unemployment, inflation, contractualisation of labour, and the erosion of social security.

Workers demanded the filling of vacant public sector posts, expansion of MGNREGA to 200 days with enhanced wages, introduction of an urban employment guarantee, restoration of the Old Pension Scheme, and a halt to privatisation and disinvestment. The memorandum underscored that fiscal policy choices have direct constitutional implications for the right to livelihood and social justice.

3. Farmers reclaim Republic Day as a site of constitutional assertion

On January 26, farmers once again occupied public space through tractor rallies organised by the Samyukta Kisan Morcha across northern and central India. The rallies reiterated unresolved demands following the repeal of the farm laws, including a legal guarantee of Minimum Support Price, loan waivers, compensation for families of deceased protesters, and withdrawal of criminal cases against farmer leaders.

By mobilising on Republic Day, farmers deliberately linked their demands to constitutional promises of dignity, equality, and economic justice. The presence of tractors in urban centres challenged narratives of growth that marginalise agrarian distress.

February 2025: Labour, pensions, and the crisis of secure employment

1. Nationwide government employees’ protests against the new pension scheme

Throughout February, government employees across states organised coordinated demonstrations demanding the restoration of the Old Pension Scheme (OPS). Rallies, organised by 10 central trade unions and independent sectoral federations and associations, were held in state capitals, district headquarters, and outside secretariats, with participation from teachers, clerical staff, engineers, health workers, and employees of public sector undertakings. Protesters argued that the New Pension Scheme (NPS), which links retirement benefits to market performance, fundamentally undermines the principle of social security.

Many participants highlighted that deductions from salaries over decades no longer translated into guaranteed post-retirement income. Retired employees spoke publicly about sharp reductions in expected pensions, while younger workers expressed anxiety about their future in the absence of defined benefits. The protests framed pensions not as a fiscal burden, but as deferred wages and a constitutional obligation of the welfare state.

State governments responded unevenly. While some engaged in negotiations, others invoked prohibitory orders and restricted assemblies. The persistence of these protests throughout the month underscored the depth of discontent among salaried public servants.

2. Trade Union mobilisation against the four Labour Codes

February also saw intensified mobilisation against the four Labour Codes passed earlier but yet to be fully implemented. Central trade unions organised gate meetings, factory-level demonstrations, and citywide rallies in industrial belts and banking centres. Workers argued that the Codes diluted protections relating to job security, union recognition, collective bargaining, and workplace safety.

Union leaders warned that provisions allowing longer working hours, simplified retrenchment processes, and reduced inspection mechanisms would institutionalise precarity. The protests connected labour law reform to broader economic trends—privatisation, contractualisation, and informalisation—arguing that the Codes formalised employer dominance.

Police presence was heavy in several cities, and union leaders were briefly detained during demonstrations. Despite this, protests continued across the month, signalling organised labour’s refusal to accept the Codes without substantive revision.

3. Education sector protests in Kerala against draft UGC Regulations

In Kerala, February witnessed sustained protests by teachers and academics against the Draft UGC Regulations. Under the banner of the All India Save Education Committee, faculty members organised marches, seminars, and symbolic actions including the public burning of draft copies. These protests explained in detail how the regulations threatened academic autonomy by centralising appointments and diluting qualification norms.

Speakers at the protest warned that universities would be transformed into administratively controlled entities, undermining peer review and disciplinary expertise. The protests framed education as a constitutional instrument of social justice rather than a market-driven service. The sustained nature of the protests reflected deep concern within the academic community.

4. Samsung workers continue sit-in against union suppression in Tamil Nadu 

Workers at Samsung India Electronics Limited’s Kancheepuram facility continued a sit-in protest that entered its fifteenth day on February 19, following the suspension of three office-bearers of the Samsung India Workers Union (SIWU). The union alleged that the suspensions were retaliatory and aimed at weakening collective bargaining.

The protest centred on two demands: reinstatement of the suspended union leaders and an end to the company’s reliance on contract labour. Workers accused the management of acting without due process, including suspending leaders without issuing show-cause notices.

Family members of workers joined the protest, underscoring the broader social impact of the labour dispute. The union announced plans to escalate the agitation if negotiations failed, including serving a strike notice.

The standoff highlighted ongoing tensions in India’s manufacturing sector over unionisation, labour rights, and state labour department intervention.

March 2025: Gendered labour and environmental resistance

1. Anganwadi and ASHA workers’ indefinite secretariat protest in Kerala

March marked one of the most sustained women-led protests of the year. Thousands of Anganwadi and ASHA workers gathered outside the Kerala Secretariat, launching an indefinite sit-in. These workers—central to nutrition delivery, maternal health, vaccination, and disease surveillance—demanded minimum wages of ₹21,000, recognition as government employees, pension benefits, and retirement security.

Protesters detailed long working hours, expanding responsibilities, and stagnant honorariums that failed to reflect their workload. Many women spoke of debt, health issues, and the absence of social protection despite decades of service. The protest highlighted how the welfare state relies on feminised labour while refusing formal recognition.

Negotiations with the government remained inconclusive, and police barricading restricted movement around protest sites. The sit-in continued through the month, becoming a focal point of labour resistance.

2. University of Hyderabad students defend the Kancha Gachibowli Forest

Students at the University of Hyderabad organised sustained protests against the proposed auction of the Kancha Gachibowli forest for commercial development. Marches, sit-ins, poster campaigns, and night-long vigils framed the forest as an ecological commons vital to the city’s environmental health.

Protesters demanded transparency, environmental impact assessments, and public consultation. They warned that urban expansion without ecological safeguards would exacerbate climate vulnerability. The protests linked environmental protection to democratic planning and the right to the city.

April 2025: Preventive Laws and the Criminalisation of Dissent

1. Statewide Mobilisation Against the Maharashtra Special Public Safety Bill

April saw widespread protests across Maharashtra against the proposed Maharashtra Special Public Safety Bill. Civil liberties organisations, lawyers’ collectives, farmers’ unions, student groups, and political parties organised district-level marches and public meetings. Protesters warned that the Bill’s vague definitions would enable preventive detention of activists without adequate judicial oversight.

Legal experts explained provisions clause by clause at protest sites, transforming demonstrations into spaces of constitutional education. The protests stressed that normalising preventive laws erodes the presumption of innocence and chills democratic participation.

Despite heavy police presence and restrictions on assemblies, protests continued throughout the month, forcing public debate on the Bill’s implications.

May 2025: Indigenous Land, Development, and Militarisation

1. Protests against the Siang upper multipurpose project in Arunachal Pradesh

Indigenous communities in Arunachal Pradesh organised continuous protests against the proposed 11,000 MW Siang Upper Multipurpose Project. Under the Siang Indigenous Farmers’ Forum, villagers held sit-ins, road blockades, and village assemblies opposing displacement and ecological destruction.

Resistance intensified following the deployment of armed forces to facilitate survey work. Protesters described the move as intimidation, particularly in the absence of free, prior, and informed consent under the Forest Rights Act. Women led many of the protests, asserting custodianship over land, rivers, and cultural heritage.

The movement framed development as a political choice rather than a neutral necessity, demanding community consent as a binding requirement.

2. Tamil Nadu sugarcane farmers demand higher FRP and revival of SAP

Sugarcane farmers in Tamil Nadu held protests in Chennai demanding a Fair and Remunerative Price (FRP) of ₹5,500 per tonne and the reinstatement of the State Advisory Price (SAP) by scrapping the revenue sharing formula introduced in 2018. The agitation was led by the Tamil Nadu Sugarcane Farmers Association (TNSFA), affiliated to the All India Kisan Sabha.

Farmers argued that the Union government’s announced FRP of ₹3,550 per tonne for the 2025 season was insufficient to cover rising input costs. They reiterated demands for implementation of the M.S. Swaminathan Commission’s recommendation of MSP at C2+50, warning that current pricing policies were accelerating the decline of sugarcane cultivation in the state.

The protest also highlighted long-pending dues of ₹1,217 crore owed by private sugar mills for procurements between 2013 and 2017. Farmers accused mills of delaying payments despite legal obligations under the Sugar Control Order, 1966, and demanded immediate disbursal of arrears.

Additionally, farmers called for the reopening of closed cooperative sugar mills, citing mismanagement and policy failures. They argued that reviving these mills would not only ensure fair procurement prices but also provide rural employment and stabilise the sugar economy in Tamil Nadu.

June 2025: Rights, Recognition, and the Limits of Constitutional Morality

1. Pride marches as claims to substantive citizenship

June 2025 marked a significant shift in the character of Pride marches across India. Held in Delhi, Mumbai, Bengaluru, Kolkata, Chennai, Hyderabad, and several smaller cities, Pride this year unfolded in the immediate aftermath of the Supreme Court’s refusal to recognise same-sex marriage, with the Court deferring responsibility to Parliament. This context fundamentally shaped the tone of the marches.

Participants framed Pride not as a celebration alone, but as a protest against legislative inertia. Placards, speeches, and manifestos articulated concrete demands: civil unions, inheritance and succession rights, joint adoption, medical decision-making authority, spousal benefits, and protection from discrimination in housing and employment. Protesters repeatedly emphasised that the absence of legal recognition translated into material precarity—particularly for queer persons estranged from natal families or excluded from informal social safety nets.

The marches also reflected generational differences within the movement. Older activists spoke of decades lost to criminalisation under Section 377 and warned against courts retreating from their role as protectors of minority rights. Younger participants highlighted intersections with caste, class, disability, and religion, arguing that queer exclusion compounds existing vulnerabilities.

Police presence was visible but restrained in most cities, though organisers reported heightened surveillance and bureaucratic hurdles in securing permissions. The marches collectively underscored a central contradiction: constitutional morality invoked in judgments remains hollow without legislative and administrative follow-through.

2. Mass mobilisation at Azad Maidan against Maharashtra Special Public Safety Bill 

Thousands gathered at Mumbai’s Azad Maidan on June 30 to protest the proposed Maharashtra Special Public Safety Bill, 2024, which critics described as a sweeping law aimed at curbing dissent. The protest brought together people’s movements, Left parties, and opposition formations under the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA), marking one of the largest coordinated mobilisations against the Bill.

The demonstration was organised primarily by the CPI(M) and CPI, with participation from trade unions, student organisations, farmers’ groups, and civil liberties collectives. Leaders from the Shiv Sena (UBT), Congress, and NCP (Sharad Pawar faction) attended, signalling a broad political consensus against the proposed legislation.

Addressing the gathering, CPI(M) state secretary Ajit Nawale characterised the protest as a decisive stand against what organisers viewed as an authoritarian expansion of state power. Protesters travelled from across Maharashtra, responding to calls to oppose provisions that allegedly allow for preventive action against vaguely defined threats to public order.

With the Bill expected to be tabled in the monsoon session of the Assembly, the mobilisation underscored growing concerns about legal frameworks that, according to critics, could be used to target activists, political opponents, and marginalised communities under the guise of public security.

July 2025: Mass Mobilisation and the Convergence of Long-Standing Struggles

1. Adivasi resistance to Forest Department overreach in Chhattisgarh

In July, Adivasi communities across Chhattisgarh intensified protests against forest department actions that curtailed Community Forest Resource (CFR) rights recognised under the Forest Rights Act (FRA), 2006. Large rallies were held in Bastar, Surguja, Dantewada, and Kanker districts, drawing participation from village councils and grassroots organisations.

Protesters detailed how administrative circulars and evictions undermined Gram Sabha authority. Marches culminated in district headquarters, where memoranda were submitted demanding withdrawal of orders that violated statutory rights. The protests were marked by repeated assertions of the constitutional principle that development and conservation cannot proceed by dispossessing Indigenous communities.

Police monitored demonstrations closely, and in some areas, prohibitory orders were imposed. Despite this, mobilisation continued throughout the month, reflecting deep-rooted resistance to bureaucratic encroachment.

2. Nationwide Bharat Bandh of July 9

On July 9, a nationwide Bharat Bandh called jointly by Central Trade Unions (CTUs) and the Samyukta Kisan Morcha brought together workers and farmers in one of the largest coordinated actions of the year. Banking services, transport networks, coal mining operations, steel plants, and manufacturing units were disrupted across multiple states.

The bandh opposed the implementation of the four Labour Codes, privatisation of public sector undertakings, rising unemployment, and inflation. Protesters emphasised that economic policy was being formulated without democratic consultation, disproportionately burdening workers and small producers.

Heavy police deployment, detentions of union leaders, and prohibitory orders were reported in several cities. Nevertheless, participation remained significant, underscoring the scale of economic discontent.

3. Protests by terminated school staff in West Bengal

July also saw repeated marches by thousands of teaching and non-teaching staff in West Bengal who lost employment following judicial scrutiny of recruitment irregularities. Protesters described themselves as “untainted” and demanded differentiated accountability rather than blanket termination.

Demonstrations in Kolkata included long marches, sit-ins, and symbolic actions highlighting the human cost of administrative failure. Families spoke of financial distress, interrupted education of children, and social stigma. The protests raised difficult questions about governance failures and the limits of punitive institutional responses.

4. Bipartisan protests over arrest of Two Keralite nuns in Chhattisgarh 

Protests intensified in Kerala and New Delhi following the arrest of two Catholic nuns—Sister Vandana Francis and Sister Preeta Mary—at Durg railway station in Chhattisgarh on July 25, on charges of kidnapping, human trafficking, and forced conversion. The arrests were made following a complaint by a Bajrang Dal member, triggering widespread outrage among religious groups, civil society, and political leaders across party lines.

The protests assumed a rare bipartisan character, with Members of Parliament from both the United Democratic Front (UDF) and the Left Democratic Front (LDF) publicly denouncing the arrests outside Parliament. Leaders alleged that the charges were fabricated and reflected a broader pattern of targeting minorities, while also criticising the role played by right-wing groups in precipitating police action.

As protests gathered momentum, Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan wrote to Prime Minister Narendra Modi demanding justice for what he described as the “unfair incarceration” of the nuns. Senior leaders from Left parties, including Brinda Karat and Annie Raja, travelled to Chhattisgarh to engage with local authorities and affected families. Opposition leaders in Kerala linked the arrests to a wider climate of hostility toward Christians in BJP-ruled states.

The Union Minister of State for Minority Affairs stated that the matter was sub judice, while noting efforts by BJP leaders to engage with church authorities. Despite these assurances, protests continued, reflecting broader anxieties over religious freedom, misuse of criminal law, and the growing role of non-state actors in triggering arrests related to alleged conversions.

August 2025: Electoral Integrity, Labour Precarity, and Agrarian Anxiety

1. Protests over electoral roll revisions and voter deletions

August 2025 saw sustained and coordinated protests across Delhi, Maharashtra, Bihar, Karnataka, Telangana, and West Bengal over alleged irregularities in electoral roll revisions. Opposition parties, civil society groups, student organisations, and independent election watchdogs mobilised demonstrations outside offices of the Election Commission of India (ECI) and district election authorities.

The immediate trigger for these protests was the publication of revised electoral rolls in several constituencies that showed large-scale deletions of voters, particularly from urban poor settlements, minority-dominated neighbourhoods, migrant worker colonies, and informal housing clusters. Protesters argued that many deletions were carried out without due notice, verification, or accessible grievance redress mechanisms.

Demonstrations included marches, sit-ins, submission of memoranda, and symbolic actions such as mock voter registration drives to highlight procedural opacity. Legal activists addressed gatherings, explaining how disenfranchisement—whether intentional or through administrative negligence—directly undermines the basic structure of electoral democracy.

Police responses varied by region. In Delhi and Mumbai, heavy barricading and preventive detentions were reported, while in smaller towns protests were dispersed citing prohibitory orders. The protests foregrounded electoral integrity as a constitutional concern rather than a partisan issue.

2. Prolonged agitations by sanitation and municipal workers

Across several cities in August, sanitation workers intensified protests against privatisation, contractualisation, and delayed wages. In Chennai, Hyderabad, Gurugram, and parts of Uttar Pradesh, municipal workers staged sit-ins outside civic offices, undertook hunger strikes, and halted sanitation services for limited periods.

Workers detailed chronic issues: employment through contractors despite performing perennial civic functions, absence of social security benefits, hazardous working conditions, and lack of compensation for occupational injuries. Many protesters belonged to marginalised caste communities, underlining the intersection of caste and labour precarity.

Municipal authorities responded with threats of termination, police complaints, and selective negotiations. Arrests of protest leaders and forcible dispersal of sit-ins were reported in some cities. The protests highlighted the contradiction between celebrating cleanliness initiatives and eroding the rights of those who perform essential sanitation labour.

3. Farmers’ mobilisation against trade policy and import liberalisation

A joint platform of the Samyukt Kisan Morcha (SKM) and ten central trade unions across Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan, and parts of Maharashtra organised rallies in August opposing trade agreements and import policies perceived to expose Indian agriculture to volatile global markets. Tractor rallies, village-level meetings, and district marches were held to articulate concerns over declining crop prices and rising input costs.

Farmers warned that tariff reductions and import liberalisation disproportionately harm small and marginal cultivators while benefiting large agribusiness interests. Protest speeches frequently referenced the unresolved demands from earlier farmers’ movements, including legal guarantees for Minimum Support Price (MSP).

Police presence remained significant, particularly near state borders, reflecting continued state sensitivity to agrarian mobilisation.

4. Farmers push back against scrapping of import duty on Raw Cotton 

The All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) strongly condemned the Union government’s decision to scrap the 11% import duty on raw cotton between August 19 and September 30, 2025, a move notified by the Central Board of Indirect Taxes and Customs (CBIC). According to the CPI(M)-affiliated farmers’ organisation, the temporary removal of the duty would lower the price of imported cotton, thereby exerting downward pressure on domestic cotton prices at a crucial point in the agricultural cycle.

AIKS highlighted that the timing of the decision was particularly damaging, as cotton farmers across major producing regions had already completed sowing and incurred substantial input costs in anticipation of remunerative prices. With harvesting approaching, any decline in prices would directly impact farm incomes. Cotton-growing regions, the organisation noted, are already marked by chronic agrarian distress, indebtedness, and a history of farmer suicides, conditions that could be further aggravated by this policy shift.

The organisation also drew attention to what it described as a contradiction between the decision and the Prime Minister’s Independence Day speech, in which assurances were made about safeguarding farmers’ interests. AIKS argued that India’s inability to protect its textile sector amid tariff measures imposed by the United States had resulted in domestic farmers bearing the burden of global trade pressures, despite being the weakest actors in the supply chain.

Citing data from the Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices (CACP), AIKS pointed out that cotton farmers were already receiving minimum support prices far below the C2+50 formula recommended by the Swaminathan Commission. The organisation further underscored the stark disparity between state support to cotton farmers in India and the United States, warning that continued concessions under external pressure could extend similar policy measures to other crops. AIKS called for a united nationwide agitation to compel the government to reverse the decision.

September 2025: Incarceration, representation, and regional discontent

1. Families of political prisoners protest prolonged undertrial detention

In September, families of activists and students incarcerated under stringent national security and anti-terror laws organised prolonged sit-ins and demonstrations at Jantar Mantar and in several state capitals. Many detainees had spent years in custody without commencement or completion of trial.

The protests were marked by testimonies from parents, spouses, and siblings who described the financial strain, psychological trauma, and social isolation caused by prolonged incarceration. Lawyers addressing the gatherings highlighted systemic issues: repeated denial of bail, delayed filing of chargesheets, and the normalisation of long-term undertrial detention.

Placards and speeches reframed the issue as one of constitutional rights rather than individual guilt or innocence. Police permitted the protests but maintained heavy surveillance, occasionally restricting movement citing security concerns.

2. Protests against media narratives and communalisation in Kashmir

In Srinagar and other parts of the Kashmir Valley, residents organised protests against national television channels accused of communalising incidents of violence and erasing local contexts. “Godi media hai hai!”- this is what a crowd of locals chanted today as they gathered around ABP News anchor Chitra Tripathi in Srinagar’s Lal Chowk during a protest to condemn the Pahalgam attack. Demonstrators gathered near press clubs and public squares, holding placards demanding ethical journalism and accountability.

These protests took place under intense surveillance, with movement restrictions imposed intermittently. Participants argued that misrepresentation in national media contributes to stigma, collective punishment, and further securitisation of civilian life in the region.

3. Intensification of the Ladakh movement for statehood and safeguards

September marked an escalation in the Ladakh movement demanding statehood and constitutional protections under the Sixth Schedule. Youth-led marches, hunger strikes, and shutdowns were organised across Leh and Kargil districts.

Protesters argued that prolonged central administration without elected representation had led to policy decisions taken without local consent, particularly regarding land, environment, and employment. Heavy security deployment, clashes, and reports of casualties deepened regional alienation and drew national attention to unresolved autonomy questions.

October 2025: Universities, autonomy, and administrative centralisation

1. Panjab University students’ shutdown over democratic deficit

In October, students at Panjab University enforced a complete shutdown of academic activities protesting delays in Senate elections and increasing centralisation of decision-making. Sit-ins, teach-ins, and marches were organised within and outside the campus.

Students argued that prolonged administrative control without elected bodies undermined institutional autonomy and student representation. Faculty members expressed solidarity, framing the issue as symptomatic of broader governance trends affecting public universities.

Police presence remained restrained, but university authorities initiated disciplinary proceedings against protest leaders. Similar, smaller protests were reported in other central universities, indicating a wider crisis of institutional democracy.

2. Dalit settlement demolished in Gurugram 

Residents of Premnagar Basti in Gurugram protested after large-scale demolitions razed most of the 45-year-old Dalit settlement. Families alleged forced evictions carried out despite legal protections and promises of rehabilitation.

The demolitions followed long-standing litigation initiated by local commercial interests. Protesters argued that the action violated constitutional protections and land acquisition laws.

Police action against protesting residents drew sharp criticism, reigniting debates over urban evictions and housing rights.

November 2025: Public health crisis, environmental breakdown, and faith under threat

1. Mass protests against lethal air pollution in North India

November 2025 saw sustained public protests across Delhi and the National Capital Region as air quality deteriorated to hazardous levels, with Air Quality Index readings remaining in the ‘severe’ category for extended periods. Residents, environmental groups, parents’ associations, and medical professionals mobilised protests demanding urgent state intervention to address the public health emergency.

Demonstrations were held outside government offices, pollution control bodies, and public squares. Protesters highlighted the failure of short-term emergency measures and criticised policy inertia despite recurring annual crises. Doctors and health experts participating in protests warned of irreversible harm to children, the elderly, and those with pre-existing respiratory conditions.

Placards and public statements framed air pollution not as an environmental issue alone but as a violation of the right to life and health. Protesters demanded long-term structural solutions, including regulation of industrial emissions, vehicular pollution control, agricultural stubble management through state-supported alternatives, and accountability of enforcement agencies. Police presence remained visible but protests were largely peaceful, reflecting broad public consensus on the gravity of the crisis.

2. Flash protest at Lalbagh against Hebbal–Silk board tunnel project

On November 15, student and environmental collectives held a flash protest inside Bengaluru’s Lalbagh Botanical Gardens opposing the proposed 17-km twin tunnel road project between Silk Board and Hebbal. The protest was led by the All India Students Association (AISA) and Fridays For Future–Karnataka, who described the project as an expensive and environmentally hazardous intervention being pushed forward without adequate scrutiny or public consultation.

Protesters alleged that the Karnataka government was advancing the multi-crore tunnel project despite expert warnings and unresolved gaps in the Detailed Project Report (DPR). They highlighted that the estimated cost of the project—between ₹17,000 and ₹20,000 crore—would make it one of the most expensive transport infrastructure initiatives in the state. Activists questioned the prioritisation of such expenditure at a time when metro fares were being increased on the grounds of funding shortages, arguing that the tunnel would primarily benefit a limited section of private vehicle users.

A central concern raised during the protest was the absence of a mandatory Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA). According to the organisers, no comprehensive geological, hydrological, or biodiversity studies had been conducted, despite the tunnel passing beneath ecologically sensitive zones. Environmental groups warned that large-scale underground drilling could destabilise soil layers, disrupt groundwater flow, and worsen Bengaluru’s already severe flooding and drainage problems.

The protest also drew political attention, with Leader of the Opposition in the Karnataka Legislative Assembly, R. Ashok, accusing the Congress-led state government of damaging the environment in the name of development. Speaking at a separate event near Sankey Lake, he alleged that the project was proceeding without approvals from key departments, including the Environment, Archaeology, and Forest Departments. Together, the protests and political interventions highlighted growing public concern over transparency, environmental governance, and urban planning priorities in Bengaluru.

3. Workers’ and farmers’ protests mark five years of the 2020 Farmers’ Protest

On November 26, hundreds of thousands of workers and farmers across India participated in coordinated protests to mark the fifth anniversary of the 2020 farmers’ agitation. Rallies and demonstrations were reported in over 500 districts following a joint call by the Samyukta Kisan Morcha (SKM) and Central Trade Unions (CTUs), making it one of the largest nationwide mobilisations of 2025.

The immediate trigger for the protests was the notification of the four Labour Codes on November 21, which trade unions opposed as anti-worker and detrimental to long-established labour protections. Workers from coal mines, railways, ports, refineries, textile mills, banks, and other sectors organised rallies, strikes, and workplace protests, with demonstrators in several locations burning copies of the labour code notifications as a symbolic rejection of the reforms.

Farmers joined the protests in large numbers, staging demonstrations at local, district, and state administrative headquarters in solidarity with workers and to press their own unresolved demands. SKM linked the mobilisation to the earlier farmers’ movement that forced the repeal of the three farm laws in 2021, while also highlighting the government’s failure to fulfil its commitment to provide a legal guarantee for Minimum Support Price (MSP), a key promise made at the time of the withdrawal of the protests.

The November 26 actions also carried constitutional significance, as the date coincides with Constitution Day. Protesters accused the BJP-led central government of undermining constitutional values through labour reforms, majoritarian politics, and policies that marginalise religious minorities. The participation of student unions, women’s organisations, agricultural workers, and civil society groups reflected a convergence of labour, agrarian, and democratic rights concerns across the country.

4. Goa mobilises against Coal Transportation corridors 

People’s movements in Goa, supported by the National Alliance of People’s Movements, organised mass protests against infrastructure projects facilitating coal transportation through the state. Protesters warned that rail, road, and port expansions threatened Goa’s ecology and livelihoods.

Demonstrations demanded the halting of port expansion, railway double-tracking, and denotification of rivers declared national waterways. Activists argued that public hearings had been ignored.

The Chalo Lohia Maidan protest highlighted sustained resistance to projects perceived as prioritising corporate interests over environmental protection.

December 2025: Workers’ rights, environmental resistance, and targeted violence

1. ASHAs, Anganwadi and midday meal workers’ day-and-night agitation in Hubballi 

December opened with a significant mobilisation of women workers in Hubballi, Karnataka, where hundreds of Accredited Social Health Activists (ASHAs), Anganwadi workers, and midday meal workers launched an indefinite day-and-night agitation outside the office of Union Minister Pralhad Joshi. Workers travelled from Vijayapura, Bagalkot, Belagavi, Gadag, Haveri, Dharwad, and Uttara Kannada districts to participate in the protest, converging at Chitaguppi Park adjacent to the minister’s office.

The protest was centred on long-pending demands for regularisation of services, improved honoraria, and recognition as workers rather than volunteers or part-time staff. Protest leaders highlighted that despite performing essential public health, nutrition, and education-related work, ASHAs and Anganwadi workers remain excluded from basic labour protections, social security benefits, and fair wages.

As negotiations with officials failed to yield immediate results, protesters spent the night in the open, continuing their agitation into the following day. Trade union leaders, including representatives from Akshara Dasoha Noukarara Sangha, CITU, and the Anganwadi Workers Association, addressed the gathering, framing the struggle as one for dignity of labour and gender justice. The agitation was suspended only after assurances were given by both State and Central Ministers, including an offer for dialogue in Delhi, underscoring the persistence required even to secure negotiations.

2. Violent clashes over Amera Coal Mine expansion in Surguja, Chhattisgarh 

On December 3, tensions escalated sharply in Chhattisgarh’s Surguja district as villagers protested against the proposed expansion of the Amera coal extension mine operated by South Eastern Coalfields Limited (SECL) in Lakhanpur block. Residents alleged that attempts were being made to expand mining operations without lawful land acquisition, consent, or adequate compensation, threatening agricultural land, water sources, and residential areas.

When villagers attempted to prevent officials and workers from accessing the mine site, clashes broke out between protesters and police personnel deployed at the location. According to reports, villagers used sticks, axes, and slingshots, while police resorted to force to control the crowd. Around 40 police personnel sustained injuries, and several villagers were also hurt during the confrontation.

The protest reflected deep-seated anger over extractive projects proceeding without community consent, particularly in tribal and rural areas. Villagers demanded an immediate halt to mining activities until land acquisition was carried out lawfully and livelihood concerns were addressed. The incident highlighted the volatility of resource conflicts and the consequences of bypassing participatory decision-making processes.

3. Farmers’ ‘Rail Roko’ protest against Electricity (Amendment) Bill in Punjab 

On December 5, farmers and farm labourers in Punjab, under the banner of the Kisan Mazdoor Morcha (KMM), staged a statewide ‘symbolic rail roko’ agitation to protest the draft Electricity (Amendment) Bill, 2025, and the installation of prepaid smart meters. Railway tracks were blocked at several locations, including near Amritsar, for a few hours.

Protesters argued that the proposed amendments would adversely affect the agriculture sector by increasing electricity costs and exposing farmers to market-driven tariff regimes. Farmer leaders accused the Centre of ignoring their concerns and warned that the policy would deepen agrarian distress. Several farmer leaders were reportedly detained by police ahead of the protest, though farmers continued to mobilise in large numbers.

The agitation was framed as part of a broader resistance to policy decisions perceived as undermining rural livelihoods. Farmer unions warned of escalating protests, including the removal of smart meters, if demands were not addressed.

4. Anganwadi workers’ statewide strikes in Andhra Pradesh and sit-ins in Tamil Nadu 

Between December 10 and 12, over one lakh Anganwadi workers in Andhra Pradesh went on a statewide strike, while workers in Tamil Nadu organised sit-ins and protests in Chennai demanding improved working conditions and recognition as full-time government employees. Clad in pink saris to symbolise unity, Anganwadi workers and helpers gathered in large numbers, raising slogans and submitting memoranda to authorities.

Key demands included twelve days of menstrual leave annually, twelve months of maternity leave, substantial pay hikes, travel allowances, and regularisation of services. Workers highlighted the contradiction of being classified as part-time employees while routinely working more than eight hours a day for meagre honoraria. Police removed protesters from protest sites in Chennai, underscoring the constrained space for collective bargaining.

The protests foregrounded gendered labour exploitation within state-run welfare schemes and drew attention to the emotional, physical, and economic toll on women workers delivering essential services.

5. Protests against threats to the Aravalli Hills in Rajasthan (December 23)

On December 23, protests intensified across Rajasthan against a new definition of the Aravalli hills accepted by the Supreme Court, which activists and Opposition leaders warned could leave over 90 per cent of the range vulnerable to mining and construction. Demonstrations were held in cities including Jodhpur, Udaipur, and Sikar, with protesters demanding environmental protection and review of the decision.

Clashes were reported in some locations, with police resorting to baton charges and detentions. Environmentalists, lawyers, and local communities argued that the revised definition threatened not only ecological balance but also the livelihoods and cultural sites of tribal and rural populations residing below the 100-metre elevation threshold.

The protests drew on decades-long histories of environmental resistance in the Aravalli region and framed the issue as a struggle to protect a fragile ecological heritage from renewed extractive pressures.

6. Kerala Protests After Attack on Children’s Christmas Carol Group 

Widespread protests erupted in Kerala after an alleged attack on a children’s Christmas carol group in Palakkad by an RSS-BJP worker. The incident, involving physical assault and damage to instruments, triggered condemnation from political parties and church authorities.

Youth organisation DYFI announced district-wide protest carols, framing the response as a defence of communal harmony. Political leaders across parties criticised attempts to justify the attack. Police arrested the accused, who was already facing charges under the Kerala Anti-Social Activities Act. The incident came amid heightened concern over communal violence in the state.

7. Protests against Christmas-time violence targeting Christian communities 

Between December 24 and 26, Christian communities and civil rights groups organised protests and solidarity gatherings across multiple cities in response to a wave of violence, intimidation, and disruptions targeting churches and worshippers during the Christmas period. Incidents included vandalism at Raipur’s Magneto Mall and disruptions of worship services in Jabalpur and Delhi’s Lajpat Nagar.

A prominent silent protest was held in Mumbai’s Goregaon West, organised by the Samvidhan Jagar Yatra Samiti and the Bombay Catholic Sabha. Participants held placards invoking constitutional values and freedom of religion, deliberately avoiding slogans to underscore the dignity and gravity of the protest.

Organisers described the attacks as part of a broader pattern threatening the constitutional right to freedom of conscience and worship. The protests demanded accountability, protection for religious minorities, and an end to impunity for perpetrators.

8. Women protest outside Delhi High Court over bail in Unnao Rape Case (December)

Women’s groups staged protests outside the Delhi High Court following its decision to grant conditional bail to former BJP MLA Kuldeep Singh Sengar in the Unnao rape case. Protesters expressed fear for the survivor’s safety and criticised the suspension of sentence in a case involving grave violence.

The survivor and her family publicly voiced distress and loss of faith in the justice system, stating their intention to approach the Supreme Court. Demonstrators demanded accountability and reversal of the bail order.

Police issued warnings to disperse, but protests continued over several days. Women’s rights activists described the agitation as a response to systemic failures in protecting survivors of sexual violence.

Following sustained public pressure, the Central Bureau of Investigation announced it would challenge the bail order, underscoring the impact of protest on institutional responses.

9. Nationwide gig workers’ strike against unsafe work conditions

The year closed with escalating mobilisation by gig and platform workers across India. Following a digital protest on December 25 that saw tens of thousands of workers log off delivery apps, unions announced a nationwide strike on December 31 under the banner of the Indian Federation of App-Based Transport Workers.

Workers demanded the removal of 10-minute delivery models, restoration of earlier payout structures, transparency in algorithmic management, grievance redress mechanisms, and social security benefits. Union leaders highlighted unsafe working conditions, income instability, and intimidation of workers through account deactivations and deployment of bouncers near warehouses.

The strike underscored the growing collective strength of gig workers and marked a significant moment in the evolution of labour resistance within the platform economy.

Conclusion: Protest as the moral record of a year

The protests of 2025, as documented month by month, form a cumulative moral and political record of India’s democratic life. Far from isolated eruptions, these mobilisations reflected sustained citizen engagement across issues of livelihood, environment, identity, labour, and governance.

Throughout the year, people protested not only against specific policies but against patterns of exclusion, neglect, and impunity. Farmers demanded economic justice, workers resisted precarity, students defended institutional autonomy, Adivasi communities protected land and forests, minorities asserted the right to live and worship without fear, and urban residents claimed the right to clean air and dignified survival.

Importantly, 2025 demonstrated that protest in India is adaptive. When streets were policed or permissions denied, dissent moved to courts, documentation, digital spaces, and symbolic action. When large mobilisations were curtailed, smaller local protests sustained democratic pressure. This adaptability reflects a deep-rooted commitment to constitutional values rather than episodic outrage.

The year also revealed the costs of dissent—surveillance, arrests, delayed justice, and social stigmatisation. Yet these pressures did not extinguish public mobilisation. Instead, they underscored the centrality of protest as a corrective mechanism when institutional responsiveness falters.

This year-ender records protest as democratic labour: the continuous work undertaken by citizens to make constitutional promises meaningful. In doing so, it affirms that the strength of a democracy is measured not by the absence of conflict, but by the presence of people willing to publicly contest injustice, month after month, across the country.

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The post 2025 in Protest: Across issues, across India appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The ‘red flag’ march is being led by leaders of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and the All India Kisan Sabha. Just a week back, Adivasi farmers had protested –another 40-50,000 of them, after marching to the Collectorate, outside its office and making their demands plain in Palghar. Reports of that march may be read here.

A video may be seen here below.

आज किसान लॉंग मार्च इगतपुरी से ७ बजे शुरू होगी

The vibrant protest, in which several women also participated, was led by CPI(M) Polit Bureau member and AIKS National President Dr. Ashok Dhawale, former CPI(M) Central Committee member alongside former AIKS State President J.P Gavit, and ex-MLA, CPI(M) Central Committee member, State Secretary and AIKS National Joint Secretary Dr. Ajit Nawale,

Demands related to critical agricultural and labour issues have been raised. The statement released by the CPI (M)-AIKS said, “The march raised the issues related to neglecting the numerous assurances around the Forest Rights Act (FRA)—especially the finalisation of land claims,  and application of PESA, irrigation schemes, filling of thousands of vacancies in Zilla Parishad schools teachers, etc.”

“The second set of issues is centred around pro-corporate policies of the BJP-led Central and State Governments, like the smart meter scheme, undermining of  MNREGA and rural employment, land grab by the government-corporate nexus, the imposition of  four labour codes etc,” the CPI(M)-AIKS statement added.

Related:

50,000 strong Adivasi, farmers march from Charoti to Palghar, hold indefinite dharna for land rights

Kisan Long March ends with Fresh Promises to Farmers

The post Sea of red as CPI (M)-AIKS march leaves Nashik towards Mumbai, demands resolution of farmer and Adivasi issues appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Protesters are mostly from the tribal communities of Palghar district. They had started their trek towards the collectorate, demanding better implementation of land rights, reinstatement of the MGNREGA, cancellation of the Vadhavan port and availability of water for drinking and irrigation purposes, among others. Accompanied by protest songs on microphones, striding purposefully with CPI-M flags and banners, chanting slogans, protesters reached the Collectorate office of Palghar on the evening of January 20, where they plan to camp until their demands are met – the most longstanding of which is the enforcement of land rights. Adivasis have been tilling forest and grazing land for centuries but still don’t own the plots they cultivate.

The Forest Rights Act, 2006, vests forest land and resource rights in Scheduled Tribes and other traditional forest dwellers who have resided in such areas for generations. Gram sabhas initiate claims, verified through sub-divisional and district committees, protecting dwellers from eviction until their rights are settled. But most of the tribal farmers at the rally have not had their claims approved. The last time that farmers marched in their thousands was from Nashik to Azad Maidan in Mumbai, a stretch of 180 kilometres with several marchers barefoot.

Mass organisations All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS), Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU), All India Democratic Women’s Association (AIDWA), Democratic Youth Federation of India (DYFI) and Student’s Federation of India (SFI) and Adivasi Adhikar Rashtriya Manch (AARM) have also joined this March in huge numbers. Beginning the long walk on January 19, the marchers have reached the Palghar Collectorate where they were denied permission for the dharna inside the Collectorate. Undettered they have begun the indefinite protests outside.

Citizens for Justice and Peace has long analysed national and international law on Farmers Rights. Some of these may be read here and here.

The March is being led by CPI (M) Polit Bureau member and AIKS National President Dr Ashok Dhawale, Polit Bureau member and AIDWA National General Secretary Mariam Dhawale, Central Committee member, state secretary and AIKS National Joint Secretary Dr Ajit Nawale, Central Committee member and CITU State Secretary Vinod Nikole, two-term MLA from Dahanu, State Secretariat member and AARM State Convenor Kiran Gahala, and many others. Later CPI (M) Polit Bureau member and AIKS National General Secretary Vijoo Krishnan also joined the March.

1 of 8

According to Palghar Police officials, as reported in The Hindu, around 30,000 protesters joined the long march. The demands include full implementation of the Forest Rights Act, the Panchayats Extension to Scheduled Areas Act PESA, revival of the Jal Jeevan Mission scheme to provide work, cancellation of the smart meter scheme, appointment to all the vacant posts in the government service of Palghar district, providing the benefits of the Gharkul scheme, and cancellation of the development of Vadhavan and Murbe ports.

CPI (M)’s women wing State secretary Prachi Hatiwlekar told the newspaper, “This struggle is age-old, starting from bonded labour to now working for long pending issue of land ownership transfer. Central government is only trying to dilute the Forest Rights Act.”

The protesters are also articulate and vocal against the smart metres, media reports indicate. They want that the government reinstall old meters and instruct their officials not to impose smart meters. Maharashtra State Electricity Distribution Company Limited (MSEDCL) rolled out the smart meters in 2021, which automatically record real-time power consumption and send the data to the electricity distribution company. However, the device has been criticised for bill hike, no consent for installation, and poor awareness about tariff changes.

Read this story on smart metres here

The protest shows discontent among tribal communities over land ownership, large infrastructure projects in the district and changes to MGNREGA. All the protesters unanimously reiterated that unless and until “we don’t get all our papers stamped, we won’t go home”.

Related:

Kisan Long March ends with Fresh Promises to Farmers

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Among key demands of the general strike are the repeal of four Labour Codes, minimum support price (MSP@C2+50%) for all Crops, minimum wages of Rs.26000 per month, ‘No Privatisation of PSU’s’, the estoppal of ‘casualisation of employment’, ‘freedom from indebtedness’, all issues that are critical to protect Indian agriculture, industry and services.

The General Strike is also against the imposition of free trade agreements on Indian people. US’ dominance on world trade has unleashed all efforts to coerce the Modi Government to impose unfair trade terms and to dump US agricultural products in India.

The four Labour codes legalise contract labour based on hire and fire policy. Once implemented, say trade unions and farmer organisations, these Codes, will shatter not only the rights of the existing workforce but the entire new generations of workers in all sectors of the economy. The youth cannot dream of having access to formal employment with social security and retirement benefits. The right to an eight-hour work day will not sustain and new forms of slavery will be imposed on the working people under the guise of ‘ease of doing business’ to facilitate corporate profiteering.  Workers will lose the right to unionise, right to bargain for remunerative wage and right to strike. The four labour codes are both authoritarian and undemocratic in character, say the unions that will eventually endanger the independence of the working people and sovereignty of the country. Hence it is vital for all the freedom loving citizens to join the fight to bury the labour codes once and for all.

“Current economic policies are resulting in more unemployment, rising price rise of essential commodities, depression in wages, cut in social sector spending in education, health, basic civic amenities, all this leading to more inequalities and miseries for the poor, lower income group and even middle classes. The government has abandoned the welfare state focus of our country and is working in the interest of foreign and Indian corporates and it is so evident from its policies being pursued vigorously,” the trade union leaders said.

In a statement, they said the trade unions had been fighting against the privatisation of public sector enterprises and public services, the policies of outsourcing, contractualisation and casualisation of workforce, against the anti-workers, pro-employer four Labour Codes meant to suppress and cripple the trade union movement, increase in working hours, to snatch their right to collective bargaining, right to strike, decriminalisation of violation of labour laws by employers, while criminalising the activities of trade unions etc. “The government is making false claims on employment and provisions of social security. The existing social security schemes are being weakened and attempts to bring private players into it are pushed,” they said.

They also added that unions in the coal and minerals sectors, steel, banking and insurance sectors, power, petroleum and telecom industries and the transport sector have given notices for the strike. “We are making continued efforts forging unity and solidarity between the two major productive forces of the country, the workers and farmers,” they said.

Amarjeet Kaur, senior trade union leader and All India Trade Union Congress general secretary, has told the media that the strike is very significant to prepare working class and the farming community and agricultural labourers for a long-drawn battle. Questioning the government move to curb trade union rights, she said investors are not coming to India not because of workers, but because of the government policy of promoting one or two companies. She also asserted while speaking to The Hindu that this general strike will be the start of larger movements in India. When there are close to 15 lakh job vacancies in the central public sector units (PSUs) and central government, why has the Modi 3.0 government started recruiting those who are already retired for lesser salaries and without any social security? They have done this in Railways and in the steel sector.  This trend of outsourcing and contractualising many jobs is dangerous as it is causing widespread unemployment, she added.

The notices of the general strike have been served at banks, insurance companies, steel sector, coal sector, minerals and petroleum sector, copper sector and in some airports. Rail workers will also have mobilisations in support of strike, but no strike there. Defence sector is going on strike. The unions have predicted a “bandh-like” of situation in Assam, Tamil Nadu, Goa, Punjab, Bihar, Kerala, West Bengal and in many other States. Opposition parties have been approached by the unions, and they have extended their support. Workers in unions affiliated with the BMS (Bharatiya Mazdoor Saangh, an RSS affiliate) have also reportedly pledged support.

Which sectors are affected due to the Bharat Bandh?

1. Banking services
2. Postal services
3. Coal mining and factories
4. State transport services
5. Public sector units and government departments

What’s open on Bharat Bandh?

1. Schools and colleges
2. Private offices

Other complaints of the striking organisations include the fact that the government has not been conducting the annual labour conference for the last decade s and continues to take decisions in contravention to the interest of labour force, attempting to impose four labour codes to weaken collective bargaining, to cripple unions’ activities and to favour employers in the name of ‘ease of doing business’.

The forum also alleged that the economic policies are resulting in acute unemployment, rising prices of essential commodities, depression in wages, cut in social sector spending in education, health, basic civic amenities, and all these are leading to more inequalities and miseries for poor, people of lower income group as well as the middle class.

In a statement put out on the eve of the general strike, the Samyukta Kisan Morcha (SKM) has also appealed to people to make the general strike on July 9, 2025 a grand success. Among key demands as stated above are the repeal of four Labour Codes, MSP@C2+50% for all Crops, Minimum Wage of Rs.26000 / month, ‘No Privatisation of PSU’s’, ‘Stop Casualisation of Employment’, ‘Freedom from Indebtedness’, all of which are critical to protect Agriculture, Industry and Services.

Apart from supporting demands of the workers, SKM urges the peasantry to intensify struggle on independent demands including enact law for MSP@C2+50% with guaranteed procurement for all crops, comprehensive loan waiver to free the peasantry from the debt trap and end rampant peasant suicides across India, withdrawal of National Policy Framework on Agriculture Marketing, not to sign the Indo-US Bilateral Trade Agreement hurting agriculture, industry and services, no privatisation of electricity, end indiscriminate acquisition of land violating the LARR Act 2013, ensure 200 days’ work and Rs.600 as daily wages in NREGS, provide minimum wage, social security and Rs. 10000 monthly pensions for agricultural workers, peasants and rural labourers, formalisation of Scheme workers, legal protection to the rights of migrant workers and tenant farmers among others.  The SKM has also called upon the entire working people including farmers, workers and agricultural workers to rally massively to hold tehsil level demonstrations and make the General strike successful.

The General Strike is also against the imposition of free trade agreements on Indian people. US’ dominance on world trade has unleashed all efforts to coerce the Modi Government to impose unfair trade terms and to dump US agricultural products in India. The intention of the free trade agreement is ‘unregulated freedom for US food chains, trading giants and agribusiness corporations to operate in India.’ ‘Tariff free import of huge quantity of highly subsidised milk and milk products, soybean, cotton, mice, wheat, rice, pulses, oilseeds, paddy, GM crops, fruits and vegetables including apple and walnuts, processed and canned foods’ into Indian markets will devastate the income and livelihood of Indian farmers.

The Trump Administration has been compelling the Modi Government to wind up PDS food distribution and withdraw all subsidies for farmers on fuel and fertilisers, says the SKM. It wants India to change its patent laws to suit American companies. These changes will erode the independence of Indian farmers and bring disastrous impact on food security.

The SKM statement also asserts that the Indian people will not accept the ‘enslavement of the workforce’ through four Labour Codes and corporatisation of agriculture. The farmers are on a path of struggle for the last two decades and more to achieve the long pending demands of MSP2 C2+50% with guaranteed procurement and comprehensive loan waiver.

Minimum wage to workers and minimum support price to the farmers are crucial to accomplish higher purchasing power, employment generation and agriculture led growth of the domestic economy. Reversing the anti-worker, anti-farmer policies of the RSS-BJP combine is indispensable to protect the interests of the working people and the country.

This is the 22nd General Strike since the advent of neo-liberal policies in India in 1991.  The success of July 9, 2025 strike will ignite more massive, mightier struggles larger than the 2020-21 historic farmers struggle at Delhi borders actively supported by the working class, states the SKM. The massive strike will be intensified until all the genuine demands of the workers and the peasantry are realised. SKM appeals to the entire working people to make the July 9, 2025 General strike as one of the largest ever worker-peasant united action since independence.

Meanwhile, the Central Kisan Committee (CKC) meeting of the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) held from June 28-30, 2025 at the E K Nayanar Academy, Kannur, Kerala, decided to hold massive protests on July 9, along with the Samyukta Kisan Morcha (SKM) at the tehsil level, and work actively to make the General Strike called by the Central Trade Unions (CTUs) a massive success.

The meeting at Kannur discussed the grim agrarian scenario in the country, and the anti-farmer, pro-corporate policies of the BJP-led NDA government. It also noted that the Congress-led State Governments in Karnataka, Telangana etc are also carrying forward the BJP Government’s policies like Labour Codes, 12-hour work day, land acquisition etc.

The meeting warned against the hurried moves of the Modi regime to sign Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) with UK (already signed), USA, EU, etc., which surrender the interests of farmers, workers and MSME entrepreneurs, violate federal principles and put Parliament in the dark. These FTAs will drastically reduce or eliminate import duties on key agricultural products, threatening the livelihoods of millions of Indian farmers, stated the AIKS.

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The post As 30 crore workers, farmers join July 9 strike against govt.’s policies, will there be media coverage of the shut down? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The farmers have also been demanding the implementation of M S Swaminathan Commission recommendation to ensure a minimum support price (MSP) to protect the farmers from increasing input costs.

The Tamil Nadu Sugarcane Farmers Association (TNSFA) accused the policies of the Union government for the reduction in sugarcane cultivation and sugar production.

The other major demands included revamping of cooperative sugar mills and disbursal of Rs 1,217 crore due to farmers from 24 private sugar mills for sugarcane procurement during 2014-17.

INCREASE FRP AND SCRAP RSF

The farmers organisations have been demanding an MSP of C2+50% of C2 for all agricultural products. The Union government has recently announced an FRP of Rs 355 per quintal (Rs 3,550 per tonne), for 10.25% sugar recovery rate, which the sugarcane farmers association has termed insufficient.

The TNSFA, affiliated to the All-India Kisan Sabha (AIKS), has been demanding a minimum of Rs 5,500 per tonne, even though the Union government has claimed to have increased by FRP by 4.41%.

Speaking with Newsclick, D Raveendran, general secretary, TNSFA, said, “We are demanding an FRP of Rs 5,500 per tonne for a 9.5% sugar recovery rate. The state government should scrap the RSF and reintroduce the SAP and ensure Rs 4,000 per tonne as promised”.

The ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) had promised to announce Rs 4,000 as SAP during the 2021 Assembly election campaign.

DISBURSE SAP DUES

The sugarcane farmers face the task of being tricked by mills which procure sugarcane from them, by inordinately delaying the payment.

In a detailed memorandum submitted to the Director of Sugar, government of Tamil Nadu, during the protest, the association has demanded the distribution of Rs 1,217 crore for sugar procurement by private sugar mills for four seasons of 2013-14, 2014-15, 2015-16 and 2016-17.

The association has won a legal battle for a share in profit from the procurers as per Section 5A of the Sugar Control Order, 1966. The association has urged the director to expedite the implementation of the order.

REOPEN CLOSED MILLS

Several cooperative and public sector sugar mills are closed due to mismanagement and wrong policies of the successive state governments, besides several private mills are closed citing losses. The association accused some mills of betraying the farmers despite their financial stability.

“The state government must reopen several cooperative mills across the state to ensure the farmers receive a fair deal for procurement and increase the sugarcane cultivation. This will ensure employment in the government sector and the welfare of the farmers”, Raveendran said.

Courtesy: Newsclick

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The Arrests: a pre-planned action to neutralise leadership

Kisan Mazdoor Morcha (KMM) leader Sarvan Singh Pandher and Samyukta Kisan Morcha (Non-Political) leader Jagjit Singh Dallewal were detained while they were en-route back to their respective protest sites after a meeting with the union government in Chandigarh. The meeting, which involved Union Ministers Piyush Goyal, Shivraj Singh Chouhan, and Pralhad Joshi, ended inconclusively as the Union had dismissed the farmers’ data supporting their demand for a Minimum Support Price (MSP) law.

The Punjab police, which had been trailing the farmer leaders since their departure from the meeting, acted swiftly as soon as they entered the state. Dallewal, who has been on a hunger strike since November 2023, was detained from his ambulance near Zirakpur, while Pandher was taken into custody in Mohali. Other farmer leaders, including Abhimanyu Kohar, Kaka Singh Kotra, and Manjit Singh Rai, were also detained and transported to separate locations. The decision to apprehend them away from the protest sites was a calculated move by the authorities to prevent an immediate backlash at the encampments.

A government under pressure: The industrial factor behind the crackdown

Until recently, the Punjab government had refrained from using force against the protesting farmers, despite multiple rounds of failed negotiations. However, the tide turned after former chief minister, Arvind Kejriwal, who was in Punjab at the time, reportedly received strong pushback from industrialists in Ludhiana. Traders and business leaders warned that the prolonged blockade at Shambhu and Khanauri was causing significant economic disruptions,  potentially jeopardising AAP’s chances in the upcoming Ludhiana West Assembly by-elections.

On the night of March 20, top functionaries of the Punjab government and AAP had met industry leaders, after which the decision to remove the protest sites was finalised. As per a report of the Tribune, this sequence of events suggests that economic interests played a pivotal role in the sudden shift in Punjab’s handling of the protests. Rather than standing firm in support of the farmers, as it had done in the past, the AAP government chose to prioritise the concerns of businesses over the demands of agricultural workers, effectively betraying a constituency that had largely supported the party in previous elections.

Police operation: dispersal under the cover of darkness

By late Wednesday, the police moved in with a heavily coordinated strategy. As per multiple media reports, over 7,000 officers from various districts, along with riot control vehicles, water cannons, and cranes, were deployed to execute the operation. Authorities also cut off electricity at both protest sites, forcing officers to use torches for visibility. Protesters at the Khanauri site reported that they had no means to communicate as internet services had been curtailed, preventing them from sharing images or videos of the police action.

Despite the heavy police presence, farmers initially remained defiant. However, faced with overwhelming numbers, many eventually boarded buses voluntarily, while others were forcibly removed. As per the report of The Indian Express, Patiala Deputy Inspector General of Police Mandeep Singh Sidhu addressed the protesters, stating, “We are over 3,000, and you are only a few hundred. We have to clear the sites, come what may.”

Political reactions: AAP faces backlash for its ‘betrayal’

The opposition wasted no time in condemning the AAP government for its actions. Congress MP Amarinder Singh Raja Warring accused both the Punjab and union governments of deliberately isolating Punjab’s farmers. Former Chief Minister Charanjit Singh Channi and Union Minister of State Ravneet Singh Bittu also criticised the heavy-handed approach, with Bittu questioning why AAP, which had earlier claimed to stand with the farmers, had now turned against them.

Interestingly, while political leaders criticised the crackdown, industrialists hailed it. A report of The Tribune provided that Badish Jindal, president of the World MSME Forum, described the police action as a “welcome step,” arguing that punishing the farmers for disrupting business was necessary. This contrast in reactions further underscores the economic motivations behind the Punjab government’s sudden crackdown.

The farmers’ perspective: broken trust and continued struggle

For the protesting farmers, the crackdown represents a deep betrayal. Their demands—including a legal guarantee for MSP, debt waivers, and pensions for farm labourers—have been repeatedly dismissed or delayed by the union government. Despite over a year of protests, the union government has yet to take decisive action. Instead of meaningful engagement, the latest negotiations ended with the union questioning the legitimacy of the farmers’ financial estimates, while a next round of talks was scheduled for May 4.

A report in the Hindustan Times suggests that, the Punjab government’s narrative that the farmers should protest in Delhi rather than in Punjab, has also been met with scepticism. When the Punjab Finance Minister Harpal Singh Cheema defended the police action by stating that the protests were hurting Punjab’s economy, farmers pointed out that their grievances were ignored even when they attempted to engage in talks. The real issue, they argue, is not the location of the protests but the government’s unwillingness to implement structural reforms that would secure their livelihoods.

What beholds the future of the farmers’ movement?

The Punjab government’s crackdown may have cleared the protest sites, but it has also ignited a deeper resentment among farmers, whose trust in AAP has been severely shaken. Far from ending the movement, the heavy-handed action could strengthen resistance in the coming months, especially with crucial negotiations looming. If the government believes that force and industry-backed coercion will silence the demands of Punjab’s farmers, history suggests otherwise.

This episode underscores a troubling pattern: when economic and electoral pressures mount, governments—regardless of their professed allegiance to farmers—quickly abandon them in favour of more influential interests. By choosing to align with industrialists over the agrarian community, the AAP government has not only exposed its shifting priorities but has also set a dangerous precedent where dissent is managed through suppression rather than dialogue.

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The post Arresting dissent: Punjab Government’s U-turn on farmer protests, protest site bulldozed, farmer leaders detained appeared first on SabrangIndia.

I trust this missive finds you in the pink of health and high spirits, as one must be when presiding over a nation in such a state of unparalleled prosperity and contentment as is reflected in current wobbly growth, unemployment, currency depreciation and runaway inflation.

It is with the utmost reluctance that I dare to disturb your reverie with a few modest suggestions that might, perchance, enhance the already dazzling brilliance of your socio-economic policies.

Firstly, given that we are on the cusp of the annual Budget, might I propose the radical notion of abolishing personal income tax for the poor and middle class? I am certain that the mere thought of such a measure will have you clutching your pearls in horror, but consider, if you will, the delightful irony of allowing the common folk to retain a modicum of their hard-earned pittance. I know, I know, it sounds crazy. But think of it as a radical social experiment! Let the little people keep a bit of their own money. Who knows, they might spend it on frivolities like food, clothes, and data. Wild idea, right? This, in turn, could spur demand and private investment, thereby possibly creating a veritable utopia of economic activity.

Secondly, one cannot help but marvel at the astronomical prices of fuel, which have undoubtedly contributed to the nation’s coffers in ways too numerous to mention. However, in a moment of uncharacteristic whim, might I suggest a dramatic reduction in fuel prices? Imagine the joy! Suddenly, people will have more cash to burn. It could be like an economic miracle! But hey, what do I know? I’m just a guy with a calculator and a dream.

“What about the farmers?” Ah, yes! The farmers! The backbone of our great nation, and yet, they’re being treated like, well, like a bunch of old socks. Do provide them with minimum support prices, would you? It’s the least one can do to help them stay afloat.

Of course, I would be remiss if I did not caution against certain drastic measures that might, in your boundless wisdom, seem tantalizing, given the past history. For instance, the dollarization of the economy by rendering the rupee redundant might appear to be a masterstroke, but one must consider the potential pitfalls of such a move.

Similarly, slashing public education and health budgets – it’s tempting to keep the populace uneducated and unhealthy to keep them in control. But please refrain.

And selling off public assets to esteemed crony business friends for a song might not be the panacea the nation desires.

Taxing the 200 million stock market investors for their capital losses may be the FM’s way of boosting morale!

Will taxing the wealth of the rich folks fleeing to Dubai, Canada, or Singapore definitely make them stay?

Both are ill-advised moves.

And let us not forget the potential backlash from lashing out at millions of youths complaining about exam paper leaks and delays in government jobs, or imposing a ‘stay at home’ cess on those who work from home or are homemakers. Moves that may rock an already faltering nation.

Criminalising the dissent of farmers protesting for fair prices or causing unchecked ecological havoc through indiscriminate building of roads, bridges, and townships would be appealing but will only deepen the chasm of discontent.

In conclusion, I remain, as ever, your most obedient servant, humbly offering these suggestions in the spirit of constructive criticism and unwavering loyalty. I have no doubt that your unparalleled acumen will guide the nation to even greater heights of prosperity and glory.

Yours most sincerely,

A Humble Voluntary Worker, unemployed by choice

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The post Open Letter to an Imaginary Supreme Leader of a country of billions appeared first on SabrangIndia.

According to farmer union leaders, a chakka jam will be strictly enforced on major roads and railway tracks during the bandh. Both government and private institutions have been urged to remain closed for the day. However, emergency vehicles, including ambulances and those related to weddings or critical situations, will be allowed to pass. The Samyukta Kisan Morcha (Non-political) and Kisan Mazdoor Morcha, led by Sarwan Singh Pandher, spearheaded the call for the bandh. They have garnered the backing of diverse groups, including traders, transporters, employee unions, toll plaza workers, labour organisations, ex-servicemen, Sarpanches, teachers’ unions, and other social and professional bodies.

A key aspect of the ongoing protests is the hunger strike by farmer leader Jagjit Singh Dallewal, who has been fasting for over one month to push for the implementation of 13 critical farm-related demands. Dallewal began his hunger strike on November 26, 2024, despite being hospitalised in Ludhiana due to his deteriorating health. In a show of solidarity, Sukhjit Singh Hardojhande, another prominent farmer leader, has continued the hunger strike on Dallewal’s behalf at the Khanauri protest site. The hunger strike has become a rallying point for the farmers, drawing widespread attention to their cause.

The protests being led by farmers are here to stay as they have also announced plans for a large-scale “Kisan Mahapanchayat” on 4 January 2025, to be held at the Khanauri protest site. Despite freezing temperatures and repeated roadblocks, the farmers remain determined, vowing to continue their fight for justice and reforms in agricultural policies. With the protests now at a critical juncture, the coming weeks will be crucial in determining the outcome of their demands. This event aims to bring together farmer leaders and supporters from various states to discuss the ongoing issues and the Union’s inaction. The announcement of the Maha Panchayat comes amidst concerns over Dallewal’s worsening health and the farmers’ determination to escalate their movement.

Impact of the bandh

Farmers associated with SKM (Non-Political) and KMM have been protesting at the Shambhu and Khanauri border points between Punjab and Haryana since February 13, 2024, after their march to Delhi was thwarted by security forces. In December pf 2024 itself, a “jatha” of 101 farmers made three attempts to march to the national capital on foot—on December 6, 8, and 14—only to be blocked by security personnel in Haryana each time. Despite these setbacks, the farmers remain steadfast, continuing their sit-ins and road blockades.

Today’s bandh is a continuation of their efforts to highlight long-standing grievances. Security has been tightened across the state, with farmers gathering at key locations, including highways and railway stations, from as early as 6:30 am. Over 150 trains, including the Vande Bharat Express, have been cancelled, and 13 others have been rescheduled. All educational institutions across the state remain closed, while emergency services continue to function. Blockades have been installed at approximately 280 points, bringing road and rail traffic to a standstill in many areas. Farmers also staged dharnas at various locations, including the Muktsar-Kotkapura road near Udekaran village and the Hoshiarpur-Phagwara Bypass, despite the severe cold wave gripping the region. 

Community support and solidarity

Speaking from a special stage set up due to his deteriorating health, Dallewal had addressed the farmers last week, expressing his gratitude for their support and emphasising the need for unity in their fight. “This battle will be won only if the whole country fights unitedly,” he stated in a frail voice. He also appealed to Haryana, Punjab’s “younger brother,” and other states to strengthen the movement. “Either we will win or die, one of two things will happen,” he declared, as farmer leader Abhimanyu Kohar assisted him during his speech.

The bandh has received overwhelming support from Punjab residents, with various groups contributing to its success. In Jalandhar’s Bhogpur, farmers organised a langar to provide food for commuters stranded due to disrupted rail services. Medical professionals across the state have also extended their support to the farmers’ movement. Farmer leader Sarwan Singh Pandher praised the people of Punjab for their wholehearted participation in the bandh and noted the widespread acceptance of the protest, evidenced by the scale of blockades and public cooperation.

The protest has also attracted political backing, with SAD leader Parvinder Singh Sohana and other party members visiting a protest site in Mohali to express solidarity with the farmers. The farmers’ movement, fuelled by a combination of grassroots mobilisation and community support, continues to gain momentum as the demands for justice and action grow louder.

On Saturday, December 28, renowned climate activist Sonam Wangchuk from Ladakh visited Dallewal at the Khanauri protest site to express solidarity. Wangchuk, who himself had undertaken a 16-day fast-unto-death earlier this year to advocate for Ladakh’s administrative concerns, described his visit as a gesture of goodwill and support from the people of Ladakh.

Supreme Court’s criticism of punjab government’s handling of Dallewal’s health

Dallewal, aged 70, has been on an indefinite fast since November 26, 2024, to press for a range of demands crucial to the farming community. These demands include a legal guarantee for the minimum support price (MSP) of crops, which has been one of the central issues fuelling the ongoing farmer protests at various border points between Punjab and Haryana. Dallewal’s fast, which has now entered its 35^th day, is part of a broader movement led by the Samyukta Kisan Morcha (Non-Political) and the Kisan Mazdoor Morcha.

The fast by leader Dallewal, and his deteriorating heath, has also drawn the eyes of the Supreme Court, with a special bench being set up on Saturday. On December 28, 2024, the Supreme Court bench comprising Justices Surya Kant and Sudhashu Dhulia had sharply criticised the Punjab government for its failure to ensure that farmer leader Jagjit Singh Dallewal received proper medical treatment as his health continued to deteriorate. Justice Surya Kant, addressing the Punjab Chief Secretary during the court proceedings, stated that those resisting Dallewal’s hospitalisation were not his well-wishers. The Supreme Court’s remarks came in the context of a contempt petition filed against the Chief Secretary and the Director General of Police (DGP) of Punjab, accusing them of failing to comply with an earlier order requiring medical assistance for Dallewal and efforts to convince him to seek hospital care.

The Supreme Court had previously issued a directive on December 20, instructing the Punjab government to ensure Dallewal’s medical needs were met, including the option of moving him to a hospital. However, the state authorities expressed difficulty in transferring Dallewal due to resistance from protesting farmers. This delay in complying with the Court’s order has now led to growing concerns, with the Court pushing for a resolution. Justice Kant ordered that if the situation warranted, the Punjab government should seek assistance from the Centre to facilitate Dallewal’s hospitalisation. The Court gave the Punjab government a final deadline of December 31, 2024, to convince Dallewal to accept medical care. A compliance report was due by December 28, and the Chief Secretary and DGP were ordered to be present for the hearing.

The Supreme Court had previously instructed the Punjab government to provide medical aid to Dallewal and ensure that he was moved to a makeshift hospital established near the protest site, located 700 metres from the Khanauri border. However, the Punjab government expressed its inability to move Dallewal due to growing resistance from farmers, some of whom have gathered around him to prevent any intervention. The state representatives claimed they were in a difficult position, as the protesters had mobilised, especially the youth, to block any attempt to hospitalise Dallewal. Despite these obstacles, the Court expressed frustration with the state’s handling of the matter and warned that this could amount to “abetment of suicide.”

The Supreme Court further questioned why the situation had been allowed to escalate to this level, stating that the government’s failure to intervene had put Dallewal’s life in jeopardy. The Bench made it clear that if the Punjab government failed to take action, they might be compelled to use force to shift Dallewal to a hospital, risking further escalation. The Court also suggested that the state could seek help from the Union, if necessary, to avoid a situation where the farmer leader’s health deteriorates further.

Punjab Government’s unsuccessful attempts amidst farmer opposition

The Punjab government’s response to the situation has been complex and fraught with difficulty. An official from the state government had admitted, as per the Indian Express, that attempts to convince Dallewal to end his hunger strike peacefully had been unsuccessful. Dallewal, adamant in his resolve, has refused medical treatment and insists that he will not break his fast until the government agrees to the farmers’ demands, particularly the MSP guarantee and a debt waiver for farmers. The government has tried to approach Dallewal with a “clean slate” to find a solution that would ensure compliance with the Supreme Court’s order without triggering violent clashes.

However, there are fears within the Punjab government that using force to admit Dallewal to a hospital could lead to serious consequences, including loss of life. Farmers guarding Dallewal are prepared for the worst, and any use of force could ignite further unrest. As per multiple media reports, Kisan Mazdoor Morcha leader Sarwan Singh Pandher has made it clear that the farmers are willing to face whatever consequences may arise. Pandher warned that if the government used force to remove Dallewal, the farmers would hold the authorities responsible for any bloodshed. He also urged the youth from surrounding areas to mobilise at the Khanauri border to prevent the police from taking action during the night.

The situation has placed the Punjab government in a difficult position, as it must balance the Supreme Court’s directive with the escalating protests at the Khanauri border. The government is trying to find a way to comply with the Court’s orders while avoiding a forceful confrontation. Punjab Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann, who had been out of the country, returned to India recently and reportedly held discussions with senior officials, including the DGP and Chief Secretary, to devise a strategy to resolve the issue.

Despite the government’s efforts to mediate, the farmers remain steadfast in their demands, which include a legal guarantee for MSP, debt waivers, and justice for victims of the 2021 Lakhimpur Kheri violence. The Samyukta Kisan Morcha (Punjab unit) has condemned the indifference shown by both the state and central governments, calling for immediate intervention as Dallewal’s health continues to worsen.

Additionally, in a bid to intensify pressure on the Union government to address their demands and concerns over Jagjit Singh Dallewal’s health, protesting farmers’ leaders are planning to request a meeting with President Droupadi Murmu during the first week of January. Additionally, a rally is set to take place in Moga, Punjab, on January 9, where various farmer-related issues will be raised.

Dallewal denies being held hostage amid health crisis

It is essential to note that as remarks made by the Supreme Court hit the news, a video message was released on December 28, wherein Dallewal had directly addressed the claims made in the Supreme Court regarding his alleged confinement during his hunger strike. He rejected the notion that he was being held hostage, questioning, “I am sitting on a fast. Who gave this report to the Supreme Court, and who spread this misconception that I have been kept hostage? Where did such a thing come from?” As per the report of the Hindustan Times, the veteran leader, who has refused medical treatment during his fast, emphasised that his decision to continue the hunger strike was based on his own convictions and the critical issues affecting farmers in India, particularly their debt burden. He stated firmly, “Seven lakh farmers in this country have committed suicide due to debt. Saving farmers is necessary, therefore, I am sitting here. I am not under anyone’s pressure.”

Dallewal’s rejection of these claims underscores the level of resolve he has in continuing his protest despite mounting pressure and deteriorating health. He remains resolute in his stance that he will only break his fast once the government addresses the core demands of the farmers.

The failure of the government to address these demands has led to an extended deadlock. Attempts to end Dallewal’s fast through negotiation have largely been unsuccessful. On the evening of December 28, a delegation led by retired Additional Director General of Police (ADGP) Jaskaran Singh visited Dallewal in an attempt to convince him to accept medical assistance, but their efforts yielded no result. Singh, who later spoke alone with Dallewal, was unable to persuade the leader to end his fast or accept medical intervention. According to a senior police officer involved in the negotiations, “We can only request him (Dallewal) to understand the gravity of the situation, but despite repeated attempts, we haven’t been able to make any breakthrough so far.”

Farmer leader Sukhjeet Singh also mentioned that Punjab government officials had made two separate proposals to Dallewal, but both were rejected. He added that a third meeting was scheduled to take place, during which the officials hoped to offer a concrete solution, particularly in securing a meeting between the farmers’ representatives and the Union. Such a meeting, it is believed, could lead to Dallewal agreeing to receive medical care.

The long-running protest and the Government’s position- A stalemate

The ongoing protest by farmers, primarily from Punjab, at the Punjab-Haryana border has been in place since February 13 of this year. It began when the farmers’ “Chalo Delhi” march was stopped by security forces, preventing them from reaching the national capital to voice their demands for the legal guarantee of MSP. The farmers’ protests, organised by groups like the Samyukta Kisan Morcha and the Kisan Mazdoor Morcha, have continued through various phases, including a series of failed negotiations with the government.

Despite the long duration of the protests, the government has not been able to resolve the issues, leading to frustration on both sides. In an attempt to de-escalate tensions, Punjab government officials have held multiple discussions with Dallewal. However, each time, the proposals have been rejected by the protesting leader. The continued refusal to accept medical aid has left the government in a difficult position, as the Supreme Court has ordered that Dallewal be given medical treatment and moved to the hospital if necessary. However, the government faces resistance from the farmers, particularly those at the Khanauri border, who are determined to prevent any forceful eviction of their leader.

Despite the high stakes and intense pressure, farmer leaders have remained committed to a peaceful, non-violent approach, adhering to Gandhian principles. Abhimanyu Kohar, another leader involved in the protests, has been vocal about the government’s attempts to undermine the farmers’ movement and defame the protestors. Kohar argued that the narrative being pushed—that farmers are stubborn and unwilling to negotiate—is a distortion of the reality on the ground. “It is the Centre that is adopting such an attitude, not listening to us, and not paying any attention to farmers’ demands,” Kohar stated during a press conference at the Khanauri protest site, as per the Hindustan Times.

Kohar further emphasised that despite enduring significant hardships and oppression from the government, the farmers have stayed committed to the principles of non-violence. He explained, “We are continuing our agitation by adopting Gandhian principles. Our agitations have proven that, despite enduring so much due to the government’s oppression, we have continued to protest in a Gandhian manner.” The farmers, he stressed, are not seeking violence but are simply asking for their legitimate demands to be met.

Kohar also called on the people of India to rally in large numbers at the Khanauri border, as the protest enters a decisive phase. He claimed that the agitation has reached the threshold of victory and that it is now up to the government to decide how to proceed. “Dallewal has put his life at stake,” he said, emphasising the gravity of the situation and the farmers’ unwavering commitment to their cause.

Punjab CM Bhagwant Mann criticises BJP and PM Modi over farmers’ protest

The situation remains highly volatile, with the farmers continuing their protests at key border points in Punjab and Haryana. While there are ongoing efforts by the Punjab government and police to mediate a resolution, the protests show no sign of ending soon. The central government’s reluctance to meet the farmers’ demands, particularly concerning MSP guarantees, has kept the deadlock in place. The farmers’ resolve to fight for their rights, particularly the right to a fair income for their produce, continues to fuel the ongoing protest.

On December 24, Punjab Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann had lashed out at the BJP-led Union government, urging Prime Minister Narendra Modi to end his “stubbornness” and engage in dialogue with farmers protesting at the state’s border. The farmers are seeking a legal guarantee for Minimum Support Price for crops, among other demands. Mann’s remarks came in response to criticism from Punjab BJP president Sunil Kumar Jakhar, who questioned the timing of Mann’s upcoming Australia visit, especially with the state facing significant issues like the ongoing farmers’ protests.

In a tweet posted on his X handle, Mann made a pointed comparison, asking, “If Modi ji can stop the war between Russia and Ukraine, then can’t he talk to the farmers sitting 200 kilometres away (from Delhi)? What time are you waiting for?” This remark reflects Mann’s frustration with the union government’s handling of farmers’ demands.

ਕੇੰਦਰ ਸਰਕਾਰ ਨੂੰ ਆਪਣੀ ਪੁਰਾਣੀ ਜ਼ਿੱਦ ਛੱਡ ਕੇ ਕਿਸਾਨ ਜਥੇਬੰਦੀਆਂ ਨਾਲ ਗੱਲ-ਬਾਤ ਦਾ ਰਾਹ ਖੋਲਣਾ ਚਾਹੀਦਾ ਹੈ…ਕਬੂਤਰ ਦੇ ਅੱਖਾਂ ਮੀਚਣ ਨਾਲ ਬਿੱਲੀ ਨਹੀਂ ਭੱਜਦੀ..ਸੈੰਟਰ ਸਰਕਾਰ ਪਤਾ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੁਣ ਕਿਹੜੀ ਤਪੱਸਿਆ ਕਰ ਰਹੀ ਹੈ ?? ਜੇ ਮੋਦੀ ਜੀ ਰੂਸ ਤੇ ਯੂਕਰੇਨ ਦੀ ਜੰਗ ਰੁਕਵਾ ਸਕਦੇ ਨੇ ਤਾਂ 200 ਕਿੱਲੋਮੀਟਰ ਤੇ ਬੈਠੇ ਅੰਨਦਾਤਿਆਂ ਨਾਲ ਨਹੀੰ ਗੱਲ…

— Bhagwant Mann (@BhagwantMann) December 24, 2024

Further criticising the Union government, Mann accused the Modi administration of showing “step-motherly treatment” towards farmers and failing to address their legitimate concerns. In a statement to the media, he claimed that while Prime Minister Modi was actively engaging in global matters, while he was neglecting the pressing issues faced by the nation’s farmers. Mann pointed out that despite the serious and genuine demands of farmers, the government had been “blatantly ignoring” them, which he described as highly “deplorable.”

Mann’s remarks also touched upon the Prime Minister’s international image, suggesting that Modi’s focus on emerging as a “global leader” by intervening in global conflicts had overshadowed his responsibility to resolve domestic issues. “It is unfortunate that the prime minister is more worried about emerging as ‘global leader’ by intervening in international affairs rather than resolving the issues faced by the countrymen,” Mann added, expressing his dissatisfaction with the central government’s priorities.

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The post Fight far from over: Punjab farmers bring State to a standstill with Bandh amid hunger strike, a chakka jam, disruptions in road and rail transport appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Dallewal, president, of the Bharatiya Kisan Union (Sidhupur) has been observing fast unto death for 28 days to press the government to ensure minimum support price (MSP) as per the MS Swaminathan Commission recommendations and one-time debt relief from government banks and private moneylenders. There were reports of widespread protests on Monday in Andhra Pradesh, Odisha, Punjab, Haryana, Kerala, Tamil Nadu to Kashmir and Uttarakhand.

Farmers organisations are also enraged over arrests and registration of alleged fake FIRs in Greater Noida in Uttar Pradesh where they have been demanding development of 10% residential plots given in lieu of land procured for residential societies and industries. The protesting farmers also burnt a copy of the draft National Policy Framework on Agricultural Marketing which they alleged was “the return of the repealed farm laws through backdoor.”

Kuldeep Singh, who was part of the protesting farmers in Jogindernagar, Mandi, Himachal Pradesh, told NewsClick  over the phone that they submitted a memorandum to President of India Droupadi Murmu through Block Development Officer, Mandi, and burnt the draft of the proposed agriculture marketing policy.

“We fought a year-long struggle at the borders of Delhi and it was the martyrdom of 750 farmers that pushed the Narendra Modi government to repeal the three black farm laws. Now, this policy seeks to transfer our produce to private traders without fair pricing. The policy document does not even mention the word MSP. Similarly, it has recommended contract farming.”

The SKM said the protests were being held to remind the Centre of its promise to devise methods to ensure MSP in a legal framework. While some farmer organisations pressed for complete procurement of produce through state agencies, others wanted punitive charges for buying the produce below MSP.

The Centre, through its Secretary (Farmers Welfare) Sanjay Agarwal had assured the SKM leadership that it would form a committee, including representatives from the Centre and state governments, agricultural scientists and farmer leaders of different unions with the mandate to devise methods to implement MSP.

Agarwal’s letter dated December 9, 2021 also noted that the Union government in principle had agreed to withdraw criminal cases by its agencies for participation in the historic famers’ struggle and it would appeal to the state governments too to withdraw the cases. The Centre had also assured farmers that it would hold discussions on the provisions impacting farmers in the Electricity Amendment Act.

However, the government’s invitation to SKM to the committee on Zero Budget Farming was turned down by the Morcha leaders, who alleged that the committee had majority members who had backed the ‘black’ farm laws.

Why MSP is Crucial?

The farmers bodies have maintained that the Commission on Agriculture Costs and Prices (CACP), the Central body responsible for announcing MSP for procuring crops from farmers, had been employing a wrong methodology for calculating the input costs of seeds, fertiliser, herbicides, pesticides, diesel and harvesting. While CACP has used A2 + FL formula, the farmers have been demanding C2+ 50% for just returns on the produce. A2 covers major costs such as fertilisers, pesticides, herbicides and diesel among others and FL implies unpaid family labour. C2 refers to comprehensive costs that also cover rents and forgone interest on land apart from traditional costs.

On Dallewal’s fast and deteriorating health, SKM leaders said in case of any untoward development, the entire responsibility would fall on Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Home Minister Amit Shah, Punjab Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann and Haryana Chief Minister Nayab Singh Saini.

In a statement, SKM core team member Darshan Pal said, “Instead of discussing the acute distress faced by farmers and agricultural labourers, the NDA-3 government is further unleashing an onslaught on agriculture, industry and services through the New National Agriculture Market Policy and Digital Agriculture Mission, National Cooperation Policy, imposing four labour codes and One Nation One Election that erodes the federal rights of the State Governments to facilitate the corporate agenda of ‘one nation one market for corporate profiteering’.

Memorandum to President

The memorandum submitted to the President of India by SKM leaders read, “It is highly unfortunate that the Prime Minister, Shri. Narendra Modi is not ready to hold discussions with farmer organisations on struggles. Instead, consistent efforts are there to brutally suppress the struggles of farmers at Shambu and Khanuri borders of Punjab and Noida-Greater Noida in Uttar Pradesh by using tear gas shelling, rubber bullets, water cannons and putting hundreds of farmers in jail for holding peaceful demonstrations and Dharna.”

It further noted that In the Gautam Buddha Nagar, the FIR No.0538 dated December 4, 2024, revealed that the Police Commissionerate had implicated 112 farmers on false charges under Section 109 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Nyay Samhita for attempt to murder of a police sub-inspector…. “The farmers are in jail for the last 21 days,” it added.

The memorandum also held that the “new National Agriculture Market Policy is part of the strategy of the corporate agenda to permit backdoor resurrection of the three farm laws. The conscious efforts in the last two years to thwart procurement in APMC markets in Punjab and Haryana, dismantle FCI by promoting cash transfer on food subsidy, reduction of food subsidy by Rs. 60,470 Cr. and fertiliser subsidy by Rs. 62,445 Cr. in the last three consecutive years are corporate attacks on the existing system of limited MSP and Food security of the country.”

Courtesy: Newsclick

The post Save Dallewal’s Life, Hold Discussion on MSP, Says SKM in Memo to President Murmu appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Candle light processions are being carried out in the villages of Greater Noida demanding immediate release of farmers put in Jail by Yogi Adityanath Government of Uttar Pradesh. pic.twitter.com/Oq7vZSUY1s

— AIKS (@KisanSabha) December 19, 2024

Background

On December 17, (Tuesday), a significant development unfolded in Greater Noida when a court granted bail to 86 farmers arrested during protests earlier this month. These farmers had been detained during demonstrations demanding increased compensation for land acquisition in the region. The arrests occurred on December 4 and 5 at Zero Point in Greater Noida, where 136 farmers were taken into custody. While eight farmers had been released on bail last week, the 86 granted bail on Tuesday will remain in jail until they deposit a surety of Rs 20,000 each.

The farmers’ protests erupted in response to the Uttar Pradesh government’s failure to fulfil promises of increased compensation for land acquired from farmers for various development projects. Led by farmer unions such as the Bharatiya Kisan Union (BKU), the farmers have been advocating for compensation rates that reflect the rising costs of living and the value of their land. These protests led to disruptions, including the blockade of the Noida Expressway on December 5, when protesters allegedly damaged barricades and clashed with police.

Sub-Inspector Rahul Kumar filed a complaint against the protesters, accusing them of rioting, unlawful assembly, and causing harm to public servants. In his complaint, Kumar stated that despite police efforts to de-escalate, the protesters continued shouting slogans against the government and police, escalating the situation. However, the farmers’ leaders maintain that their protests were peaceful and that the charges were fabricated, as Times of India reported.

Farmers’ struggle in Noida and Greater Noida

The farmers’ struggle in Noida and Greater Noida is a powerful manifestation of resistance against the land acquisition policies that have long been a source of tension in Uttar Pradesh. This struggle is deeply rooted in the farmers’ demands for rightful compensation and alternative livelihoods.

Land acquisition and political Relevance

The backdrop to the farmers’ protests in the region is the ongoing process of land acquisition for several major development projects. These include the construction of the Greater Noida and Noida industrial zones, the Yamuna Expressway, the Jewar International Airport, and various projects under the Uttar Pradesh State Industrial Development Corporation (UPSIDC). Farmers argue that their land was acquired without fair compensation, leaving them without sufficient support for their livelihoods. The struggle for land rights in this region has gained increasing political relevance as it exposes the exploitative relationship between the state government and corporate forces benefiting from these land acquisitions.

Past struggles and farmer solidarity

The farmers’ struggles have been ongoing for several years, with the All-India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) playing a crucial role in mobilizing farmers and building solidarity across communities. In 2023, after farmers successfully pushed for the formation of a High-Power Committee, the government promised several measures, including higher compensation and the return of a portion of acquired land. However, the BJP-led state government, under Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, has failed to implement these recommendations, prompting farmers to intensify their struggle.

November-December 2024: escalation of protests

The situation reached a boiling point in November and December 2024, when ten major farmer organizations under the Samyukt Kisan Morcha (SKM) banner organized a Mahapanchayat in Greater Noida on November 25. The farmers, including a large number of women, demanded immediate action from the Uttar Pradesh government to address their concerns. When the government failed to respond, the farmers organized day-and-night protests from November 26 to December 1.

Violent crackdown and arrests

On December 2, 2024, thousands of farmers attempted to march to Delhi, but were stopped by police barricades, resulting in traffic disruptions. The government responded by making several promises to engage with the farmers, but the situation worsened on December 3, when police forces violently evicted the protesters. Over 160 farmers, including key leaders, were arrested and sent to Luksar Jail, with many others detained at their homes under house arrest.

The struggle for land rights in Noida and Greater Noida has become emblematic of broader issues surrounding land acquisition, compensation, and the rights of rural farmers. It represents a direct challenge to the BJP-led state government’s corporate-friendly policies, and it has sparked widespread support from farmers across the country. The movement continues to gain momentum, with more protests planned and the farmers’ determination to secure their rightful claims remaining unshaken.

Related:

Farmers Declare Punjab Bandh on Dec 30 Amid Deteriorating Health of Dallewal

‘Kisan Satyagraha’, a visual diary of a year-long, historic struggle that forced a regime to withdraw three anti-farmer laws

Farmers protest: Documentary ‘Kisan Satyagraha’ barred from Bengaluru film fest

The post Candlelight protests in Greater Noida demand immediate release of jailed farmers appeared first on SabrangIndia.