The seizure of 19,250 live cartridges from Koilawar police thane near the Kulhadiya Toll Plaza has drawn strong political reactions with Tejasvi Yadav, leader of the opposition raising serious questions over the accused’s alleged involvement with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). The Lokmat News reported this seizure even as the incident erupted into a political controversy with questions on motives behind the possession and transportation of thousands and thousands of such live cartridges and dangerous explosives over the Diwali weekend arose.

बिहार में 𝐑𝐒𝐒 से जुड़े चंदन तिवारी, अभिषेक तिवारी, लालटू कुमार और सरस कुमार से 𝟒𝟒,𝟎𝟎𝟎 जिंदा कारतूस पकड़े गए है। ये लोग गोला-बारूद के अंतरराज्यीय तस्करी के एक खतरनाक नेटवर्क से जुड़े है। क्या 𝐑𝐒𝐒 के ये आतंकवादी देशभर में धमाके करने की साज़िश रच रहे थे?

𝐑𝐒𝐒 से जुड़े तस्करी नेटवर्क के तीन लोगों से ही 𝟒𝟒,𝟎𝟎𝟎 ज़िंदा कारतूस पकड़े जाने के बाद भी क्या 𝐑𝐒𝐒 को आतंकवादी संगठन घोषित नहीं कर देना चाहिए?

— Tejashwi Yadav (@yadavtejashwi) November 5, 2026

So far, nothing in the publicly disclosed official accounts reveal any such clear organisational link.

In fact, it is on November 2, when a joint task force of the Bihar STF and the Bhojpur District police apprehended and stopped an SUV at the Toll Plaza, and on searching it unearthed these 19,250 live cartridges and one “desi” pistol. Three persons have been arrested in this connection, and they reportedly hail from Muzaffarpur: Laltu Kumar (38), Saras Kumar (27) and Chandan Tiwari (26) from Siwan and are part of an international arms ammunition network. Sections of the BNSS and Arms act have been added in the charges against them. The connection or alleged connection with the RSS surfaced later, according to Lokmat News, their older photographs in the RSS’ uniform started circulating. It is through this seizure and investigation that 25,000 live cartridge seizure by the Haryana STF near Jhajjar was unearthed.

Meanwhile, a team of Haryana police special task force (STF) seized a consignment of 25000 live cartridges that was being smuggled to Uttar Pradesh and Bihar and arrested five suspects from two cars near Rohad toll plaza on Bahadurgarh-Rohtak highway in Jhajjar on Tuesday. The arrested suspects were Afifuddin alias Munna Khan, 49, Asim Rais, 33, Sablu Khan, 32, Arbaz Ali, 27 and Zeenat, 33. All five are residents of different localities in Uttar Pradesh’s Budaun. Eight mobile phones and two cars were also seized from them, STF officials said.

In the third weekend incident involving seizure of explosives, Uttar Pradesh Police have arrested two men and seized nearly 199 kg of gelatin explosives, 100 fuses, seven bundles of red wire and 2.945 kg of powder from a fleeing Bolero vehicle in Chitrakoot district, according reports in Dainik Bhaskar and Amar Ujala published on November 5. News reports published over the weekend and today, Monday November 9 have reported that a leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and his close associate have been arrested in Uttar Pradesh’s Chitrakoot district after local police allegedly recovered nearly 200 kg of explosive material from their vehicle near the Madhya Pradesh border. The arrest has resulted in a storm within political circles; however, predictably, the BJP itself has so far maintained a stony silence over the incident. Hari Gopal Mishra is the BJP leader who was arrested while his associate is Pappu Tiwari. Both men are residents of Bhouri village under the Raipura police station area of Chitrakoot.

The reported political background of Hari Gopal Mishra has drawn attention following the seizure. According to Amar Ujala, he had contested a Zila Panchayat election with BJP backing.

In the highway seizure in Jajjhar, Haryana authorities have revealed to the media that Munna owns an ancestral Badaun Gun House in the Civil Lines area of Badaun and had procured the consignment from Vijay Goel, who runs Mehak Gun House in Sirsa, Haryana, which he has been running since 1999.  The Haryana STF said Vijay has also been arrested and was quizzed to ascertain his role in the interstate smuggling network, which is suspected to be running for the last three years.

Waseem Akram, superintendent of police, Haryana STF, said that 24400 cartridges of 7.65mm (.32 bore) used in regular small handguns and .315 bore used in rifles were seized from a Tata Harrier, while another batch of 600 cartridges (.315 bore) were seized from a Hyundai Aura.

“The 7.65mm cartridges are used in illegal country-made pistols manufactured in Bihar’s Munger, West Bengal and Eastern UP, while the rifle bore cartridges are used in breach-load illegal pistols manufactured in these areas for which the smuggling was taking place,” Akram said.

Akram said Munna was the kingpin of the smuggling racket running due to continuous cartridge stock pilferage from the gun houses in Haryana, UP and other places. Shamsher Dahiya, deputy superintendent of police, STF, said the entire consignment was manufactured in an ammunition factory in Pune’s Khadki, as the marking ‘KF’ was engraved on all the cartridges. “The two cars were intercepted near a roadside eatery, Triveni Dhaba, which is located right opposite the toll plaza after we had received a tip-off from Bihar police STF,” he added. Some controversy has erupted over a photograph showing the accused posing in uniforms of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).

Photographs showing Bihar-based accused Chandan Tiwari and his brother Abhishek Tiwari wearing the uniform of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) were reported in a section of the digital media. Another image reportedly showing them posing with a local MLA from Muzaffarpur has also surfaced. The photographs have prompted questions about the alleged political and organisational associations of the accused. However, the images alone do not establish that the RSS, as an organisation, was involved in the arms smuggling network.

Questions over Ammunition manufactured in government factories

Another aspect of the investigation concerns reports that some of the seized cartridges were manufactured in government-owned ordnance factories. If confirmed, the reported origin of the ammunition raises questions about how it entered the alleged illegal supply chain and whether it was diverted through licensed dealers or other intermediaries.

The National Investigation Agency (NIA) has reportedly joined the investigation. It is expected to examine the origin of the ammunition, the supply chain and the possible involvement of other individuals. According to media reports, the investigation has also brought renewed attention to the name of Jalan Shop, which reportedly surfaced in an earlier arms smuggling case in Bihar. Reports in that case alleged that an individual associated with the shop supplied nearly 100 pistols to different parts of Bihar using forged arms licences. The accused was reportedly wanted by the NIA and remains absconding.

Investigators have yet to establish whether the current ammunition network has any connection with that case or other previously investigated arms trafficking operations. The agencies are now attempting to trace the intended recipients of the seized cartridges and identify the ultimate buyers. They are also examining whether the ammunition was meant for organised criminal groups or other illegal networks.

Explosives seized in Chitrakoot

There are differing accounts regarding the intended use of the seized materials from the third incident.

According to reports, the accused told investigators that the explosives were being transported from Majhgawan in Madhya Pradesh for digging a well in a rocky area. Police reportedly said the materials were of the type used for breaking rocks in stone quarries.

However, another Amar Ujala report stated that the accused had told police that the materials were intended for making firecrackers. Investigators are examining the source, destination and intended use of the explosives. Police have registered a case against the two accused under Sections 4 and 5 of the Explosive Substances Act, 1908. The Bolero used to transport the materials has also been seized.  Following the recovery, police took both men into custody and informed Chitrakoot Superintendent of Police Arun Kumar Singh, who subsequently reached the spot. The accused, along with the seized explosives, were taken to the police station for questioning. Both men were produced before a court and sent to judicial custody.

Investigators are examining the supply chain, the source of the explosives in Madhya Pradesh, their intended recipients and whether other individuals were involved in the transportation or distribution of the materials.

It was while the police from the Markundi police station were conducting a routine checking operation in their jurisdiction on the night of November 3 when they spotted a Bolero approaching. However, suspiciously, when the police signalled the Bolero vehicle to stop, its occupants allegedly attempted to flee. Thereafter, the police intercepted the vehicle after cordoning off the area.

When police personnel asked the two occupants to step out and allow the vehicle to be searched, Mishra reportedly identified himself as a BJP leader and attempted to use his political influence to avoid the search. However, the police proceeded with the inspection and recovered a large quantity of explosive material from the vehicle.

The seized material included 199 kg of gelatin sticks, 100 red-coloured fuses, seven bundles of red wire and 2.945 kg of explosive powder. It was on November 4, Superintendent of Police Arun Kumar Singh held a press conference and presented the two arrested men before journalists, as reported by Dainik Bhaskar and Amar Ujala.

The SP confirmed that Hari Gopal Mishra was associated with the BJP and had contested the Zila Panchayat member election on the party’s ticket. He had also served as a Zila Panchayat member. The second accused, Pappu Tiwari, was identified as his associate.

According to the SP, the two men were apprehended near the Uttar Pradesh–Madhya Pradesh border with approximately two quintals of explosive material. The police are investigating where the explosives were procured, where they were being transported and what they were intended to be used for. Investigators are also examining whether other individuals or organised groups were involved in the case.

The police are further probing the possible purchase and sale of the explosives; the network of people associated with their supply and whether the accused possessed the mandatory licences and documents for storing and transporting such material.

The SP said that the complete details would emerge only after the investigation was concluded. He also observed that the recovery of such a large quantity of explosives raised serious concerns, as the material could potentially have been used to carry out a major incident.

BJP silent, yet to respond

The arrest of a person identified by the police as a former BJP-backed Zila Panchayat member, along with the recovery of such a huge quantity of explosives, has caused considerable embarrassment for the party. The BJP has not issued any public statement on the matter so far.

The incident has also triggered political questions about the source, illegal procurement and intended use of the explosives. However, the allegations concerning any wider political or organisational involvement remain unsubstantiated and will have to be established through the police investigation.

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Today, November 6, the ECI has issued communication addressed to CEOs of Delhi, Maharashtra, Haryana, Andhra Pradesh, Jharkhand, Telangana and Nagaland on facilitating inclusion of left out voters. 

The communication states:

– Voters who are on ASDD list as they had shifted residence, can fill enumeration form along with a statement with details of their new address. In case of homeless persons, field verification by BLO will suffice. 

– Voters who could not submit their enumeration form within the deadline and are on ASDD list can submit their enumeration form now along with a statement on why they were unable to do so earlier. 

– All those on ASDD list who will now fill enumeration form along with the applicable statement will be re-assigned their old EPIC number. All such cases will be parked for inclusion in final voter list following due verification. 

– Wide publicity must be given to all these initiatives, including through media, social media, and announcements, reaching out through WhatsApp etc. and facilitation and assistance to be provided to voters. 

Link to ECI communication of Nov. 6, 2026- https://ceodelhi.gov.in/PDFFolders/2026/Left_Out_Electors_6_11_2026.pdf 

Anjali Bhardwaj and Amrita Johri, petitioners in the Writ Petition (Civil) 1188/2026 & IA No. 317050/2026 in Anjali Bhardwaj & ANR. Vs Election Commission of India & ANR have in a public communication today stated that they welcome this development:

“We welcome this communication issued by the ECI. We believe this is an important step in addressing large scale exclusions caused during SIR. The provision to re-assign the old EPIC numbers is important as it will ensure preservation of voter’s historical record of being an existing voter. Just in Delhi, out of 47.56 lakh deleted in the first phase and put on ASDD, 31.59 lakh were marked as permanently shifted and 11.73 as absent/untraceable. The SC had observed that asking such people to fill Form 6 with its declaration of being a first time voter was an error. 

We urge the CEO of Delhi and all other states to take immediate steps to operationalise these critical directions. “

Meanwhile, yesterday, November 5, they had in a formal letter the ECI requested for an immediate investigation and legal action based on media report of forgery, identity fraud, and misuse of Form 7 in Mustafabad Constituency of Delhi

In a letter addressed to the ECI, Anjali Bharadwaj and Amrita Johri had relied on a news report published in The Hindu yesterday.

The letter states that,  

“We are writing to draw your urgent attention to a news report published by The Hindu on November 5, 2026, titled “Delhi SIR: several BJP BLAs named as ‘objectors’ deny filing Form 7s in Mustafabad area” (pasted below).

“The investigative report highlights alarming irregularities in the ongoing Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of voter rolls in the Mustafabad constituency of Delhi. Out of 1,021 deletion applications filed, at least 787 Form 7—accounting for 94% of third-party deletion requests—were submitted in the names of 20 BJP-appointed Booth-Level Agents (BLAs). All the applications were against Muslim electors. Upon verification, The Hindu has reported that 16 of these 20 individuals denied filling, signing, or having any knowledge of these forms, indicating that their identities appear to have been forged and used fraudulently without their consent.

“The report raises serious concerns about possible systematic and fraudulent attempt to disenfranchise legitimate electors through the deliberate misuse of statutory procedures and warrants investigation.

“In light of these findings, we urge the ECI and the CEO, Delhi, to take immediate cognizance and initiate the following actions:

1. Register police complaints: Direct the registration of FIRs under relevant provisions of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) including for forgery, criminal impersonation, identity fraud, and submission of false declarations etc.
2. Comprehensive audit of all Form 7 submissions: Conduct a comprehensive audit of every Form 7 submitted across all constituencies in Delhi during the SIR to verify whether the listed objectors actually authorized and signed the forms.
3. Statutory penalties under the RP Act: After investigation, enforce strict statutory action under Section 31 of the Representation of the People Act, 1950, against all persons who knowingly submitted false or fabricated declarations in Form 7.
   
4. No deletions without independent verification: Immediately stay all deletion proceedings originating from third-party Form 7 applications until independent verification with the affected electors and listed objectors is completed.
5. Publish verification reports: Release a public report disclosing the total number of Form 7 applications received, verified as genuine, or found to be fraudulent to maintain public trust in the electoral process.
6. Publish all Form 7 submissions on the CEO Delhi website: Publish all Form 7 deletion applications received during the SIR on the website of the CEO, Delhi to enable people to check and verify whether such forms have been fraudulently submitted in their names.

The letter dated November 5 had been addressed to Gyanesh Kumar, The Chief Election Commissioner, ECI, Sukhbir Singh Sandhu, Election Commissioner, ECI, Dr. Vivek Joshi, Election Commissioner, ECI and Ashok Kumar, The Chief Electoral Officer (CEO), Delhi

The Hindu, November 5, 2026 (page 4)

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A copy of the judgement is not yet available.

Doley was arrested on July 12, days after he took part in a protest against a hotel project at Ingle Pathar, a village adjoining the Kaziranga National Park in Assam. Predictably, the police had alleged that he “unlawfully trespassed into the site of the Tea Tribes Museum and thereafter trespassed into the nearby ATDC [Assam Tourism Development Corporation] Hyatt project at Ingle Pathar with deadly weapons” during the protest. Doley, is the convenor of the Greater Kaziranga Land and Human Rights Protection Committee (GKLHRPC) and a leading face of the agitation against a proposed luxury hotel project near Kaziranga National Park.

On July 29, a sessions court in Golaghat granted bail to Doley, stating that the investigating officer had already recorded the statements of key witnesses and that there was no possibility of the accused concealing or tampering with the evidence.

However, the very next day, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government in the state detained Doley under the National Security Act, alleging that he had carried out “suspicious foreign transactions from doubtful sources” in violation of the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act. Shockingly, this means that he was not released from jail, despite the bail order.

In August, the Congress had alleged that the Assam government invoking the Act against Doley was part of a “growing pattern” of the BJP “weaponising extraordinary laws to silence dissent”. Party leader Jairam Ramesh had described the state government’s allegations against Doley as “vague and speculative”.

Citing detentions of at least two other persons under the Act in Uttar Pradesh in April, the Opposition MP claimed that this was a familiar script followed by the Narendra Modi government.

At the time of the arrest itself, three organisations have issued strongly worded statements condemning the arrest of prominent Assam land rights activist Pranab Doley, describing the police action as an attempt to suppress democratic dissent and intimidate communities resisting corporate-backed projects in and around Kaziranga. In separate statements released on July 12, the Forum for Social Harmony, the Asom Mojuri Shramik Union (AMSU) and All India Kisan Mazdoor Sabha (AIKMS), and the Bhumi Adhikar Andolan (BAA) alleged that Doley’s arrest is part of an intensifying pattern of criminalising indigenous rights defenders, farmers and people’s movements challenging land acquisition, displacement and the expansion of corporate interests in ecologically sensitive areas. While each statement approaches the issue from a distinct perspective, all three organisations unequivocally demand Doley’s immediate and unconditional release, withdrawal of what they describe as false and politically motivated criminal cases, and an end to the alleged use of police powers to stifle democratic protest.

The statements were issued hours after the Assam Police detained Doley in Guwahati on July 12 in connection with a criminal case registered at Bokakhat Police Station.

Forum for Social Harmony calls arrest an attack on democratic rights

The Forum for Social Harmony characterised Doley’s arrest as “an attack on democratic rights”, alleging that the Assam government had deployed the police machinery to suppress a legitimate people’s movement centred on land rights, livelihood protection and environmental justice. The organisation said the arrest was deeply alarming because it followed a prolonged and peaceful campaign by local farmers, indigenous communities and several people’s organisations opposing the proposed luxury hotel project at Engle (Inglay) Pathar in Kaziranga.

According to the Forum, the government’s response has not been to engage with the concerns raised by affected communities but to repeatedly invoke criminal law against movement leaders. It alleged that the filing of one criminal case after another reflects a “dangerous trend” of shrinking democratic space, where constitutionally protected rights to dissent and freedom of expression are increasingly curtailed through criminal prosecution and police action.

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‘Attack on democratic rights’: Rights groups denounce Pranab Doley’s arrest

The post Assam: Gauhati HC quashes NSA detention of activist Pranab Doley appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Dozens of protesters from the Christian community marched to Kolkata’s Esplanade on Thursday (November 5, 2026) in protest against the rising cases of mob attacks on churches across West Bengal.  Thereafter, a mega-prayer rally was called by the Bangiya Chirstiya Parishad at Rani Rashmoni Road in Esplanade on Sunday (November 1, 2026). A sea of people from Kolkata and surrounding districts walked from Sealdah, Birla Planetarium, and Howrah to gather there and express their dissent over the rapid attacks.

“An unprecedented crisis has brought us together today at this prayer gathering in Kolkata. Over the past five months, coordinated attacks, vandalism, and atrocities targeting prayer meetings, worship centres, and churches have been taking place relentlessly across various districts,” said Herod Mullick, state secretary of BCP.

SabrangIndia had reported on the terror generated by local outfits of the Bajrang Dal against the Christian community in October 2026. This report may be read here.

Media has reported that at least 48 such incidents have been reported since May across the state since the far right Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) “swept to power”. The elections have been contentitious however as allegations of mass voter exclusion under the controversial Special Intensive Revision (SIR) have been before, during and after the 2026 elections, been proven.

Despite 48 incidents being documented, however, the first information reports could be lodged in only 15 cases. Out of the 48 targeted churches, 7 belong to mainline denominations—6 Catholic and 1 Church of North India (CNI). Mr. Mullick has told the media that the central allegation levelled against the community is ‘forced conversion’. He said it is a ‘false narrative’ deliberately used only to frame peaceful Christian prayer gatherings as illegal conversion events.

“Our repeated appeals to the Chief Minister to uncover the truth remain unheeded, while miscreants who take the law into their own hands operate with complete impunity. While the victims have chosen forgiveness and you have continued to pray in silent endurance, the reality on the ground remains grim,” he added.

He also addressed the deep anxiety among the Christian community in Bengal over the upcoming Christmas festival in December. He said that the people are scared to celebrate any event or even to step out due to these recent incidents. However, Mr. Mullick assured them that the organisation is speaking to the administration and the dialogue seems positive.

Seeking a “constructive way forward”, a five-member delegation of the BCP also met the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) State Head, Dr. Jishnu Basu, on Wednesday. “Dr. Basu firmly assured us that attacks or vandalism on places of worship are entirely unacceptable and cannot be justified under any circumstances. He committed to personally taking up this matter with the CM,” he said.

The development comes only four days after a newly erected church at Basanti in South 24 Parganas was vandalised by a violent mob belonging to some Hindu outfits. Several priests and also the Bishop of the church have been injured during the incident.

A similar incident also took place at a prayer meeting in Malda’s Harishchandrapur on the same day. However, nobody was injured in this incident. Another under-construction church was also vandalised by a mob on July 5 at Subhashgram in South 24 Parganas.

Archbishop Joseph D’Souza, the President of the All India Christian Council and National Federation of Churches, Bishop Shyamal Bose, Bishop Nirmal Gomes, Bishop Subodh Mondal, Rev. Samaresh Naik from the National Council of Baptist Churches, Odisha, and representatives of Churches and Organisations from Meghalaya, Mizoram, and Nagaland were also present at Thursday’s (November 4, 2026) mega prayer rally.

“Attacks on the Christians are not new. We have been victims of such religious oppression historically. We must stand together against such barbarism unleashed on the Christian community. We are all the children of God, and he shall protect us. Our fight will continue,” said Mr. D’Souza, addressing the rally, according to media reports.

Meanwhile, a separate rally was also held at Basanti, where a newly constructed protestant church was attacked by a group of people on its inaugural day. The local Christian people marched to the local BDO office and submitted a memorandum demanding swift action against the culprits.

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As reported by The Indian Express, the agreement was finalised at a meeting at the Kolhapur district collector’s office, attended by Maharashtra Minister Hasan Mushrif, representatives of sugar mill owners and members of the farmers’ organisation. Shetti, who had been demanding an initial payment of Rs 4,500 per tonne, agreed to the revised arrangement.

Under the formula, farmers will receive an initial payment of Rs 3,900 per tonne. An additional Rs 100 will be paid at the end of the crushing season, while the remaining Rs 200 will be disbursed before the next crushing season, subject to sugar prices remaining stable at Rs 45 per kg.

The agreement also includes a provision to ensure that farmers benefit if sugar prices rise. If prices exceed Rs 45 per kg, 70 per cent of the additional revenue will be passed on to sugarcane growers, with the remaining 30 per cent going to factory owners, Shetti said.

Following the agreement, Shetti announced the withdrawal of the agitation at the Kini toll plaza in Kolhapur and Nagthane in Satara at around 1 am on Friday, November 6. A strike scheduled for Friday was also called off. Traffic along the Pune-Satara-Kolhapur stretch of NH-48 subsequently began returning to normal.

Months of demands culminate in highway blockade

The agreement follows nearly two months of sustained protests by sugarcane growers, who had been demanding an initial payment of Rs 4,500 per tonne, arguing that the amount was necessary to secure a fair return for their produce.

The agitation escalated on November 3, when the Swabhimani Shetkari Sanghatana launched road blockades at Nagthane in Satara district and the Kini toll plaza in Kolhapur district. As reported by The Indian Express on November 4, the protests disrupted traffic at several points along the highway, including Satara, Nagthane, Atit, Umbraj and Kini-Wathar. With both Mumbai-bound and Kolhapur-bound traffic affected, police were compelled to divert vehicles through interior village roads.

The blockade was not the organisation’s first attempt to press its demands. On October 13, farmers had blocked the highway at the Kognoli toll plaza on the Maharashtra-Karnataka border for more than 34 hours over the same issue.

The farmers’ demands extended beyond the immediate price of sugarcane. Shetti had also called for an increase in the minimum support price of sugar from Rs 31 per kg to Rs 50 per kg, arguing that the existing price structure did not adequately address growers’ concerns.

Speaking to the media during the November agitation, Shetti had criticised the state government and sugar mill owners for their failure to engage with the protesters despite the prolonged blockade. He pointed out that farmers had remained on the roads for over 24 hours without any official visiting them to hear their demands.

The protest had also received political support. Former Maharashtra Chief Minister and Congress leader Prithviraj Chavan, who represents Karad in Satara district, backed the agitation, accusing the state government and sugar factory owners of repeatedly ignoring farmers’ demands despite two months of protests.

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A division bench of Justices Valmiki Menezes and Amit Jamsandekar allowed the petitions challenging the deletion of their names and the rejection of their Form 8 applications, which are used by existing voters to update their residential addresses.

The court directed the Booth Level Officer (BLO) of the Santacruz Assembly constituency in Goa to include the petitioners’ names within 10 days, after verifying their residence.

As reported by LiveLaw, the bench said, “We allow the petition… We have rejected the contention of the ECI that the hearing in the present plea be deferred as the issue of SIR is pending before the Supreme Court…. This is not pertaining to SIR… We therefore ordered the BLO of Santacruz Constituency (in Goa) to add the names of the petitioners within a period of 10 days from today.”

The court also refused the ECI’s request to stay the operation of its order for two weeks.

Court questions requirement to submit enumeration forms

The dispute arose after the petitioners, members of the Salgaonkar family, approached the court stating that their names had been omitted from the electoral roll despite submitting Form 8 applications seeking changes to their residential addresses.

The ECI argued that under the SIR guidelines, voters were required to submit a pre-filled enumeration form along with Form 8. Since the petitioners had not submitted the enumeration forms, they were asked to file Form 6, which is meant for fresh inclusion in the electoral roll.

The bench questioned this requirement, pointing out that the pre-filled enumeration form contained a declaration that the elector continued to reside at the address recorded in the existing electoral roll.

Questioning how voters who had shifted residence could be compelled to make such a declaration, Justice Menezes observed:

“If a voter comes to you with Form 8, saying he has changed his address you just cannot tell that person that look your name isn’t included in the draft roll now you will have to fill in Form 6 (inclusion of new voter). Your enumeration form, basically has a declaration that a person continues to live at the address as mentioned in the existing voters list. But consider, if someone has changed their residence, can you compel the person to make a false declaration by submitting that pre-filled enumeration? Why can’t that person simply give a Form 8 because anyway, his name is there in the existing list he just wants to get his address changed.. Why compel enumeration form?”

The bench had also questioned why an existing elector seeking an address correction should be required to apply as a new voter.

Court flags risk of excluding eligible voters

During the hearings, the bench questioned the ECI’s approach of rejecting Form 8 applications instead of keeping them pending for verification. It also raised concerns about the consequences of compelling relocated voters to submit declarations that no longer reflected their actual residential status.

As reported by Bar and Bench, the court flagged a “catch-22 situation” in which voters who had shifted residence faced rejection of their Form 8 applications and were instead directed to submit Form 6, potentially creating further difficulties in establishing their electoral registration.

The ECI, represented by Senior Advocate Ashutosh Kumbhakoni, argued that the draft SIR roll was prepared afresh (de novo) on the basis of newly collected enumeration forms. According to the ECI, voters whose names did not appear in the draft roll could not use Form 8 to modify an existing entry and were required to apply afresh through Form 6 during the claims and objections period.

The court, however, allowed the petitions and directed restoration of the six names. It also rejected the ECI’s request to defer the proceedings until the Supreme Court decides the broader challenges to the SIR process.

The detailed written order is awaited.

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The post Goa SIR: Bombay High Court orders ECI to restore names of six voters deleted from final electoral roll appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The website of the organization has published a portrait of Gautam Adani, garlanded and looking upwards wearing a half-smile, who now joins an array of 33 global figures and companies lined up by Reporters Sans Frontiers (RSF) in its “2026 Press Freedom Predators List”. Donald Trump, US President, makes it on the list for the first time this year. OpIndia, which features pro-establishment critiques of independent media, is on the list again.

The list is RSF’s rather unique way to mark the International Day to End Impunity for Crimes against Journalists on November 2. It profiles 33 “press freedom predators” who targeted journalists and media outlets in 2026. “What do they have in common? A hatred of press freedom,” says RSF.

“This tongue-in-cheek awards list highlights the diversity and brutality of the tactics used to stifle journalism,” RSF says.

India has two entries – corporate giant Adani features as a representative of his Adani Group, which RSF says is a “predator” of the media for its “use of gag suits”. A journalist the group has been pursuing with a criminal defamation case due to articles published recently spent time in a prison in Gujarat. RSF notes that the conglomerate has “11 ongoing civil and criminal proceedings against journalists in India over their reporting on the Adani Group and its subsidiaries”.

The RSF report notes that the Adani Group seeks “to criminalise journalism via abusive legal proceedings against media outlets and journalists”, joining other noteworthy personalities with the same goal: Kazakhstan’s president Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, making his debut, and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.

RSF cites from a lawsuit filed by Adani Enterprises on September 6, 2025, to illustrate its point:

“[T]he Plaintiff is aggrieved by the actions of certain reporters, activists and organisations, who, with malicious intent, have damaged the Adani Group’s reputation and also cost its stakeholders billions of dollars and also caused massive loss to the image, brand equity and credibility of India’s brand as a country… [T]he Defendants, by aligning with anti-India interests and continuously targeting the Plaintiff’s Infrastructure and energy projects, which are critical to India’s infrastructure and energy security, have disrupted these projects with ulterior motives.” Adani Group is among several others who use lawfare to target journalists critical of them or their regimes as per the RSF’s 2026 report.

Ironically, the second Indian entry is media outlet OpIndia, which features this year for “fuelling public hatred through digital attacks on independent journalism, orchestrated or supported by those in power”. In its study of how OpIndia operates, RSF has previously noted that between January and September, 2025, it published 91 articles targeting journalists and media outlets, including 43 aimed exclusively at five journalists. “The RSF analysis found that of these 43 articles, 32 were followed by immediate waves of online harassment,” its study found.

OpIndia continues to find support from Google AdSense and other sources despite funding withdrawals as a result of the ‘Stop Funding Hate’ campaign, the RSF notes. Anne Bocandé, RSF editorial director, said:

OpIndia is a central cog in the systematic harassment of journalists in India, which puts them in very real danger. RSF calls on the Indian justice system to investigate the cyber harassment campaigns linked to these publications. Online platforms, particularly X, must act to remove the hateful content fuelling these attacks. What’s more, it seems that Google AdSense’s continued funding of this site is incompatible with its misconduct. The fight against online harassment is key in protecting journalists and press freedom in India.

The profile of OpIndia on the RSF site says, “Between 2023 and 2025, more than 300 publications targeting journalists were published on its website, often fuelling large-scale online harassment campaigns.”

OpIndia takes on independent sites, opposition-ruled state governments for their perceived wrongs. Screenshot taken on November 3, 2026. As per the RSF report, the journalists most frequently targeted on OpIndia were: Rajdeep Sardesai, consultant editor and anchor of India Today (36 articles); Arfa Khanum Sherwani, journalist of The Wire (18); Mohammed Zubair, Co-founder of the fact-checking website Alt News (15); Mahesh Langa, journalist at The Hindu (13), Ravish Kumar, independent journalist (11); and Prabir Purkayastha, chief editor of NewsClick (10).

Independent media outlets, The Wire, NewsClick and Newslaundry, were also among the main targets, RSF found, with 32, 17 and 16 disparaging articles documented, respectively, over this period. Together, such entities (among many others) have contributed to bring India’s media ranking in 2026 to 157th/180 – down six places from last year. As per the RSF rankings, India is part of a sea of red for lack of media freedoms in a vast part of the world:

The RSF recently provided a retrospective of the last 25 years in terms of media freedoms, in which it noted:

For the first time in the history of the Reporters Without Borders (RSF) World Press Freedom Index, over half of the world’s countries now fall into the “difficult” or “very serious” categories for press freedom. In 25 years, the average score of all 180 countries and territories surveyed in the Index has never been so low.

Donald Trump makes it to RSF’s top worst list

After narrowly missing the cut last year, US President Donald Trump earned his spot on the 2026 Press Freedom Predators List as a result of his appalling record of attacks on the press after less than two years of his second term.

“Since returning to the White House in January 2025,” writes RSF, US President Donald Trump has been “waging an assault on press freedom that is unprecedented in recent US history.”

The report lists verbal attacks, legal intimidation and administrative reprisals against media outlets he considers hostile. It says the Trump administration has restricted journalists’ access to government and military institutions, undermined the independence of public broadcasters and weaponised the broadcasting regulator against the press.

Besides it also cites the President responding to questions regarding the restriction of journalists’ access to the White House, September 2026:

“Oh, the ban on the – on the free press. Right? A very simple ban. I don’t want them in my office. I don’t want them here. I would say the ban would go as far as you can.”

Still, the US ranks 64th/180 on the rankings in 2026 though it has dropped 7 places from last year.

‘Familiar faces’

Adani Group, OpIndia and Trump feature on different lists within the RSF rankings. While Adani features in the “legal” category, OpIndia features on the “social” category and Trump sits among the political. But these are just three among the 33 RSF features.

RSF describes Russian President Vladimir Putin as “ever-present” on its rankings, and Nicaragua’s Daniel Ortega as another “repeat offender” in the “security” category. It also refers to the “dismayingly unassailable” Israeli armed forces, Mexican cartels and Chinese Communist Party.

“Benjamin Netanyahu’s government, alongside the Israeli armed forces, has pursued its repressive policy against journalists in Gaza, the West Bank and Lebanon,” it says.

The only woman featured among the 33 is Margarita Simonian, the editor of Russia Today and other Russian outlets.

“She has called for the dissolution of RSF and congratulated Alexander Lukashenko after a plane was diverted to arrest the Belarusian blogger Raman Pratasevich,” RSF notes.

Earlier, while releasing the World Press Freedom Index, RSF noted that over half of the world’s countries now fall into the “difficult” or “very serious” categories for press freedom. “In 25 years, the average score of all 180 countries and territories surveyed in the Index has never been so low,” it says.

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The post RSF classifies ‘Press Freedom Predators,’ Adani, OpIndia make it to the 2026 List appeared first on SabrangIndia.

As reported by Mid-Day, passengers have alleged that private bus fares have surged to two or three times their usual rates. On one route, a ticket that ordinarily costs around Rs 700 was reportedly being sold for Rs 4,000. Other fares have reportedly touched Rs 6,000 to Rs 7,000, bringing the cost of travelling by bus uncomfortably close to that of air travel.

The steep increases have triggered considerable anger on social media, with passengers directing their criticism at Maharashtra Transport Minister Pratap Sarnaik and his department. Their complaints raise a larger question about the state’s ability and willingness to ensure that private transport operators do not turn the festive rush into an opportunity for unchecked profiteering.

“Are there no regulations whatsoever on private bus ticket prices? Fares have reached Rs 6,000-7,000, almost the same as flight tickets. What are people who book at the last minute supposed to do? Celebrate Diwali in their paying guest accommodation?” one passenger wrote on X.

Another user questioned the transport minister’s apparent inaction, asking whether he was “asleep or pretending to be”. Sharing screenshots of fares listed on booking platforms, a passenger pointed to the disproportionate increase in ticket prices, asking how a fare of Rs 700 could suddenly rise to Rs 4,000.

The complaints reflect the particular vulnerability of passengers during festive periods. With trains and other affordable transport options often difficult to secure closer to the holiday, many travellers have little choice but to turn to private buses. Operators are able to capitalise on this limited availability, while passengers who have to make last-minute journeys are left bearing the financial burden.

PUNE PASSENGERS, DON’T PAY EXTRA THIS DIWALI!

Private bus operators cannot charge you whatever they wish during the festive rush.

Pune RTO has inspected 250 buses and has already taken action against 20 operators for fare violations.

Know your rights:
Maximum fare = 1.5 times the corresponding MSRTC fare.

Overcharging? Complain on WhatsApp: 8275330101

Send your name, mobile number & ticket photo.

Enforcement drive continues till November 20.

Operators violating the rules face legal action.

Don’t stay silent. Keep your ticket. Report overcharging. Share this information with fellow Pune travellers!

#Pune #PuneNews #PuneRTO

— Pune City Life (@PuneCityLife) November 2, 2026

Even after warnings by @RtoPune the fleecing still continues !

@PratapSarnaik when will this loot stop ?

Rs 900 ticket now Rs 2,200 : Pune travellers feel the pinch of Diwali bus fare surge @MMVD_RTO

On November 5, Pune–Nagpur private bus tickets range from about Rs 1,500 for non-AC to Rs 6,800 for a Volvo AC sleeper, per seat.
@IndianExpress

— Surajya Abhiyan (@SurajyaAbhiyan) November 1, 2026

Pune RTO launches inspection drive

Amid mounting complaints, the Pune Regional Transport Office (RTO) launched a special inspection drive on November 1 to check private contract buses and prevent operators from charging passengers’ excessive fares. According to The Times of India, the drive will continue until November 20, 2026.

RTO officials have clarified that private bus operators cannot charge more than 1.5 times the Maharashtra State Road Transport Corporation (MSRTC) fare for the corresponding category of bus. Operators are also required to display fare charts inside their vehicles, enabling passengers to verify the applicable rates.

Officials have warned that action will be taken against operators found violating the prescribed fare limits. The inspection drive will also examine whether buses have valid permits, whether operators are carrying passengers beyond their authorised capacity and whether mandatory safety equipment is available.

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The post Diwali travel rush exposes unchecked profiteering by private bus operators as fares soar to Rs 7,000 appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The fundamental problem today is our fixation on creating individual icons out of protests rather than focusing on the issues. I am not referring to every sit-in, because those who truly understand the legacies of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, Jyotirao Phule, and Periyar know better. A true movement is not merely about rhetorical slogans; it is much deeper. Look at the greatest revolutions brought about by Ambedkar and Periyar in India: they were silent revolutions. They did not merely seek to change others; they sought to equip the marginalized with knowledge and wisdom.

Ambedkarism is not merely the chant of “Jai Bhim.” It is the powerful legacy of keeping a movement alive even when it is not visibly occupying the streets. Its most potent aspect is its autonomy and its ability to cultivate leadership from the most marginalized sections of society. It refuses to merely pick up the flags of others or chant slogans for their causes.

Consequently, the central debate today is not between the Left and the Right, but about maintaining the independence of the Ambedkarite movement. People must understand that despite all the pulls and pressures that have existed since Baba Saheb’s time, the movement has refused to bow down. Today, everyone is chanting “Jai Bhim,” which reflects the power and success of the Ambedkarite movement. But consider the period before the 1980s, when academics rarely wrote about it, or the 1990s, when JNU liberals dismissed the Mandal Commission as “casteist.” Ambedkarism survived not because of patronage from the Left or the Right, but on its own foundational ground.

While I strongly advocate for alliances between the Left and other anti-caste forces, such unity must be predicated on a deep respect for the historical background of the anti-caste movement. We cannot work under the condition of a “patron.” Any alliance must accept the autonomy of Dalits, Backward Castes, and Adivasis. It is not merely an issue of “erasing caste” to fit into a mainstream narrative; it is about respecting the agency of those who have been historically wronged—not just by brutal physical oppression, but by Brahmanical intellectualism.

It is equally important to recognize the diversity of political thought, whether among the Left, Ambedkarites, or socialists. There are numerous factions within the Left, just as there is a rapid proliferation of Bahujan, Dalit, and Republican parties. Despite internal differences and fragmentation, both the RPI and the BSP have played massive roles in asserting the dream of Dalit political autonomy. There are resentments—not just in Left or liberal circles, but among Ambedkarites who wish to see the BSP rise but are disappointed by its current indifference. Chandrashekhar Azad is a new entrant, and while those with sentiments for the late Kanshiram Ji still prefer the BSP, many feel they would be a much more powerful force if they joined hands. This is the reality on the ground. Similarly, the Left has its own internal differences; for instance, AISA became far more powerful and widely accepted precisely because it engaged with caste discrimination and embraced an understanding of Ambedkarism.

We must also recognize that we are currently being co-opted by the modern warfare of capitalism. Many will not like to admit it, but capitalism creates “brands.” Often, these brands are built to demolish ideology, elevating the individual above the party. Political parties today thrive on branding, which is built on public events and optics. Young influencers are the products of this system; they create visible faces to be used accordingly. For example, when Rahul Gandhi invites a young Gen-Z face like Neha Bora instead of promoting traditional youth leaders like Deepankar Bhattacharya or the NSUI, it is a calculated branding exercise. Congress’s own people question why the NSUI isn’t being promoted, but the fact is, Neha represents both the youth and a marketable brand. The media will not bother with her party; it cares about her. That is how modern branding works.

Once you become part of an agitation, the media will ask you about everything—from Ambedkarism to Brahmanism. Caught in the limelight, many are ready to give their opinions on every issue under the sun. Sometimes, it is better to say, “I don’t know much about this,” but our current set of leaders feel compelled to speak on everything. Normal issues are deliberately made controversial so that the actual problem is ignored in favor of creating drama and securing screen time.

We need to stop dragging up historical grievances merely to critique contemporary individuals. Historical issues have been debated for decades, and we must understand that different parties have always formed alliances. It was never merely about individuals fighting; it was about parties fighting. Baba Saheb was supported by socialist leaders like Prof. N.G. Ranga and Ashok Mehta when he contested the Lok Sabha elections. Alliances are historical, but they must be principled.

The future of India will be secure if the Left forces, Ambedkarites, and Periyarists come together. But the essential ingredient of this togetherness is the acceptance of diversity and respect for the autonomy of individual parties and organizations. Ambedkarites face similar internal challenges within the Dalit movement, as hitherto unrepresented communities seek a share in the power structure. Nobody is ready to accept a dominant narrative, whether it comes from outside the movement or from within.

A true movement emerges from a long, arduous struggle, not merely from a sit-in or a viral protest. India’s oppressed fought for their share in society and politics on their own terms, and they secured it today. It is the victory of the self-respect movement of Dalits and the marginalized that all parties—which once opposed or ignored Dr. Ambedkar—are now compelled to chant “Jai Bhim.”

Yet, Ambedkarites must be careful: not everyone chanting “Jai Bhim” or “Jai Savitri” is a well-wisher of the community. The Dalit political struggle today is not about fighting to become backbenchers in a dominant-caste political structure. It will always be part of broader democratic movements, but only if its autonomy and independence are unequivocally respected and accepted.

*Human rights defender 

Courtesy: https://www.counterview.net

The post The spectacle of protest: Why the Ambedkarite movement must guard its autonomy appeared first on SabrangIndia.

“A police force has made itself the enforcement arm of a private legal notice,” the IFF said in its statement condemning the police action.

The following complete text is a statement issued by the Internet Freedom Foundation detailing how it was issued a legal notice on behalf of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh along with other organisations documenting censorship in India, and the police action that followed.

The Delhi Police has asked X to remove the Internet Freedom Foundation’s account, six of its posts, the accounts of SFLC and @geoblockedindia, and posts by 16 other users, on the ground that they defame the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).

The posts document and comment on a legal notice sent in the RSS’s name to IFF, SFLC and @geoblockedindia, which demanded that the three-stop criticising and documenting government blocking orders. IFF received copies of the two police notices from X on the morning of 3 November 2026.

IFF has called on the Delhi Police to withdraw both notices. If they are not withdrawn, IFF will challenge them in court.

What happened thus far

On October 29, 2026 at 9:54 PM, IFF, SFLC and the operator of @geoblockedindia received a two-page “legal notice” said to be issued on behalf of the RSS. It asked the three to stop opposing the government’s blocking directions, stop documenting restricted content, stop posting details of geo-blocked posts, and confirm in writing within seven days that they would comply. It was signed by an unnamed “Authorised Signatory”. Several RSS office-bearers have since said on X that the notice is not authentic.

IFF replied to the notice, wrote to the RSS at its official address asking whether it had authorised it, and published both the notice and its reply just the next day, on October 30. Undeterred by whether or not the notice was authentic, on October 31, 2026 at 8:06 PM, the Special Commissioner of Police (Crime), Delhi Police, filed an “Illegal Content Report” with X (reference LD-321926). It listed two posts: IFF’s post of October 30 on the notice, and SFLC post of the same day. The stated reason was that the posts are “defamatory towards the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) under Section 356 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023”. The boxes for “safety/security”, “defamation” and “other” were ticked. The fields for the nature of the court order and court order details were left empty. The desired action was “Remove/withhold content”.

There is more. On November 1, 2026, a Sunday, a second notice arrived in the RSS’s name. It said the matter had been handed to the Akhil Bharatiya Adhivakta Parishad, that complaints had been filed in several states, and that requests had been made to block IFF’s X account and suspend the organisations. The Delhi Police had made its first request to X the previous evening. IFF did not know this until X told it on 3 November.

On November 2, 2026 at 8:51 AM, the Special Commissioner of Police (Crime) filed a second notice with X (reference LD-322956). It lists 40 URLs. Thirty-seven are posts. Three are the entire accounts of @internetfreedom, @SFLCin and @geoblockedindia. This time the boxes for “Hate speech”, “defamation”, “safety/security”, “enforcement of court order” and “other” were all ticked. The court order fields were again left empty. The stated reason reads: “The posts constitute defamation and illegal content under Section 356 BNS. Under Rule 3(1)(d) of the IT Rules, 2021, read with Section 79(3)(b) IT Act, lawful notices require action within 3 hours.”

The 16 other users are @ProdctiveUseful, @PanjwaniManoj, @jidge_, @RatanSharda55, @baxiabhishek, @SchrdingersDbag, @ashleshbiradar, @seemay, @NasirHussainINC, @Being_creat_ive, @AjoyDharmavaram, @othlaw, @_ananyaaa, @AimPoojaind, @incorigibleBhai and @rraoind.

Their posts, as far as IFF can tell, comment on the notice or on the notice about it. X forwarded both notices to IFF on 3 November 2026, at 8:47 AM and 10:03 AM, saying it was doing so “in the interest of transparency” and that IFF may wish to seek legal counsel and challenge the request in court. X’s emails do not say that it has acted on the requests.

The Delhi Police has not written to IFF, and no court has been approached, as far as the reports disclose. SFLC and @geoblockedindia have separately reported notifications from X about requests from the Uttar Pradesh Police, the Telangana Police and the Delhi Police’s Cyber Crime unit, one of them against the whole of the @geoblockedindia account.

IFF’s position

IFF has unequivocally condemned this legal action. A police force has made itself the enforcement arm of a private legal notice whose authenticity the organisation it names has not confirmed, and whose demand was that three organisations stop documenting censorship.

The notices would deliver exactly what the notice asked for as they would also remove the accounts of the three groups in India that keep public records of what is blocked, and of who ordered it. The posts in question are about a legal notice sent to us. They quote it, criticise how it was drafted, and say that we will carry on with our work.

A person who receives a threat is entitled to publish it and answer it and that is not defamation of the sender. In the three weeks before the first notice, IFF assisted 86 people whose accounts were suspended or whose posts were withheld in India. SFLC’s Free Speech Tracker recorded about 268 content restrictions and 83 account restrictions in the first days 29 of October. @geoblockedindia publishes the orders behind such blocks when platforms disclose them. None of this is unlawful.

Documenting censorship and challenging it in court is what the Constitution expects of citizens. IFF will not delete the posts. If the Delhi Police does not withdraw the notices, we will challenge them in court.

Why the reports are unlawful

Defamation is not a police matter. Section 356 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023 is a non-cognisable and bailable offence. Under Section 222 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita, 2023, no court can take cognizance of it except on a complaint by the person aggrieved.

Under Section 174 of the BNSS, the police cannot investigate a non-cognisable offence without an order of a Magistrate. The Special Commissioner of Police (Crime) is not the person aggrieved. The notices disclose no complaint by the RSS and no order of any Magistrate. Whether a statement is defamatory is for a court to decide after hearing its author, with the defences of truth, fair comment and good faith available to that author.

In Subramanian Swamy v. Union of India, (2016) 7 SCC 221, the Supreme Court upheld criminal defamation on the strength of these safeguards alone. A police officer who asks a platform to remove speech as defamatory has decided the question himself, without a complainant, a court or a hearing. The posts are protected comment. Exceptions 1 to 3 to Section 356(1) protect the truth published for the public good, opinion on the public conduct of public servants, and opinion on the conduct of any person touching a public question. The posts publish a notice that was sent to us and give our opinion of it. The RSS, if it sent the notice, chose to enter a public question. If it did not, the posts defame no one.

Further, Section 79(3)(b) and Rule 3(1)(d) do not permit this. In Shreya Singhal v. Union of India, (2015) 5 SCC 1, the Supreme Court read down Section 79(3)(b) so that an intermediary acquires “actual knowledge” only through a court order, or a notification from the appropriate government or its agency that unlawful acts relatable to Article 19(2) are being committed. The court said that it would be difficult for intermediaries to judge the legitimacy of the millions of requests they receive, and that the burden must not be placed on them. Rule 3(1)(d), as amended in November 2025 and February 2026, now requires the intimation to come from an officer not below the rank of Joint Secretary or Deputy Inspector General, to be reasoned, and to specify the legal basis and the nature of the unlawful act, subject to a monthly review by a Secretary-level officer. The three-hour window the notice invokes applies to a lawful order that meets these conditions. A web form that ticks “hate speech” and “enforcement of court order” while leaving the court order fields blank, and that gives one sentence of reasons for 40 URLs, is not such an order.

The notices by the Delhi Police are also disproportionate. They seek to remove three accounts in their entirety, with years of posts, over six, four and eleven posts respectively. They sweep in 16 third parties whose only connection is that they commented on a public controversy. In Anuradha Bhasin v. Union of India, (2020) 3 SCC 637, the Supreme Court held that any restriction on speech must be necessary, proportionate and the least restrictive measure available, and that orders restricting speech must be published and reasoned. Removing an organisation’s entire account for criticising a legal notice fails each of these tests.

The effect is to silence documentation of censorship and providing legal aid to Indian internet users. The accounts named are those that record blocking orders in India. The notice asked them to stop. A takedown request that accomplishes the demand of an anonymous private notice is not law enforcement. It is the use of state power for a private end, which Article 14 forbids.

Demands put forward by the IFF

1. To the Delhi Police: Withdraw reports LD-321926 and LD-322956 and confirm the withdrawal in writing to X and to IFF.
2. To the Delhi Police: Disclose the complaint on which the Special Commissioner of Police (Crime) acted, the authority under which the reports were filed, and whether any order of a Magistrate under Section 174 BNSS exists. Disclose every request made to any platform in this matter, including those made by the Cyber Crime unit against @geoblockedindia.
3. To X: Do not act on the reports. If any content is withheld in India, tell the affected user before acting, give them the full request, and name the legal basis. Publish both reports to the Lumen database, as the reporting form itself contemplates.
4. To the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology and the Ministry of Home Affairs: Have the Secretary-level review required by Rule 3(1)(d) examine these intimations, and tell police forces that Rule 3(1)(d) is not a remedy for defamation, which the law reserves to the person aggrieved and to the courts.
5. To the RSS: State publicly whether it authorised either notice or any complaint to the police. If it did not, say so to the Delhi Police. If the notices are not withdrawn, IFF will challenge them in court. We will continue to document blocking orders, to publish them, and to provide legal assistance to anyone whose account or post is withheld in India. Nothing in these notices changes that.

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The post ‘We will challenge notices in Court’: IFF’s statement on legal notice over ‘defaming’ RSS appeared first on SabrangIndia.