Farhad had reportedly just stepped out of the examination centre when the attack occurred at the college gate. Witnesses saw flames leap from his clothes as people nearby scrambled to put them out.

Fortuitously, another group of students and passers-by rushed to douse the fire with water and cloth. Some used water bottles. Others shouted for help. For a few minutes, the scene dissolved into panic.

Police said that Farhad sustained around 8% burn injuries. He was first taken to a private facility on Delhi Road and later shifted to the district hospital. His condition is said to be stable, officials said. Moradabad (city) SP Kumar Ranvijay Singh said, “It appears the attackers used a petrol-filled bottle. We’re collecting forensic samples to confirm. An FIR is being registered.” Predictably, none have been arrested yet.

Hindu College is one of Moradabad’s older educational institutions. Police have taken statements from witnesses and are analysing footage from nearby CCTV cameras. The bottle suspected to have been used in the attack has been sent for chemical analysis. Police identified suspects as students of the same college. Their names emerged during questioning of those present on campus.

Related:

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Muslim student denied exam for wearing beard in Ahmedabad: A disturbing reflection of rising intolerance

Terrorism’s Shadow: Rising hatred against Indian Muslims after Pahalgam terror attack

The post Muslim student set on fire in Bareilly outside exam centre, suffers 8% burns appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The First Information Report of seven pages mentions offences under Sections 353 (2) of the Bharatiya Nyay Samhita and details a complaint lodged on December 18, 2025 over a reported Facebook post dated December 14, 2025. On perusal this post appeared unavailable for viewing. A resident of the United Kingdom and key consultant with the National Health Service (NHS) Dr Patil’s Videos and advise on public health issues especially at the time of the Covid-19 pandemic are remembered with affection and respect. The fact that before his arrest/detention no information as is required was provided to the British consulate since he is a citizen of that country has also raised eyebrows. The complainant, it is reported is one Nikhil Bhamare, member of the BJP Maharashtra’s Social Media cell who has faced cases for intemperate language posts on social media during the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi government (MVA) between 2019-2022.

The FIR may be read below.

Here are some of the social media posts strongly condemning the detention.

Dr. Sangram Patil, a British citizen of Indian origin and a proud son of Maharashtra, was arrested by the Mumbai Crime Branch at Mumbai’s Adani Airport early in the morning as he entered India, in connection with a case of engaging in “objectionable” social media conversations against the Modi government. His wife was also with him. It could not be ascertained whether anything was informed to the British legal authorities in this regard.

According to information received from sources:

Dr. Sangram Patil, a British citizen of Indian origin and a proud son of Maharashtra, was arrested by the Mumbai Crime Branch at Mumbai’s Adani Airport early in the morning as he entered India, in connection with a case of engaging… pic.twitter.com/94hCS0UFIG

— Raju Parulekar (@rajuparulekar) January 10, 2026

लंडनचे डॅा. संग्राम पाटील यांना मुंबई विमानतळावर पोलिसांनी
ताब्यात घेतलंय.
या बिनडोक कारवाईचा निषेध!#DevendraFadnavis

— nikhil wagle (@waglenikhil) January 10, 2026

Strongly condemn the arbitrary arrest of Dr. #SangramPatil at #Mumbai airport this morning!
A proud son of #Maharashtra, British citizen of #Indian origin, who fearlessly spoke truth is now targeted.

This is nothing but state-sponsored suppression of voice!… pic.twitter.com/wmpWFWox4k

— Dr. Jitendra Dehade (@jitendradehade) January 10, 2026

Some of Dr Sangram Patil’s social media posts may be seen here

April 2025

आपलं संविधान ,माझ संविधान.
धन्यवाद बाबासाहेब तुमच्या संविधानाने किमया केली. pic.twitter.com/mF9L6gLaWT

— Dr Sangram Gokulsingh Patil (@drsangrampatil) April 8, 2023

January 2025

“तुम्ही शूर विरांची संतान आहात ही गोष्ट काल्पनिक नव्हे, तर भीमा कोरेगांवला जाऊन बघा तुमच्या पूर्वजांची नावे तेथील विजयस्तंभावर कोरलेली आहेत. तो पुरावा आहे की, तुम्ही भेड बकरीची संतान नसून सिंहाचे छावे आहात.”
– डॉ. बाबासाहेब आंबेडकर
(दिनांक २५.१२.१९२७ महाडचे भाषण) pic.twitter.com/43Xs0g7YpU

— Dr Sangram Gokulsingh Patil (@drsangrampatil) January 1, 2026

December 30 2025

pic.twitter.com/pVs24PBu2x

— Dr Sangram Gokulsingh Patil (@drsangrampatil) December 30, 2025

Related:

लंडनहून मुंबईत परतातच डॉक्टर संग्राम पाटील यांना विमानतळावर पोलिसांनी घेतलं ताब्यात, सरोदेंनी व्यक्त केला संताप

The post Dr Sangram Patil detained by Mumbai Crime Branch, move sharply condemned appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The complaint arises from a speech delivered by Satam on December 6, 2025, during the public inauguration of a BJP office in Ward No. 47, Malad West, at a time when the Model Code of Conduct was in force owing to the ongoing Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) electoral process. The speech, widely circulated through video footage online, deploys familiar yet deeply dangerous communal tropes—branding Muslims as “jihadis,” accusing them of facilitating illegal immigration, and invoking conspiracy theories such as “vote jihad” and “land jihad.”

From political speech to communal vilification

CJP’s complaint makes it clear that the impugned speech goes far beyond permissible political criticism. Satam is seen alleging that “jihadis” have infiltrated the Goregaon Sports Club, accusing Muslims of aiding Rohingya and Bangladeshi migrants in illegally acquiring land and identity documents, and suggesting that demographic changes driven by Muslim presence pose a threat to governance and society.

These remarks, delivered at a public political event and amplified through digital circulation, effectively criminalise an entire religious community, casting Muslim citizens as infiltrators, conspirators, and demographic threats. The language used is not incidental—it is part of a growing repertoire of coded hate speech, designed to mobilise voters through fear, suspicion, and hostility towards a minority community.

CJP has annexed the video footage of the speech as evidence, underscoring that these are not stray remarks but verifiable, deliberate public statements made in an electoral context.

Clear violations of the Model Code of Conduct

The complaint highlights that the Model Code of Conduct explicitly bars political actors from making appeals to communal feelings, aggravating differences between religious communities, or using unverified allegations that vitiate the electoral atmosphere. Satam’s remarks, CJP argues, strike at the very heart of these prohibitions.

By invoking Muslims as a collective threat and framing them as agents of demographic and electoral subversion, the speech seeks to polarise the electorate along religious lines—a practice the Election Commission has repeatedly condemned, including in cases involving indirect or “dog-whistle” appeals.

Statutory breaches under the Representation of the People Act

CJP further points out that the speech attracts multiple violations under the Representation of the People Act, 1951. These include:

• Section 123(3), which prohibits appeals based on religion—violated here through indirect but unmistakable religious mobilisation
• Section 123(3A), which bars the promotion of hatred or enmity between communities
• Section 125, a penal provision that criminalises the promotion of enmity in connection with elections.

The complaint draws strength from the Supreme Court’s landmark ruling in Abhiram Singh v. C.D. Commachen (2017), which unequivocally held that any direct or indirect appeal to religion corrodes the foundations of secular democracy.

An assault on constitutional values

Beyond electoral law, CJP situates the speech within the broader constitutional framework. The remarks, it argues, violate Article 14 (equality before law), Article 15 (non-discrimination), and Article 21 (right to dignity), while abusing the protection of free speech under Article 19(1)(a)—a right that does not extend to hate speech.

At stake is not merely legal compliance, but the constitutional promise of secularism, fraternity, and equal citizenship, values explicitly enshrined in the Preamble.

Why This Matters: Electoral integrity and minority rights

Malad West and its surrounding areas are religiously diverse. In such contexts, speeches that frame minorities as conspirators or infiltrators carry real consequences: voter intimidation, communal polarisation, and erosion of public trust in free and fair elections.

CJP warns that allowing such rhetoric to pass without consequence lowers the threshold of acceptable political discourse and emboldens further communal targeting—turning elections into arenas of fear rather than democratic choice.

CJP’s call for urgent action

In its prayer, CJP urges the Election Commission to take immediate cognisance of the complaint, initiate proceedings against Ameet Satam for MCC violations, issue a show-cause notice, impose appropriate sanctions, and direct law enforcement authorities to examine penal liability under the RPA. Importantly, CJP also calls for a general advisory to political parties, cautioning against the use of conspiracy-laden communal narratives like “vote jihad” and “land jihad.”

The complete complaint may be read here.

Related:

CJP flags serial inflammatory speeches by Kalicharan Maharaj, seeks urgent action over repeated calls for Muslim exclusion and vigilantism

NBDSA pulls up Times Now Navbharat for communal, agenda-driven broadcast on ‘Miya Bihu’; orders removal of inflammatory content

CJP files complaint with ECI against Arunachal Minister Ojing Tasing for threatening voters with denial of welfare schemes

CJP moves NCM against surge in Hate Speech at Hindu Sanatan Ekta Padyatra

CJP files complaint over Malabar Hill incident involving Aadhaar checks and targeting of Muslim vendors

The post CJP approaches Election Commission over communal and hate-based speech by BJP Mumbai President appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The complaint, dated December 23, 2025, comes nearly a month after CJP’s initial representation of November 25, 2025, which documented how a politically affiliated individual publicly targeted Muslim vendors through religious profiling, forced identity checks, and inflammatory accusations. The absence of any visible deterrent or corrective action, CJP notes, has emboldened the perpetrator and enabled a series of fresh incidents — transforming hate speech into administrative and police action on the ground.

A pattern, not isolated incidents

At the heart of CJP’s follow-up complaint is a critical assertion: what is unfolding at Malabar Hill is not a series of sporadic outbursts, but a continuing and aggravated course of conduct.

Across multiple dates — November 13, December 6, and December 17, 2025 — the same individual has repeatedly targeted Muslim street vendors by appearance and presumed religious identity, invoking communal conspiracy theories such as “land jihad,” “illegal Aadhaar,” and “national security threats.” Each time, these public accusations were followed by immediate and tangible consequences: removal of vendors’ stalls, disruption of livelihood, and police intervention.

The cumulative effect, the complaint argues, is the systematic conversion of a public marketplace into a site of religious policing — where Muslim citizens are publicly cast as illegal, dangerous, and undeserving of economic survival.

Details of the previous complaint may be read here.

December 6: “Land jihad” and the criminalisation of livelihood

On December 6, 2025, a video widely circulated on social media captured the accused individual publicly accusing Muslim hawkers at Malabar Hill of engaging in “land jihad” — a loaded communal trope that frames ordinary economic activity as covert territorial aggression.

Soon after these statements, the vendors’ stalls were removed and the vendors themselves were handed over to the police.

The complaint underscores that such rhetoric is not casual or rhetorical. By deploying conspiratorial language in a crowded public market, lawful vending activity was reframed as an anti-national act, effectively legitimising coercive action against an entire religious group without any due process.

December 17: “Illegal Aadhaar” and national security paranoia

Barely eleven days later, on December 17, 2025, the same individual returned to Malabar Hill to once again target Muslim vendors — this time alleging, without evidence, that they possessed “illegal Aadhaar cards” and posed a threat to national security. He openly declared his intent to emulate extremist campaigns against so-called “illegal Muslim immigration.”

Once again, these statements were followed by the removal of Muslim vendors’ stalls.

CJP highlights the gravity of such allegations: claims of “illegal Aadhaar” directly impute fraud, foreignness, and criminality, placing individuals at immediate risk of detention, harassment, and vigilante violence — particularly when made by politically connected actors in public spaces.

Vigilantism enabled by silence

The follow-up complaint raises serious questions about preventive policing and institutional accountability. When a private individual can repeatedly:

• Declare members of a religious community “illegal” or “anti-national”
• Publicly demand police action
• Successfully trigger eviction, detention, or livelihood loss

— without restraint or prosecution, it signals the emergence of a parallel system of authority, where hate speech substitutes for lawful governance. This silence, the complaint warns, does not merely fail victims; it actively legitimises communal intimidation and encourages imitation — both within Mumbai and beyond.

Markets as sites of exclusion

Street vendors are among the most economically vulnerable groups in urban India. Repeated eviction and public humiliation based on religious suspicion strike directly at the right to livelihood and dignity protected under Article 21 of the Constitution.

CJP’s complaint powerfully situates these incidents within Mumbai’s fraught communal history, warning that branding Muslims as “security threats” in crowded urban markets risks triggering panic, retaliation, and public disorder. When shared civic spaces are transformed into zones of surveillance and exclusion, they cease to be neutral — becoming theatres of majoritarian dominance.

Economic punishment as communal control

What emerges from the Malabar Hill incidents is a form of targeted economic punishment — where Muslim citizens are made to understand that their right to earn a living is contingent on communal acceptability. Such practices amount to collective penalty based purely on religious identity, enforced not through law, but through intimidation, spectacle, and administrative complicity.

The complaint identifies a range of serious offences under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023, including promoting enmity between groups, imputations prejudicial to national integration, criminal intimidation, public mischief, and unlawful assumption of public authority. The repetition and continuity of acts, CJP notes, satisfy the threshold for continuing offences.

Constitutionally, the incidents amount to serial violations of Articles 14, 15(1), 19(1)(g), 21, and 25 — eroding secularism, equality, and fraternity as lived principles.

A call for urgent intervention

Through this follow-up complaint, CJP has urged:

• Immediate registration of a comprehensive FIR covering all incidents
• Accountability for any police or civic officials who acted on unlawful verbal directions
• Clear prohibitory orders against private identity checks and religious profiling
• Restoration of livelihood and protection for affected vendors
• Robust intervention by the National Commission for Minorities, including summoning the accused and issuing national advisories

At stake, CJP warns, is not merely the fate of a few vendors — but the integrity of constitutional governance in everyday life. Allowing hate speech to translate into state action normalises religious vigilantism as governance, hollowing out citizenship from the ground up.

Unchecked, such practices threaten to make exclusion ordinary — and injustice routine.

The complete complaint may be read here.

Image: jernih.co

Related:

CJP files complaint over Malabar Hill incident involving Aadhaar checks and targeting of Muslim vendors

The Architecture of Polarisation: A structural analysis of communal hate speech as a core electoral strategy in India (2024–2025)

Words that Divide: BJP MP’s Bhagalpur speech targets Muslims, CJP files MCC complaint claiming violation of election laws

From Despair to Dignity: How CJP helped Elachan Bibi win back her identity, prove her citizenship

Communal rhetoric during Jubilee Hills by-election, CJP lodges complaint against Bandi Sanjay Kumar over religious mockery

The post Unchecked Vigilantism, Repeated Harm: Why CJP has filed a fresh complaint on Malabar Hill incident appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Gadgil, who founded the Centre for Ecological Sciences at the Indian Institute of Sciences, Bengaluru, had been studying India’s ecology and environment for more than half a century. Gadgil pioneered research on the ecological significance of the Western Ghats. It was for this work that in 2024, the United Nations Environment Programme awarded him their Champions of the Earth award for the year under the ‘Lifetime Achievement’ category. Decades before this, in 1981 he was awarded the Padma Shri in 1981 and Padma Bhushan in 2006.

Fifteen years ago. Madhav Gadgil published one his widely-recognised works was his report submitted to the government as head of the Western Ghats Ecology Expert Panel (WGEEP) in 2011. The panel submitted its report after a lot of field visits, interactions with local communities and more. The report categorised the Western Ghats across six states into Eco Sensitive Zones of different gradations: 1 (areas of highest sensitivity), 2 (areas of high sensitivity) and 3 (areas of medium sensitivity). The report also made a lot of recommendations, including no mining or quarrying in areas listed under ESZ1.

Ironically, all states rejected the report; many called it “impractical.” And 14 years later, it has not been implemented in any form yet, across any of the six states home to the Western Ghats in India – even after another panel headed by Krishnaswamy Kasturirangan submitted another, more diluted report that also decreased the area across the Ghats that is to be eco-sensitive.

In his interview with The Hindu last year, he had expressed concerns about the disasters in the Western Ghats, adding that all the recommendations in the report were much needed to avert disasters. “What we witnessed was a model of development being imposed on people: mining operations and polluting industries were forced upon communities without their consent. At the same time, even conservation efforts were imposed in a top-down, authoritarian manner by a forest department that often acted in a tyrannical and anti-people way,” he said.

Apart from this report on the Western Ghats, his areas of work included the sacred groves of the Western Ghats to traditional ecological knowledge and peoples’ participation, India’s ecological issues and conflicts to environmental movements, and more.

Madhav Gadgil had also authored and co-authored numerous books, from This Fissured Land in 1992, to A Walk Up The Hill – Living with People and Nature, in 2023. Gadgil had also expressed strong views on the detrimental development projects coming up in the Great Nicobar Island, in tune with the warnings of scientists, conservationists, activists and several other sections of society. “If India has to act as a law-abiding country, then the Forest Rights Act would very much apply to the Shompens and the Nicobarese. Those areas should remain inviolate. They should be community forest resources of particularly vulnerable tribal groups and they should not be touched. So we are violating these laws all the time,” he had said.

A man of courage and conviction, he always opined that scientists, like all academics from various dispensations should speak truth to power.

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The post Madhav Gadgil’s unshakeable faith in science appeared first on SabrangIndia.

There was a section of political opinion consisting of mainly conservative Hindus and those arguing that India should become a Hindu nation; who opposed the Constitution right from the start. The views of these leaders of Hindu nationalist politics, supported by a conservative section of society were articulated in an article in Organiser, the RSS mouthpiece, which opposed the Indian Constitution; saying that there is/was nothing Indian about it and that it will not be accepted by Hindus. Savarkar, went on to (CNBC TV18) say that Manusmriti is the Constitution today. In this spirit Swami Avimukteshwaranand recently stated (Navbharat Times) that Manusmriti is “above” the Indian Constitution.

This stream is not the only one within India to undermine the Constitution by showing the primacy of ‘word of God’ or sacred scriptures as above its docrine. Maulana Mufti Shamail Nadwi made a similar statement recently. This Maulana has come to prominence in the last few days after his debate with Javed Akhtar on “Does God exist?”. In a viral clip, he asserts that “Muslims erred by accepting secularism and the supremacy of national institutions over Shariah, criticises democracy and the notion of placing the nation (desh) above religion. He questions whether believers should passively accept court verdicts conflicting with Islamic law. These statements (The Chenab Times), while presented as theological opinions, have been interpreted by critics as undermining India’s constitutional secularism and promoting religious supremacy.”[1]

While Manusmriti is a scriptural compilation representing the values of Brahmanism, the dominant stream within Hinduism, Sharia is based on multiple things. Sharia (Arabic: the path) is the Islamic legal-ethical system derived from:

“Qur’an, Hadith (sayings/actions of Prophet Muhammad), Ijma (consensus of scholars) and Qiyas (analogy)” It guides personal conduct and law, not just punishments. In practice, Sharia is interpreted through schools of jurisprudence (Sunni: Hanafi, Shafi‘i, Maliki, Hanbali; Shia: Ja‘fari), so there is a diversity within the legal system of Sharia.

Out of nearly 55 Muslim majority countries it shapes the laws etc. only in Saudi Arabia, Iran and Afghanistan fully. It is partly i implemented in a few other Muslim majority countries. In India it forms a base in matters of Muslim personal laws only.

So, what does one do with changing times and the social patterns, which have occurred over a period of centuries when these laws were devised? Those indulging in politics in the name of religion in India harp on bringing in the Manusmriti and countries like Iran, Afghanistan and Saudi Arabia are implementing the Sharia in entirety. In many Muslim countries it is not implemented or implemented only in part.

Can Sharia be above the Constitution as the Mufti claims? The legal luminary Faizan Mustafa in a video https://youtu.be/T8BCr27fA24 argues that in every country the Constitution is supreme. The Constitution does consider Sharia in many countries and integrates some aspects of that in the Constitutions.

So, what is the status of democratic institutions in Muslim majority countries? There are different degrees of ‘democracy’ in these countries.  At the moment many social media accounts have been criticizing Shamail for encouraging Muslims not to follow the Constitution, as an anti-patriotic act. On the other hand, many are praising the Mufti for upholding the Sharia! It is interesting to note that during the medieval period of Indian History, the Muslim Kings did not make the Sharia law obligatory for the state.

While Mufti Shamail has one opinion there are others like Asghar Ali Engineer, the foremost scholar of Islam in India; who have different idea about the role of Sharia viv a vis the Constitution. Dr. Engineer harps on Shura (Mutual consultation); to argue that democracy and related principles are possible in the contemporary World. Dr. Engineer says a Quranic concept – and modern-day representative democracy – merely a human concept – may not be exactly similar. However, “the spirit of modern democracy and the Qur’anic injunction to consult people is the same”.

As per him “New institutions keep on developing and human beings, depending on their worldly experiences, keep on changing and refining these institutions. And in the contemporary world, the concept of Shura should mean democratic process and constitution of proper democratic institutions of which elections are a necessary requirement.” The Qur’anic text not only gives the concept of Shura (democratic consultation) but “does not support even remotely any concept of dictatorship or authoritarianism”.

During India’s freedom struggle, which was based on democratic principles and aimed at democratic institutions, a very highly regarded Islamic scholar Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and a dedicated Muslim leader Khan Abdl Gaffar Khan (to name but a few) strove for the values and institutions of democratic secular country. Just a few years ago the Muslim women through the Shaheen Baug movement showed their democratic strength in protecting the community from the fear of disenfranchisement.

What is needed in contemporary times? In India as Muslims are being targeted by Hindutva politics, they have become a besieged community. The conservatism among Muslim community is on a sharp rise. The major issue confronting them is enforcement of their rights using the law and its instruments, asserting representation and accountability from modern institutions.

Even in Islam there are various streams of laws and systems of jurisprudence. Since this is part of Sharia, in that case what Sharia recommends will be another contentious issue. Since Muslims are a minority in this country, they already have Personal laws, which are again under opposition.

Today within the extreme Hindu right wing there is a dominant retrograde tendency trying to bring to fore the values of Manusmriti. Such assertions which want to bring inequality in the garb of religion are not welcome. We need to also look to some European countries where religion is on the back foot.

We are living in contradictory times. On one side human society has developed the principles of dignity and equality as represented in the UN charter and on the other religious right-wing has become stronger during the last few decades. While the Mufti may be knowledgeable in concepts of Islam, we also need to know what are the trends of contemporary society and values of democratic institutions.

[1] This controversial debate has been sharply questioned by political observers, funded as it was by the Maulana himself and his Wahyain Foundation (based in Kolkata) and the Delhi based “Academic Dialogue Forum” reportedly associated with social activist Shabnam Hashmi.

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Hindu Nationalism’s sectarian nationalism and its concept of ‘duties and rights’

The post Sharia, Manusmriti or the Indian Constitution appeared first on SabrangIndia.

CJP’s complaint is not an isolated intervention. It situates the latest instances within a longer history of complaints, FIRs, and prior representations against the same individual, including a detailed complaint submitted in August 2024. Despite this record, Kalicharan Maharaj has continued to occupy prominent public platforms—often at religious or media-sponsored events—where his rhetoric has grown increasingly explicit and dangerous, underscoring what CJP describes as a systemic failure of deterrence.

Previous complaints sent may be read here, here and here.

A pattern of escalation

The complaint centres on three specific public events. The most striking took place on January 8, 2025, at the “Rising Madhya Pradesh” event organised by News18 in Bhopal. From a widely publicised stage, Kalicharan Maharaj openly called for the exclusion of Muslim vendors from the Kumbh Mela, promoted fabricated conspiracies such as “spit jihad” and “urine jihad,” claimed that Muslims do not belong in India, and portrayed Muslim population growth as a form of violence against Hindus. He further accused Muslims of plotting to destroy the Ram Mandir and invoked the conspiracy of “Ghazwa-e-Hind,” casting Indian Muslims as internal enemies engaged in civilisational warfare.

CJP emphasises that this was not coded or metaphorical speech. The language was categorical and absolutist, denying Muslims any legitimate claim to equal citizenship and encouraging their removal from shared civic and economic spaces.

Earlier, on December 8, 2024, at a Shri Devi Bhagwat Katha in Nallasopara, Maharashtra, Kalicharan Maharaj advanced a series of demonstrably false claims—asserting, among other things, that 40,000 Hindu women fall victim to “love jihad” every day, that 100,000 temples were destroyed by invaders, and that 100,000 cows are slaughtered daily. According to CJP, these fabricated figures were presented as facts with the clear intent of generating fear, anger, and hostility towards Muslims.

At a Ganesh Janmotsav event in Pune on October 25, 2024, he warned that Muslims intended to turn India into a Sharia nation within 15 years, engaged in demographic alarmism, and explicitly legitimised cow vigilantism—suggesting that extra-legal action by private individuals was justified and even necessary.

Why this is hate speech in law—not opinion

CJP’s complaint draws a clear legal and constitutional distinction between protected speech and punishable hate speech. It argues that the speeches in question attribute collective guilt to an entire religious community, deny Muslims their right to belong to the nation, portray them as conspirators and existential threats, and actively advocate exclusion from public spaces and livelihoods. The repeated endorsement of conspiracies such as love jihad, demographic warfare, and Ghazwa-e-Hind, CJP contends, demonstrates ideological consistency and intent rather than isolated exaggeration or rhetorical excess.

The complaint further stresses that such speech does not need to contain an explicit call to violence to be dangerous. By legitimising vigilantism and repeatedly suggesting that State institutions are inadequate or complicit, the rhetoric creates an enabling environment where discrimination and violence become socially acceptable.

Threats to public order and constitutional fraternity

Beyond individual culpability, CJP situates the issue within a broader constitutional crisis. The complaint warns that sustained hate speech of this nature manufactures social panic, normalises discrimination, and places religious minorities at heightened risk. Calls to exclude Muslims from religious congregations or marketplaces, when made from public stages and circulated widely online, transform prejudice into an actionable social programme.

CJP also highlights the exponential amplification of harm through digital circulation. Videos of the speeches have been widely shared on social media, extending their reach far beyond the physical audience and intensifying fear and vulnerability among minority communities across regions.

Most critically, the organisation argues that such rhetoric strikes at the heart of the constitutional value of fraternity enshrined in the Preamble. By repeatedly asserting that Muslims do not belong in India, the speeches seek to convert citizenship from a constitutional guarantee into a conditional status—contingent on religious conformity.

Legal violations and state accountability

The complaint identifies multiple cognisable offences under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023, including provisions relating to promoting enmity between religious groups, imputations prejudicial to national integration, criminal intimidation, intentional insult, and statements likely to cause public alarm. The repetition of such speeches across time and locations, CJP notes, aggravates criminal liability and establishes a continuing course of conduct.

Invoking binding Supreme Court directions, CJP underscores that police authorities are constitutionally obligated to act suo-motu against hate speech, irrespective of the speaker’s social or political standing. Inaction, the complaint argues, amounts to dereliction of constitutional duty and signals institutional acquiescence.

A call for urgent and visible action

CJP’s intervention is, at its core, a warning against the normalisation of hate speech in public life. Allowing serial hate speakers to repeatedly occupy prominent platforms without consequence, the organisation cautions, lowers the threshold of acceptable discourse and erodes public confidence in the neutrality of State institutions.

Calling for prompt, transparent, and legally grounded action, CJP stresses that this is not merely about one individual, but about safeguarding constitutional secularism, equality before law, and fraternity itself. Failure to act decisively now, it warns, will only deepen impunity and further entrench communal hatred in India’s public sphere.

The complete complaint may be read here.

Related:

NBDSA pulls up Times Now Navbharat for communal, agenda-driven broadcast on ‘Miya Bihu’; orders removal of inflammatory content

CJP files complaint with ECI against Arunachal Minister Ojing Tasing for threatening voters with denial of welfare schemes

CJP moves NCM against surge in Hate Speech at Hindu Sanatan Ekta Padyatra

CJP files complaint over Malabar Hill incident involving Aadhaar checks and targeting of Muslim vendors

The post From Media Stages to Religious Gatherings: CJP moves NCM against Kalicharan Maharaj appeared first on SabrangIndia.

This exposure, just before the scheduled Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation elections, on January 15, said that immigration officials at Mumbai International Airport have intercepted around 28 non-resident Indians over the past two months for allegedly carrying Indian voter ID cards despite holding foreign citizenship. Following the seizure, immigration officials seized the voter ID cards and informed the Election Commission of India, which has initiated the process to cancel them. Most of those caught are citizens of countries such as Canada, the United States, Nepal, and Australia.

The BMC elections are scheduled to be held on January 15, with results to be declared on January 16. Immigration officials said they have stepped up checks at Mumbai International Airport over the past two months in view of the polls.

A source from the Immigration Department reportedly told mid-day, “Our teams are deployed at Mumbai International Airport to check passports and documents at immigration counters. We have been specifically alert about checking voter ID cards carried by NRIs, as they are not eligible to vote since they are no longer Indian citizens.”

According to officials, as reported by the Mumbai-based city daily, several NRIs allegedly obtained voter ID cards by submitting false information to the Election Commission of India. “Many of them have family members residing in India and visit the country frequently on visa-free or long-term visas. They provided their relatives’ addresses and declared themselves as residents of India to obtain voter ID cards,” the source said.

Officials explained that NRIs are not entitled to voter ID cards, even though they may legally hold Aadhaar and PAN cards. “These individuals were allegedly voting in their countries of citizenship and attempting to vote in India as well, which is a serious violation,” the source said.

Immigration officials said the voter ID cards were detected during routine immigration checks. “Passengers arriving at the airport are screened at immigration counters. When NRIs were questioned, some produced Indian voter ID cards. After verifying their nationality and records, the cards were confiscated and reported,” the official said.

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The post BMC Polls: ECI claims superintendence on citizenship even as Foreigners (NRIS) enter Mumbai airport carrying Indian Voter IDs appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In a significant order, the Foreigners Tribunal, Dhubri District, has declared Akurbhan Bibi, a marginalised Muslim woman from Assam, to be an Indian citizen in her own birthplace. The decision brings closure to a process that subjected her and her family to prolonged anxiety, uncertainty, and the constant fear of statelessness.

For Akurbhan Bibi, the Tribunal’s declaration is more than a legal outcome—it is the restoration of a life interrupted by suspicion.

Akurbhan Bibi stands with her husband outside their home

Roots in the Borderlands: Birth, marriage, and belonging

Akurbhan Bibi was born in 1982 at Sonakhuli Part II village, under Golokganj Police Station, in Dhubri district, Assam. She grew up on Indian soil, studied at the local school, and lived an ordinary life shaped by the rhythms of a rural border district.

She later married Nur Mohammed, a resident of Ramraikuti village, under the same police station (now under Agomani). Ramraikuti lies in a highly sensitive border area, where the Indo–Bangladesh international fencing stands just a few metres away from residents’ homes.

This region has endured the aftershocks of the 1971 war and Partition-era displacements, yet families like Akurbhan’s have remained rooted here for generations. Their presence is not accidental or recent. As many residents of the border villages assert, they are not Indian by chance, but Indian by choice.

Citizenship by Participation: A voter turned “suspect”

Akurbhan Bibi’s name was enrolled in the electoral rolls in 2005 at her matrimonial home. From that point onwards, she remained a regular voter, exercising her democratic rights year after year.

During this entire period:

• She was never summoned for verification
• No police officer visited her home
• No doubt was raised about her nationality

This long-standing civic recognition was suddenly overturned when she was served a “Suspected Foreigner” notice issued through the Border Branch of the local police station, summoning her before the Foreigners Tribunal.

The notice demanded that Akurbhan Bibi prove her Indian citizenship, placing the entire burden of proof upon her—a requirement that disproportionately devastates poor and marginalised communities in Assam.

A familiar pattern of targeting

Akurbhan Bibi’s case is not an exception; it reflects a broader pattern. Foreigners Tribunal proceedings in Assam frequently target economically vulnerable, Bengali-speaking Muslim families, many of whom lack easy access to archival records, legal assistance, or bureaucratic support.

In Akurbhan’s case, there was no new evidence, no triggering incident, and no intervening conduct that could justify the suspicion raised against her. The notice emerged solely from institutional suspicion—untethered from her lived reality as a voter, resident, and daughter of the soil.

A family history that predates suspicion

Akurbhan Bibi’s paternal lineage is firmly documented. Her father, Saher Sheikh, son of Sonauddin Sheikh, has records tracing back to 1951, with his name appearing in the 1951 National Register of Citizens (NRC)—a foundational document for determining citizenship in Assam. Despite this, Akurbhan herself was forced to defend her nationality, highlighting the intergenerational insecurity imposed on families even when documentary proof exists.

The Notice Arrives: Fear, Absence, and Urgency

When the notice was served, Nur Mohammed was not at home. Like thousands from Assam’s border districts, he survives as a migrant worker, travelling to other parts of India for employment.

Left alone, Akurbhan Bibi carefully read the notice. Understanding its gravity, she acted immediately. Without delay, she contacted CJP’s community volunteer, Hosen Ali, who belongs to her village and is known for assisting families facing such proceedings.

Fear was palpable. The threat of detention, separation, and statelessness loomed large—particularly for a woman with limited means and support.

Akurbhan Bibi and CJP Team Assam

CJP Steps In: Legal Counselling and Ground Support

CJP promptly examined Akurbhan Bibi’s documents and counselled her on the Foreigners Tribunal process. The emotional toll was severe. When Nur Mohammed returned home the very next day, he was visibly shaken.

Detailed consultations followed. CJP assured the family of consistent legal and logistical support, and began the painstaking task of document collection and verification.

The Documentary Challenge: Searching for 1966 records

One of the most critical challenges was tracing Akurbhan Bibi’s father’s name in the 1966 electoral rolls. Given that her father was 23 years old at the time of the 1951 NRC, it was reasonable to expect his inclusion in the 1966 voter list. However, repeated searches yielded no result—not even the Election Office in Dhubri could locate his name.

Importantly:

• The names of her paternal uncles (her father’s brothers) were present in the 1966 voter list
• This reinforced the family’s long-standing residence in the area

While pursuing these records, CJP gathered additional crucial documents, including land records, which later became decisive evidence before the Tribunal.

The legal battle before the Foreigners Tribunal

On behalf of CJP, legal team member Ishkander Azad represented Akurbhan Bibi before the Foreigners Tribunal, Dhubri.

The legal strategy focused on:

• Establishing pre-1971 ancestry
• Demonstrating linkage between Akurbhan and her father
• Corroborating residence through multiple independent documents

After evaluating the evidence, the Tribunal passed an order declaring Akurbhan Bibi to be an Indian citizen.

What the Tribunal Order holds

In its order, the Foreigners Tribunal, Dhubri, inter alia:

1. Accepted the 1951 NRC entry of Saher Sheikh, father of Akurbhan Bibi, as a valid and credible legacy document
2. Accepted the linkage between Akurbhan Bibi and her father, based on documentary evidence placed on record, establishing that she is the daughter of the person whose name appears in the 1951 NRC
3. Took note of supporting documents, including land records and collateral family documents, which corroborated continuous residence and ancestry in Assam
4. Did not draw any adverse inference from the absence of the father’s name in the 1966 voter list, particularly in light of:
   • the presence of close family members in the 1966 rolls, and
   • systemic gaps in archival records
5. Held that the proceedee had successfully discharged the burden of proof cast upon her under the Foreigners Act and Tribunal procedure
6. Declared Akurbhan Bibi to be an Indian citizen, and accordingly dropped the reference against her

 
Akurbhan Bibi and her husband with CJP Team Assam

Justice Delivered: A cup of tea and a quiet smile

The order copy was personally handed over to Akurbhan Bibi by CJP’s Dhubri district community volunteer, Habibul Bepari, along with Assam State In-charge Nanda Ghosh. Holding the order in her hands, Akurbhan Bibi smiled—a rare, unguarded smile of relief. She requested the team to wait for a while. She wanted to prepare tea.

It was a simple act, but one that spoke volumes.

She thanked CJP repeatedly. Her husband stood beside her, visibly lighter, as though a long-standing fear had finally loosened its grip.

CJP stood with her—when it mattered most.

Why the Tribunal’s order matters

1. Burden of proof and structural inequality: Foreigners Tribunal proceedings place the burden of proof entirely on the individual, often ignoring the realities of poverty, displacement, and archival gaps. Akurbhan Bibi’s case demonstrates how this burden disproportionately impacts marginalised women.

2. Recognition of legacy documents: The Tribunal correctly acknowledged the probative value of:

• The 1951 NRC entry of her father
• Land records and collateral family documentation
• Linkage evidence, even in the absence of a 1966 voter record for her father

This reflects judicial consistency with established FT and High Court jurisprudence.

3. Absence of adverse inference: Importantly, the Tribunal did not draw adverse inference from the non-availability of the 1966 voter list entry—recognising systemic record gaps rather than penalising the proceedee.

4. Gendered vulnerability in citizenship proceedings: The case highlights how women—especially migrant workers’ spouses—are uniquely vulnerable when notices are served in the absence of male family members.

5. Constitutional significance: The declaration reaffirms:

• Article 14 (Equality before law)
• Article 21 (Right to life and dignity)
• The principle that citizenship cannot be stripped through suspicion alone

The complete order may be read here.

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From Despair to Dignity: How CJP helped Elachan Bibi win back her identity, prove her citizenship 

The post Born in the Shadow of the Indo–Bangladesh Border, Raised as Indian, Questioned as a Foreigner: The citizenship battle of Akurbhan Bibi appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The official who spoke to the media, The Times of India and NDTV said Asha Santosh Kiranga (24), resident of Aaldandi Tola in Etapalli taluka in Gadchiroli district, was nine months pregnant.

“Her native Aaldandi Tola village is cut off from the main road, with no delivery facilities available there. The patient, hoping for timely help, set out on January 1 with her husband, trudging 6 kilometres through jungle paths to her sister’s home in Petha. However, the ordeal in her heavy, advanced stage of pregnancy took a toll on her body,” he said.

“On the morning of January 2, she began experiencing severe labour pains. She was rushed by ambulance to Kali Ammal Hospital in Hedri. Though the doctors decided on a caesarean operation, it was too late by then. The baby had already died in the womb. Due to rising blood pressure, the woman too passed away soon after,” the official said. When the media contacted authorities for information, Gadchiroli District Health Officer Dr Pratap Shinde said the woman had been registered through the ASHA workers.

“The sudden labour pains and complications likely arose due to walking. Doctors tried to save her, but were unsuccessful. A detailed report has been called for from the taluka health officer, and the matter will be investigated,” he said.

(Except for the story were published from a syndicated feed)

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The post Gadchiroli, Maharashtra: Pregnant Woman walks 6 km from village for childbirth, dies appeared first on SabrangIndia.