What triggered the abuse?

The incident occurred on Tuesday, July 8, after school staff allegedly discovered bloodstains in a washroom. Instead of handling the situation with discretion and sensitivity, the school principal decided to launch a public and humiliating investigation. According to the police, the girls were herded into the school’s convention hall, where they were shown images of the bloodstains via a projector and asked to identify whether they were on their periods, as reported in The Indian Express.

“Who Is Menstruating?”- Thumbprints and strip searches

Those who disclosed they were menstruating were asked to submit their thumb impressions. Girls who said they were not were taken, one by one, to the washroom by a female attendant who allegedly forced them to remove their clothes and undergo a physical inspection to confirm if they were telling the truth, according to NDTV. One parent of a Class 7 student spoke to Times of India and said, “My daughter came home trembling. She told me she was forced to undress in the washroom, in front of other students. This isn’t discipline; it’s mental harassment”.

Police action and legal charges

According to Thane (Rural) Additional Superintendent of Police Rahul Zalte, the parents protested outside the school premises on Wednesday, demanding strict action against the school staff involved. The police promptly registered an FIR against eight individuals, including the principal, four teachers, the woman attendant, and two trustees.

The accused have been charged under the BNS Sections 74 (assault or use of criminal force to woman with intent to outrage her modesty) and 76 (assault or use of criminal force to woman with intent to disrobe), in addition to relevant provisions of the POCSO Act, as reported by Free Press Journal.

On Wednesday evening, the principal and attendant were arrested, and the school management dismissed the principal from her post, officials confirmed. A senior police officer said both women would be produced before a court on Thursday, according to the report of Mumbai Mirror.

Students left traumatised

A particularly harrowing detail emerged when one girl, who had denied menstruating, was accused by the principal of lying. She was reportedly asked, “Why are you using a sanitary pad if you’re not menstruating?” and then forced to give her thumbprint under coercion. Many girls reportedly went home crying and mentally disturbed, revealing the trauma to their families. Parents and local child rights groups have labelled the incident mental and physical abuse, demanding further criminal prosecution and inquiry by the Maharashtra State Commission for Protection of Child Rights (MSCPCR).

Thane Rural Police have stated that they are currently recording statements from students and witnesses. “We are taking the testimonies of other children and school staff, and gathering all electronic and forensic evidence,” said an investigating officer, while speaking to India Today.

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When Courts Fail Survivors: How patriarchy shapes justice in sexual offence against women cases

Surviving Communal Wrath: Women who have defied the silence, demanded accountability from the state

The post Thane School Horror: Principal, attendant arrested for forcing girls to strip in menstruation check, case registered under POCSO appeared first on SabrangIndia.

On July 4, 2025, hundreds of students, parents, regular BEST commuters, old, young, activists from Aamchi Mumbai Aamchi BEST, Fridays For Future Mumbai, Habitat and Livelihood Welfare Association, Humanist Centre, Jan Haq Sangharsh Samiti, Lokraj Sanghatana, Loktantrik Kamgar Union, Mulbhut Adhikar Sangharsh Samiti, Nagari Niwara Vichar Manch, Naujawan Bharat Sabha, Nivrut Kamgar Sanghatan, Pudhe Chala and Purogami Mahila Sanghatana gathered at the Mumbai, Wadala depot, demanding that, public transport is an issue of survival and livelihood for most of the commuters and hence, Mumbai’s lifeline BEST (public bus transport) service be considered as inviolable right of citizens.

They collectively submitted their demands to BEST authorities, the major demands being:

• The fare hike be immediately rescinded and restored to earlier levels.
• The decision to monetise depots be cancelled and BEST land be retained exclusively for BEST’s use.
• The February 2024 decision of the Municipal Commissioner be implemented so the BEST can henceforward be subsidised and operated as part of the BMC Budget.
• BEST discontinues wet-leasing and immediately purchase and operate its own buses to maintain a fleet of at least 6000 buses to meet the needs of commuters in the city.

Several activists and leaders addressed those Mumbaikars who had gathered. Speakers maintained that public transport is an inviolable right of citizens of the city. For decades. The BEST bus service has been a lifeline for the people of Mumbai, as it ensured that working people can travel to work, to schools and colleges, to hospitals, and for other needs of city life with safety, efficiency, and affordability. That is why Mumbaikars once used to love BEST as their own.

However, of late, over the past few years, in the name of “cutting losses,” BEST has increasingly brought in private contractors, doubled bus fares, reduced the bus fleet, and have thereby deepened the crisis — and it is the ordinary Mumbaikar who is paying the price.

Many commuters, including parents who drop and pick up children from school, students travelling to colleges and universities, patients travelling to public hospitals spoke about how doubling of the fare has led to major increase in their expenses and how they are finding it difficult to cope. The average daily BEST ridership dropped by at least 10%, after the fare hike, (nearly doubled) on May 9, 2025.[1]

One senior trade union leader Mr Ranga Satose, in fact, informed the protestors as to how Maharashtra Government has decided to monetise BEST properties, under the pretext of losses incurred. He said, that “Deputy Chief Minister Mr. Eknath Shinde held meeting in month of April 2025, and has decided to monetise all BEST assets, which includes 375 acres land.”

BMC the richest civic body in India, with ₹74,427 crore budget[2] for year of 2025: Public transport is not profit-making venture but the citizens’ right to affordable transportation

The Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) estimates a revenue income of Rs 43,159.40 crore for the fiscal year 2025-26, according to the Free Press Journal. This figure represents a 20.73% increase compared to the revised estimates for the previous year.[3]  The BEST transport division’s losses were covered by the more lucrative electricity division till 2017. But following a court order in November 2016, the cross-subsidy to the transport division came to halt.

Wet leasing: Contractualisation proposed to reduce losses

In 2018, BEST introduced wet leasing. Sudas Sawant, Public Relations Officer of BEST, explained that under the wet-leasing arrangement, contractors own and operate buses, and are also responsible for staff recruitment, fuel and maintenance of buses. In return, BEST pays the contractors a fixed amount per kilometre of transport.[4]

However, to the contrary, contractualiastion has led to further losses, along with an increase in accidents, poor and irregular service. The cost recovery index (according to annual operational and financial data of BEST) which was 2013-14 60 % has gone down to 25 % in 2022-23 (After introducing PPP model of wet leasing)

The memorandum submitted by the organisations clearly reveals the problem created by wet leasing.

2021 and 2022 – There was a justified strikes of wet-lease workers for the non-payment of wages in various depots, including Mumbai Central, Magathane, Kurla, Vikhroli, Wadala, and Bandra. This caused hundreds of buses at a time to be taken off the roads and led to widespread suffering by commuters. In September 2022 the BEST general manager himself sent a letter to the MP group of contractors reprimanding them for the frequent strikes by staff and for the frequent breakdowns.

2022 and 2023 – Due to improper maintenance, there were fires in a number of buses, including in Bandra, Andheri and Kandivali. As a result, in February 2023 the BEST management took 400 wet leased buses off the roads, again resulting in distress for commuters.

August 2023 – Again a massive justifiable strike of BEST wet-lease workers was called –workers ‘employed’ by different contractors– for various demands including a living wage. Over 1,000 buses were off the roads for seven days, disrupting the life of the city. The workers ended the strike on some assurances by the Government, but these were not fulfilled.

Of the 2,100 electric buses to be supplied by the private contractor Evey to BEST by August 2023, only 185 were supplied, a year after the deadline.

The real purpose behind Contractualisation: Selling family silver

The BEST did not diminish itself; it was deliberately done in.

In 2011-12, it was a proud public utility with a fleet of 4,700 buses ferrying 4.2 million a day. By 2023, its fleet was barely 2,964 with 3.5 million commuters; importantly, less than a third of the fleet was owned and operated by the BEST as the wet lease model took hold. In May 2025, only a fifth of the 2,600 buses were owned by the organization. The BEST-owned bus fleet has dipped to its lowest-ever at 795 buses. With 60-70 buses being phased out every month, the fleet will become zero this year or by early next year.[5]

The memorandum submitted by the organisations’ states that:

“The wet-lease model has already proved to be an unmitigated failure for BEST. Even with a largely privatised fleet, the transport division recorded a loss of Rs 2,160.17 crore in 2022–23. This model has also imposed social costs—ranging from service breakdowns and accidents to increased wait times and falling ridership,”

“Private contractors often compromise on safety and maintenance to boost profits. The result: more breakdowns, bus fires, and fatal accidents. Drivers are overworked, underpaid, and frequently untrained, putting passengers at risk. The experience of wet leasing has been negative for both commuters and workers. Fares have surged without delivering any tangible benefits. Service quality has deteriorated, especially in low-income areas. Long routes have been cut, leaving passengers stranded and forcing them to switch buses or transport modes—raising commute time and costs,”

The cumulative losses of BEST stand at around Rs 9,300 crore.[6] To make good, the organisation intends to sell or pawn its family silver – land parcels totalling more than 126 hectares, some at prime locations, across Mumbai. Back in 2017, incidentally when the privatisation began, international consultants PwC had valued the land at Rs 5,170 to Rs 6,160 crore, citizens’ groups point out. A few of its 27 bus depots have been monetised. Commercial developers have constructed plush towers; Mumbai got nothing from the public land. In a city rapidly privatising land, this fits the larger agenda.[7]

Complete disregard for Public Transport: complete lack of planning or feasibility studies

Local Railway

The average number of daily commuters on the western, central and harbour lines stood at 7.06 million[8]. In local railways due to massive overcrowding, nearly 7 persons get killed and another 7 persons, on an average, are injured daily.[9] There has been no attempt to improve the signalling system or introduce additional lines for local trains.

On June 9, 2025, near Mumbra five commuters lost their lives, when two overcrowded two trains passed each other in opposite direction.[10]  As a knee jerk reaction, Central Railway wants 800 Mumbai offices to change their work hours: Changing office timings will make it possible to manage crowds and make train journey of Mumbaikars safer, CR’s letter says[11]

Introduction of AC local trains: added disaster

Currently, CR operates 66 air-conditioned local train services in the Mumbai suburban section on weekdays, out of a total of 1,810 suburban services.

In a recent affidavit submitted to the High Court by Central Railways, highlights that the introduction of AC trains has led to a reduction in the capacity to run similar trains for similar destinations compared to non-AC trains. The affidavit further states that the door-closing and opening process of AC trains takes additional time, reducing the number of trains that can be operated on the same route.[12] Due to time constraints many non-AC commuters are forced to travel in AC trains and according to July 9, 2025 Loksatta, the railways have fined such commuters in just last 8 months to the tune of 63 lakhs. 

Unplanned introduction of Electric bikes: No feasibility study undertaken

In clear indication of shirking the responsibility of providing affordable public transport, the State government has given green signal to private two wheelers taxis, adding further to traffic vows.  On July 4, the state government notified the Maharashtra Bike-Taxi Rules, 2025, clearing the way for app-based aggregators to begin operations.[13]

Using public money and providing all the transport facilities at no cost to the richest of the city and country.

The Coastal road which is 8-lane, 29.2 km long road, which is developed at the cost of 13000-14000 crores, serves only private vehicles and taxis. Ordinary people availing public transport cannot use it. Still such an enormous amount of money is poured into it.

The Samruddhi Mahamarg expressway project in Maharashtra is estimated to have cost ₹55,000 crore. This 701-kilometer expressway aims to significantly reduce travel time between Mumbai and Nagpur, cutting it from 16 hours to approximately 8 hours. Western Dedicated Freight Corridor. Furthermore, some districts throughout the Expressway will receive easy access to Jawaharlal Nehru Port Trust. It is also being promoted by Adani Reality.

The estimated cost for the Western Dedicated Freight Corridor (WDFC) is Rs 72,000 crore. This project is part of a larger nationwide logistics overhaul, with the total cost of the Dedicated Freight Corridor (DFC) project estimated at Rs 1.24 lakh crore. The WDFC connects Khurja to Jawaharlal Nehru Port in Maharashtra.

The “Shaktipeeth Expressway,” a proposed 802 km, six-lane, access-controlled expressway, estimated to cost ₹86,300 crore, aims to connect Nagpur with Patradevi on the Goa border, traversing 12 districts. This route is designed to facilitate the trade of Goa’s coal and minerals for two industrialists, Mr. Ambani and Mr Adani, to allow them to exploit the abundant minerals found in Konkan.  Farmers are protesting, fearing displacement and loss of fertile agricultural land. But the project is still on.

Development of Metros at enormous cost: non-affordable transport

Mumbai’s first-ever underground Metro is expected to begin operations in a phased manner starting in October, according to state agency officials. The Rs 37,276 crore project is likely to become fully operational in 2025.[14]

Mumbai’s metro network is set for a major expansion with MMRDA’s Rs. 10,970 crore budget for FY 2025–26.[15]

Mumbai’s Metro, once seen as the key to solving the transport chaos of the sprawling metropolis, is faltering with low ridership, high costs and poor integration — demanding a seamless approach to transform urban mobility[16]

Metro tickets ranging from Rs 10 to Rs 60 for a trip, with no season ticket subsidy is not an affordable mode of transport foe majority of working people in Mumbai.

The BEST buses constitute an essential and vital public service that keeps Mumbai moving and urgently needs to be supported through budgetary grants. Public transport must not be run for profit. Measures to improve efficiency and financial sustainability should serve the objective of increasing ridership, and not undermine it. Fare hikes, privatisation and land sales are ruinous for Mumbai and its common citizens.

(The author is an activist with Aamchi Mumbai Aamchi Best, a citizens network)

[1] https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/mumbai/best-daily-ridership-drops-10-as-officials-fear-more-may-migrate-to-other-modes/articleshow/121170354.cms

[2] https://www.hindustantimes.com/cities/mumbai-news/brihanmumbai-municipal-corporation-presents-rs-74-427-crore-budget-for-202526-101738660999780.html

[3] https://www.financialexpress.com/budget/bmc-budget-2025-live-updates-mumbai-municipal-budget-2025-allocations-for-all-sectors-3736971/#:~:text=As%20of%20December%2031%2C%202024,revised%20estimate%20for%202024%2D25.

[4] https://citizenmatters.in/mumbai-public-transport-best-bus-contract-issues/

[5] https://questionofcities.org/mumbais-best-is-being-killed-the-political-will-to-revive-it-is-absent/

[6] https://www.hindustantimes.com/cities/mumbai-news/bests-losses-mount-from-6-400-crore-to-9-200-crore-in-2-years-101732821142988.html

[7] https://questionofcities.org/mumbais-best-is-being-killed-the-political-will-to-revive-it-is-absent/

[8] https://www.hindustantimes.com/cities/mumbai-news/suburban-railway-ridership-inches-back-to-pre-pandemic-levels-101730056826516.html

[9] https://www.hindustantimes.com/cities/mumbai-news/7-people-lose-their-lives-on-railway-tracks-in-mumbai-every-day-101749496588283.html

[10] https://www.hindustantimes.com/cities/mumbai-news/mumbra-train-incident-accident-exposes-deadly-commuting-crisis-on-central-railway-101750531475489.html

[11] https://www.news18.com/cities/central-railways-requests-800-mumbai-offices-to-change-work-hours-to-reduce-crowding-on-trains-ws-kl-9427653.html

[12] https://www.freepressjournal.in/mumbai/mumbai-ac-local-trains-reduce-capacity-for-additional-services-in-suburban-section-cr-affidavit-reveals

[13] https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/mumbai/electric-bike-taxis-now-legal-in-maharashtra-heres-what-the-rules-say-10114038/

[14] https://www.business-standard.com/india-news/mumbai-s-first-under-ground-metro-to-start-partial-operations-next-week-124092501001_1.html

[15] https://railanalysis.in/rail-news/mmrda-allocates-around-rs-10970-crore-for-metro-projects-in-fy-2025-26-budget/

[16] https://thesecretariat.in/article/metro-is-falling-short-mumbai-needs-multi-modal-transit

Related:

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BEST strike over Diwali bonus shakes Mumbai’s Bus Service, reveals growing transit strain

Citizens take a stand to keep Aamchi BEST alive

The post Mumbai’s Second Lifeline in ICU: Mumbaikars respond to call of “Save BEST” appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Naim was Professor Emeritus of South Asian Languages and Civilisations at the University of Chicago – a position which capped his decade-long association with the university where he taught from 1961 to 2001. He chaired the South Asian Languages and Civilisations department from 1985 to 1991.

A founding editor of many journals and prolific commentator, his voice resonated on all matters to do with Urdu language, culture and its politics as things got dire for Urdu in the sub-continent, the place of its birth.

He has been Consultant to the Asian Literature Program of the Asia Society, New York City, Princeton University Press, University of Chicago Press, University of California Press, Feminist Press, Shastri Indo-Canadian Institute and the National Endowment for the Humanities. He had also served as Member, South Asia Regional Council, Association for Asian Studies, 1976-79, of the Committee on Scholars of Asian Descent, Association for Asian Studies, 1981-84, then South Asia Regional Council, Association for Asian Studies, 1990-93. He has been on the Advisory Committee, Berkeley Urdu Language Program in Pakistan, University of California, Berkeley, as well as Member, Board of Trustees, America-Pakistan Research Organization, 1989-93 and also Member, Board of Trustees, American Institute of Pakistan Studies, 1993-95.

Naim unhesitatingly tackled political issues along with his serious work on pure literary debates. In 1989, after a visit to Palestine, he wrote powerful words on what he saw, words that are especially relevant today.

One of his more recent works, an example of his enduring connection to all that was Urdu, was Urdu Crime Fiction, 1890–1950: An Informal History  which came out in 2023.

How did Naim feel on his first day in the United States? His observations were recalled as friends and colleagues remembered his contributions and tributes poured in.

For The Wire, Naim wrote sadly on how there is now no major Urdu newspaper or magazine that is edited by a non-Muslim and how in the past 75 years, the culture of Urdu magazines read by families of all faiths has disappeared. In another piece full of characteristic edge, Naim gently chastised  brands for never using the letter ‘j’ while transliterating Urdu words.

Courtesy: The Wire

The post One of Urdu’s Greatest Scholars, C.M. Naim, Passes Away appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The petitioners contend that the ECI’s decision to conduct the SIR is arbitrary, lacks proper justification, and infringes upon fundamental rights guaranteed by Articles 14, 19, and 21 of the Constitution. A key aspect the Court will examine is whether the SIR process violates principles of due process and natural justice, particularly concerning potential voter deletions. Furthermore, the petitioners have questioned the practicality and reasonableness of the timeline set for the SIR.

This issue is not merely a legal one; it has become a focal point of concern among opposition political parties and civil rights activists. The timing of the SIR, just months before the Bihar Assembly Elections, has raised questions. In January 2025, the final electoral rolls for the state Vidhan Sabha (VS) elections had been finalised. The SIR has, moreover been analysed by many including Sabrangindia to be a sinister move since the constitutional body appears to be “Usurping the powers to test ‘Indian citizenship’, powers that do not lie with the ECI, the latest move by CEC Gyanesh Kumar is not just unlawful and hasty but violative of the Indian Constitution and the Representation of Peoples Act, 1950 and the Registration of Electors Rules, 1960.”

Political commentators and civil rights activists have also viewed it as a potential strategy to disenfranchise a substantial number of voters, especially those from marginalised communities. The apprehension is that if these voters cannot produce specific documents alongside the enumeration forms, they could be unjustly removed from the electoral rolls, effectively shifting the burden of inclusion onto the most vulnerable and transforming a fundamental right into a document-centric ordeal. The eleven listed documents are inaccessible to many small farmers, landless labourers, migrant worker communities and women. The documents requested for this revision are largely not proofs of Indian citizenship, and with the exception of a birth certificate, none verify the date or place of birth in India.

The ECI move –politically guided and driven –appears clearly to be motivated by a clear desire to disenfranchise the unlettered voter who “owns no property.” Worse, after the “announcement” to the effect that “all electors must submit an enumeration form, and those registered after 2003 have to additionally provide documentation establishing their citizenship violates not just the Constitution but Clause 15 and 19 of the Representation of People’s Act, 1950!

Special Intensive Revision (SIR) in Bihar

On June 24, 2025, the ECI formally announced the initiation of a Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls across all assembly constituencies in Bihar. The ECI has framed this intensified exercise as crucial for maintaining the integrity of the democratic process and ensuring free and fair elections. While the Commission has stated its intent to eventually roll out SIR nationwide as a constitutional mandate, Bihar has been prioritised due to the upcoming legislative assembly elections later in 2025. The SIR for other states is expected to be announced subsequently.

The ECI has cited a combination of demographic and administrative factors to justify this comprehensive revision. These include rapid urbanisation, frequent migration patterns, the continuous addition of newly eligible young voters, the underreporting of deaths, and, significantly, the need to address the potential inclusion of foreign illegal immigrants on voter lists. The explicitly stated objectives of the SIR are threefold: to ensure every eligible citizen is enrolled without exclusion, to purge the rolls of any ineligible voters, and to systematically remove names of individuals who are deceased, have permanently shifted their residence, or are otherwise absent.

Implementation and initial stringent documentary requirements

To implement this revision, the ECI established a clear procedural framework. The electoral roll from 2003, with a qualifying date of January 1, 2003, was designated as the foundational or “probative” evidence of eligibility. Electoral Registration Officers (EROs) were directed to presume the citizenship of individuals on this roll unless contradictory information emerged. However, the SIR introduced new and notably stringent requirements for those not listed on the 2003 roll or for younger voters. Opposition parties have demanded that the Electoral Rolls used for the Lok Sabha polls of 2024 should be the base rolls used for the revision.

Initially, any person whose name did not appear on the 2003 Electoral Roll was required to submit proof of eligibility from a prescribed list of government-issued documents. The process was even more rigorous for citizens born after 1987. For instance, an individual born between July 1, 1987, and December 2, 2004, had to furnish an approved document for themselves and a separate document for either their father or mother to establish their date and/or place of birth. For anyone born after December 2, 2004, the requirement was stricter still: they had to provide their own documentation in addition to documents for both their father and mother. If one parent was not an Indian citizen, a copy of their passport and visa from the time of the elector’s birth was to be submitted.

Crucially, the Aadhaar card, Ration Card and the Elector’s Photo Identity Card (EPIC) were conspicuously absent from the list of eleven acceptable proofs. The validated documents included passports, birth certificates, matriculation certificates, permanent residence certificates, SC/ST/OBC certificates, and various other official documents issued by government authorities, banks, or PSUs prior to July 1, 1987, such as identity cards, pension orders, land allotment certificates, or entries in the National Register of Citizens (though not applicable to Bihar).

This initial stringent requirement raised concerns about potential discrimination. While individuals in certain societal positions (e.g., government servants, landholders) might more easily produce documents, others, particularly those born in the 1970s and 1980s for whom birth certificates are often scarce, were left heavily reliant on this single, often unavailable, document.

Furthermore, the provision exempting those on the 2003 voter list from producing documents was criticised as discriminatory, as it bypassed the very verification process being applied to others.

Backtracking from initial stringent conditions: ECI drops parental birth document requirement

Responding to the formidable backlash that ensued, the ECI announced substantial relaxations to its controversial SIR requirements in Bihar on June 30, 2025. This effectively reversed its initial stringent demand for parental birth documents. The backtrack came in direct response to intense criticism from opposition parties and civil society, who had vehemently protested the original June 24 directive as an impractical disenfranchisement risk and a covert attempt to introduce a National Register of Citizens (NRC).

Under the revised guidelines, the ECI now leverages the 2003 Bihar electoral roll, which contains 4.96 crore electors, as a primary verification tool. Individuals born after 1987 are no longer required to provide their parents’ birth documentation if either their own name or their parents’ names appear on this 2003 list. This change is projected to streamline the process for approximately 60% of the state’s electorate, who can now simply verify their details against the 2003 data and submit an enumeration form. Even if an elector’s name is absent from the 2003 roll, they can use an extract from it to substantiate their parents’ details without needing further corroborating documents, although they must still provide their own proof of eligibility.

This move, a clear afterthought is however likely to adversely impact vast sections of Bihar’s youth that reel under an absence of access and documentation.

While rolling back the contentious measures, the ECI defended the underlying principle of the SIR, framing it as a fundamental statutory exercise mandated by the Representation of the People Act, 1950, and a routine part of maintaining accurate electoral rolls for over 75 years. To facilitate this revised process, the Commission has directed that the 2003 rolls be made widely available to Booth Level Officers in hard copy and accessible to the public for download on its website.

Bihar: the most document scarce state in the country

Reliable studies consistently show Bihar to be among the most “document scarce” states in India, a critical factor that amplifies the challenges of the ECI’s voter verification drive and its “proof of citizenship” demands. An analysis of the 11 documents initially suggested as proof reveals significant limitations in their widespread availability.

For instance, identity or pension cards from government undertakings or PSUs are an option, yet data from the 2022 caste census indicate that less than 2% of voting-age Biharis hold government jobs, rendering this proof largely inaccessible for the majority. Birth certificates are another problematic requirement; the National Family Health Survey-3 (NFHS-3) shows only 2.8% of Bihar’s population born between 2001 and 2005 possess them, with the percentage likely even lower for older generations. Similarly, only about 2.4% of Biharis possess passports.

Latest 2022 statistics by the Civil Registration System (CRS) 2022[1] show that Bihar is among 14 states like Tripura, Assam, Telangana, West Bengal, Kerala, Jharkhand, Ladakh, Uttar Pradesh, Karnataka, Rajasthan, Meghalaya, Delhi and Jammu & Kashmir that are in the “the category of more than 50 percent to less than of registration of births” (Statement 12, page 38 of the documenyt) This government document shows that Bihar has 61.2 % (Registered Births in Rural Bihar, 2022) 38.8 % (Registered Birth in Urban Bihar) (Statement 18, Page 47).

While matriculation certificates are more common, with the National Family Health Survey-2 (NFHS-2) and NFHS-5 revealing that approximately 45-50% of 18–40-year-olds are matriculates, a substantial gender gap persists. Forest rights certificates, while an option, are relevant to a minuscule segment of the population, given that Scheduled Tribes constitute just 1.3% of Bihar’s populace, and only a fraction of those actually reside in forest areas. Caste certificates (OBC, SC, or ST), according to the India Human Development Survey-2 (2011-12), were possessed by about 16% of Biharis, roughly one in four households in these categories; upper castes, by definition, would not hold such certificates. Furthermore, the presence in an NRC or family register, both listed as proofs, is not applicable to Bihar. Lastly, government-issued land/house allotment certificates are suggested, but these are not provided for beneficiaries of schemes like the PM Awas Yojana, leaving ambiguity about who receives such documents and their overall coverage. These data, highlighted in The Hindu on July 1, 2025.

The emerging concern: from voter to doubtful/disputed voter – a looming fear

A series of electoral and administrative procedures creates a perilous journey for individuals whose citizenship comes under scrutiny—an exercise that has to be performed under due process by the state and not the ECI–potentially transforming a routine voter verification into a path towards disenfranchisement and the daunting status of a “suspected foreigner.” This process, ostensibly aimed at ensuring the integrity of electoral rolls, is fraught with measures that can lead to severe and life-altering consequences for those unable to meet documentation requirements. The situation unfolds in a connected sequence of events, each escalating the potential for an individual to lose their right to vote and, ultimately, their claim to citizenship.

The initial point of concern arises from the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls. While being on the electoral roll is not a definitive guarantee of citizenship, the SIR process itself subjects existing electors to rigorous scrutiny. The true fear for individuals begins with a specific guideline within the Election Commission’s order dated June 24, 2025. Para 5(b) of these guidelines empowers Electoral Registration Officers (EROs) with a critical and twofold authority: if an elector fails to produce documents that satisfy the ERO, the officer can not only delete their name from the voter list but is also mandated to report that individual to the “competent authority” as a “suspected foreigner.” This single provision creates a high-stakes scenario where the inability to provide the required, and often ambiguously defined, documentation can instantly escalate a person’s status from a voter to a suspected foreigner, a direction criticised as draconian and arbitrary.

Once a person is flagged as having “doubtful/disputed” citizenship, a significant and immediate consequence is the suspension of their voting rights. The process dictates that individuals whose names are entered provisionally in the electoral rolls, marked with the letter ‘D’ to signify their doubtful status, are debarred from casting their vote. This prohibition is not temporary; it may extend to all future general elections to the Lok Sabha and any State Legislative Assembly elections. The individual remains in this state of civic limbo, stripped of a fundamental right while their case navigates a complex legal system.

The question that is being raised is, is the citizenship of thousands of Indians being tested in this rather surreptitious way?

Post-SIR: what can be next for voters who become doubtful/disputed voters?

The pattern that seems to be emerging from the politically-directed ECI’s move is that the union government wishes to use elections to introduce an Assam-like situation in the state without any legislative backing.  Due to the peculiar situation in that state post-Independence and that which emerged before and after the Assam Accord, two laws, the Foreigners Act of 1946 (now repealed by the Foreigners Act 2025) and the now repealed Illegal Migration Determination of Tribunals Act, 1983. In Assam, following an ECI Order of 1998 and directions before that hundreds of thousands of voters were declared ‘D’ Voters (doubtful voters) with their status to be adjudicated by Foreigner Tribunals (FTs) in the state. Twenty seven years later there remain approximately 1.2 lakh such disenfranchised citizens who have not been able to cast their vote. In Assam, laws mandated the formation of the FTs that have been since strongly critiqued for not functioning with a clear constitutional framework that follows the Indian law of evidence; in Bihar and the rest of India where the ECI has threatened to bring in the expanded SIR, there exists no law that mandates the formation of such Tribunals.

Under the prevalent practice in Assam –the ultimate decision concerning the “doubtful/disputed” persons in electoral roll lies with the Election Commission of India (ECI). When the commission is not satisfied and has reasonable doubt about the citizenship of any person, it can refer all such cases to the competent authority, which has been mandated to be the tribunal under the Foreigners Act, 1946.

A person whose citizenship status is in question and under consideration before a Foreigners Tribunal is not eligible to vote unless the Tribunal decides in their favour that they are a citizen of India. As mentioned above, if this adjudication process is mired in bureaucratic delay, the constitutional right to vote is denied. This is because individuals whose citizenship status is doubtful or disputed, as indicated by a ‘D’ against their names in the electoral rolls, shall be barred from casting their vote in any ensuing general election. This restriction will persist until an appropriate Tribunal determines their citizenship status in their favour. The looming threat of an adverse tribunal decision, leading to an official declaration as a foreigner, brings with it the profound fear of potential detention and the complete forfeiture of all rights and the sense of belonging in their country. To repeat there exists no legislative framework for this exercise and the manner in which it is being conducted under executive diktat presently.

The constitutional and statutory bedrock

The entire electoral revision process is firmly anchored in India’s constitutional and legal framework governing elections. The foundational provisions for these regulations are Articles 326 and 327 of the Constitution. Article 326 establishes the principle of adult suffrage, stating that elections shall be held on the basis that every citizen of India, aged at least eighteen, is entitled to be registered as a voter, provided they are not otherwise disqualified by law. This article makes Indian citizenship a non-negotiable prerequisite for voting rights. Article 327 further empowers Parliament to enact laws concerning all election-related matters, including the preparation of electoral rolls. However, this power is explicitly “subject to the provisions of the Constitution,” meaning any law passed by Parliament must align with the principles outlined in Article 326.

Acting under this constitutional authority, Parliament enacted the Representation of the People’s Act, 1950 (for registration) and the Representation of the People’s Act, 1951 (for the conduct of elections). Section 16 of the 1950 Act details the “disqualifications for registration,” prominently stating that a person who is not a citizen of India is disqualified. In conjunction, Section 62 of the 1951 Act outlines the “right to vote.” While sub-section (1) of Section 62 entitles a person entered on the electoral roll to vote, sub-section (2) acts as a crucial check, stating that no person shall vote if they are subject to any disqualification mentioned in Section 16 of the 1950 Act. This unequivocally clarifies that even if a non-citizen’s name is erroneously present on a voter list, they possess no legal right to cast a ballot. The inquiry into these qualifications is conducted during the preparation and revision of electoral rolls, and if a person is found disqualified, their name can be struck off, and they are barred from voting.

ECI deploys BLOs for house-to-house voter verification

In Bihar, the ECI has deployed thousands of Booth Level Officers (BLOs) to conduct a comprehensive house-to-house voter verification drive. As per instructions, BLOs will conduct door-to-door surveys, distributing and collecting pre-filled enumeration forms along with supporting documents from existing electors. These forms are also downloadable from the ECI website or can be filled and uploaded online. For transparency and privacy, verification documents will be uploaded to ECINET, a secure platform accessible only to authorised election officials.

The ECI has also urged active participation from political parties, requesting them to appoint Booth Level Agents (BLAs) to help resolve discrepancies early in the process. Claims and objections raised by electors or political parties will be assessed by Assistant Electoral Registration Officers (AEROs). The final electoral roll will be published by Electoral Registration Officers (EROs) after all claims and objections have been resolved. These draft final rolls are slated for publication on August 1, 2025, and will be made publicly accessible on the ECI and Chief Electoral Officer websites, in addition to being shared with recognised political parties.

Plenary powers of the Election Commission

Article 324 of the Constitution serves as a foundational provision, entrusting the ECI with comprehensive responsibility for conducting both national and state elections. This includes the essential powers required to fulfill that duty effectively. Specifically, Article 324 grants the ECI plenary powers of superintendence, direction, and control over the preparation of electoral rolls and the conduct of elections for Parliament and every State Legislature. These powers are particularly crucial in areas where specific legislation is absent. Sections 21 and 22 of the Representation of the People Act, 1950 (RP Act, 1950), explicitly acknowledge the Commission’s authority to issue general or special directions concerning the preparation and correction of electoral rolls.

It’s important to note that the Supreme Court, in Mohinder Singh Gill vs. Chief Election Comr. (1978) 1 SCC 405, clarified the limits of this broad authority. The Court ruled that while the ECI can issue instructions and orders in areas not covered by legislation, this power must not be exercised in a malicious, arbitrary, or biased manner, nor without due consideration.

SIR Status till July 8

As of June 24, 2025, Bihar’s electoral roll comprised approximately 7.90 crore electors (7,89,69,844). The ECI has reported significant progress in the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise. By July 5, 2025, at 6:00 PM, 1.04 crore Enumeration Forms (13.19% of total electors) had been submitted, with 93.57% of forms distributed. This momentum continued, with 1.69 crore forms (21.46%) received by July 6, 2025, 6:00 PM, including 65.33 lakh collected in the preceding 24 hours. As of July 7, 2025, 6:00 PM, submissions surged to 2.88 crore forms (36.47% of total electors), with 1.18 crore collected in the last 24 hours. The ECI anticipates completing the collection of Enumeration Forms well before the July 25, 2025 deadline, having already received 3.71 crore forms (46.95% of total electors) by 6:00 PM on July 8, just 14 days after the SIR instructions were issued.

It is likely, if the Supreme Court understands the wider and problematic implications of the present exercise, that the petitions will be extensively heard and argued. The people of India will await with concern their outcome.

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Bihar 2025 Election: EC drops parental birth document requirement for 4.96 crore electors and their children in Bihar

The Erased Record: A constitutional challenge to the election commission’s 45-day data destruction mandate

[1] VITAL STATISTICS OF INDIA BASED ON THE CIVIL REGISTRATION SYSTEM 2022 brought out by the OFFICE OF THE REGISTRAR GENERAL, INDIA MINISTRY OF HOME AFFAIRS VITAL STATISTICS DIVISION CIVIL REGISTRATION SYSTEM SECTION

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The government said in newspaper advertisements in favour of privatization that this will provide customers with quality of service, efficiency, rural income, agricultural productivity, immediate resolution of complaints, reliability, digital service, industrial development in rural areas and 24 hours 7 days electricity service. Regarding these claims, electricity employees say that as far as digital service etc. are concerned, facilities like fault registration, 1912 call center, Vidyut mobile consumer app etc. are still in place. Privatization will cause great harm to rural income and agricultural productivity. The facilities that farmers are getting today like subsidy or free electricity for irrigation and separate rural feeders and agricultural feeders for cheap electricity, all this will end. Consumers will be forced to buy very expensive electricity. Even before privatization, the government has proposed to increase the price of electricity, so that the companies can make immense profits after privatization. As far as line loss is concerned, the employees have said with figures that line loss in the private sector is more than in the government sector. Electricity employees also say that the truth of the talk of privatization based on losses is that at present the total loss of the Power Corporation is 1 lakh 18000 crores, while the outstanding as per 2023-24 is 1 lakh 15000 crores. In this too, the biggest outstanding is of government departments and big businessmen, whose recovery will reduce the deficit. Also, the subsidy money that the government is giving right now under its constitutional obligations has also been included in the loss, which is absolutely wrong.

It is a matter of quality, efficiency, responsibility and reliability of service by the private sector. In this context, the recent plane crash in Ahmedabad is a living example of this. Where such a terrible destruction happened after Air India, run by the Government of India, was handed over to the Tata Group. Ambani’s Jio mobile network is also an example for the advocates of privatization. It was expanded by ruining the government BSNL. This company, which started its business by giving free network, is today fixing arbitrary tariffs. Now, despite the threat to the security of the country, Jio and Bharti Group’s Airtel have signed an agreement with American capitalist Elon Musk’s company Starlink.

Actually, the BJP-RSS government is helping a few capital houses to loot the country’s natural resources, public property, economic sources and labour force. Modi and Yogi’s government is also engaged in handing over the electricity department of Uttar Pradesh to a few capital houses of Gujarat. As is reported, companies like Tata, Adani and Torrent Power are engaged in buying Purvanchal and Dakshinanchal Vidyut Vitran Nigam. It is also true that whenever the BJP government has come to power in the country and the states, the privatization of the power sector has increased. During the Atal government, Enron had signed a power deal in which national interests were put at stake. The Electricity Act 2003, which opened the way for privatization at the national level, was passed during the BJP rule, and the division of the electricity board in Uttar Pradesh. Now the Modi government has come up with the Electricity Amendment Bill, which will end the system of subsidy and cross subsidy. According to an estimate, farmers will have to pay Rs 10,000 per month for irrigation connections of 7.5 horsepower. This will badly affect agricultural productivity. Not only this, the situation is so bad that Grant Thornton Company, which gave a false affidavit in America and was punished, was appointed as a transaction consultant against the rules, whose proposals have also been returned by the Electricity Regulatory Commission with objections.

In this privatization also, a big loot of government property is being carried out. According to the employees organizations, the Dakshinchal and Purvanchal Discoms, whose privatization has been announced, have works worth Rs. 42,968 crores going on in the Redeveloped Distribution Area Improvement Scheme. Also, under the business plan, works worth thousands of crores of rupees have been done and are still going on in Purvanchal and Dakshinchal. This money being spent from the government treasury made from the taxpayer’s money will be handed over to corporate companies for free. Not only this, there is an attempt to sell all the property and capital that the Discoms have for a pittance. This is the reason why no one is being told anything about the e-tender of these Discoms. Even rejecting the policy of transparency, information about this will not be available online because the government has put a condition that only those who participate in this tender process will be able to know about these tenders.

In fact, this privatization being done by the BJP government is against national interests, it is very important to make a political issue and to run a big dialogue campaign to alert the general public about the harm caused by it. Till now, only the top bureaucrats of the electricity department are being targeted by the employees organizations in the movement, which is not enough. There is a need to broaden the anti-privatization movement. Not only the Vidyut Karamchari Joint Sangharsh Samiti, but going beyond this, an anti-privatization platform should be formed for its leadership center. There is an immediate need to include anti-privatization parties, farmers’ organizations, various labour and employee organizations, student-youth organizations, environmentalists, civil society and people from the enlightened class in it.

Today electricity will come under the fundamental right of the common citizen. The dignity of the individual has been talked about in the Preamble of the Constitution and in Article 21 it is considered the responsibility of the government to ensure a dignified life. Today electricity is an essential condition for providing a dignified life to any citizen. Therefore, the decision of privatization is against the constitutional obligations of the state. There should also be a consideration of intervention in the court on this.

The kind of repression and oppression the government is doing and the constant restrictions are being imposed on leaders through the courts. There is a need to think about the form and methods of the movement as well. The birth and functioning of the trade union was in the era of the welfare state. Where the industrial capitalist system, terrorized by the rule of workers, adopted the welfare form of the system. Many rights were given in this era. Today the era has changed, this is the era of finance capital where the government and government institutions have become agents of a few capital houses. Now the entire government has moved towards a system of autocracy for the benefit and protection of these capital houses. Continuous attacks are being made on democratic rights and restrictions are being imposed on democratic activities. In such a situation, forms of movement like strike or work boycott are not very relevant in today’s era. Therefore, constitutional peaceful democratic methods of movement will have to be considered. Support of various sections of the society will have to be gained in favour of the anti-privatization movement through fasting and indefinite dharna. Above all, the ongoing movement against privatization has to be turned into a political movement and a big public dialogue needs to be conducted on this. Only when the people of the entire state stand up against it, the government will be forced to take back its steps on this.

Courtesy: Counter Currents

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The Ministry attributes this freeze to the lack of clearance from the Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs (CCEA), a high-level body chaired by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. A July 1 government communication cited by the newspaper stated: “Provisional award letters to the remaining candidates (from serial number 41 to 106) in the selected list may be issued in due course, subject to availability of funds.”

Established in 1954–55, the NOS scheme offers financial assistance to students from historically disadvantaged and oppressed communities, including Scheduled Castes (SC), De-notified and Nomadic Tribes (DNTs), semi-nomadic tribes, landless agricultural labourers, and traditional artisan families, with an annual household income cap of Rs 8 lakh. It enables them to pursue postgraduate and doctoral studies abroad.

In previous years, all selected candidates received provisional letters without delay. This year, however, the Ministry has adopted what it describes as a “phased approach” that hinges on funding availability—a move that has left many scholars in limbo just weeks before international admissions deadlines.

Speaking to The Hindustan Times, an unnamed ministry official pointed squarely to bureaucratic red tape at the highest levels: “It is an issue with the Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs not approving the money allocated to these scholarship schemes. We have the money, but we also need the green signal from above to give it out.”

Government Says no funds, but spends over ₹500 crore on PM’s Foreign Trips

The claim of “lack of funds” for the National Overseas Scholarship stands in stark contrast to the significant public expenditure on Prime Minister Modi’s own overseas travel. According to data provided by the Ministry of External Affairs in response to a parliamentary question raised by MP Fauzia Khan, over ₹517 crore was spent on PM Modi’s foreign visits between 2014 and 2022 alone. This includes costs for chartered flights, accommodation, logistics, and security. The expenditure on a single foreign trip often exceeds the annual budget for the NOS scheme. The contrast has drawn serious concern among student groups, academics, and civil society organisations, who view this disparity as a reflection of the state’s shifting priorities—away from inclusive education and toward high-profile statecraft.

Broader pattern of scholarship disruptions

This isn’t an isolated instance. A series of scholarship schemes targeting marginalized students have faced similar bottlenecks, delays, and arbitrary exclusions in recent months—raising questions about systemic withdrawal of support for higher education among Dalit, minority, and backward-class students.

Take the Maulana Azad National Fellowship (MANF), for instance. This fellowship, awarded by the Ministry of Minority Affairs to research scholars from six notified minority communities (Muslim, Christian, Sikh, Buddhist, Jain, and Parsi), has left over 1,400 PhD candidates without stipends for months. According to a Wire investigation published in June 2025, payments to most scholars have been stalled since December 2024. Some have not received their stipends even prior to that period. (Detailed report may be read here and here.)

Similarly, the National Fellowship for Scheduled Castes witnessed chaos during its June 2024 cycle. Initially, the National Testing Agency (NTA) released a list of 865 selected candidates in March 2025. However, just a month later, a revised list slashed the number to 805—removing 487 previously selected scholars without explanation or transparency, triggering anguish and confusion across research institutions.

Political Pushback and Declining Numbers

On June 10, Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha and INC leader, Rahul Gandhi, wrote to Prime Minister Modi, raising alarm over what he described as the “deplorable” condition of hostels, malfunctioning portals, and erratic disbursement of scholarships across the country. He particularly highlighted the case of Bihar, where the state’s scholarship portal allegedly remained defunct for three consecutive academic years, effectively denying all aid to eligible students during 2021–22.

As per the report of The Wire, Gandhi noted a steep decline in the number of scholarship recipients: “The number of Dalit students receiving scholarships fell by nearly half, from 1.36 lakh in FY23 to just 69,000 in FY24.” He also criticised the quantum of scholarship disbursals, stating that many students complain the amounts are “insultingly low” and insufficient to cover basic expenses.

A larger crisis of educational access?

The government’s repeated invocation of “fund constraints” and committee approvals, despite existing budgetary allocations, has sparked outrage among students and education rights advocates, who say that the current delays are not mere administrative lapses but indicative of a broader policy shift away from targeted educational equity. For many first-generation learners from SC, OBC, EBC, and minority backgrounds, these scholarships represent their only pathway to higher education, especially abroad or at the doctoral level. As things stand, the fate of 66 National Overseas Scholarship awardees remains suspended in uncertainty, and with it, their long-cherished hopes of studying abroad.

Related:

Union scraps Maulana Azad Scholarships for Research Scholars from Minority Communities

Why has the Union govt pulled the plug on minority education schemes?

AISHE survey shows enrolment of Muslim students in higher studies falls significantly compared to other communities

Maulana Azad Foundation terminated by Centre as government cuts down on minority schemes

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Every design choice that social media platforms make nudges users toward certain actions, values and emotional states.

It is a design choice to offer a news feed that combines verified news sources with conspiracy blogs – interspersed with photos of a family picnic – with no distinction between these very different types of information. It is a design choice to use algorithms that find the most emotional or outrageous content to show users, hoping it keeps them online. And it is a design choice to send bright red notifications, keeping people in a state of expectation for the next photo or juicy piece of gossip.

Platform design is a silent pilot steering human behavior.

Social media platforms are bringing massive changes to how people get their news and how they communicate and behave. For example, the “endless scroll” is a design feature that aims to keep users scrolling and never reaching the bottom of a page where they might decide to pause.

I’m a political scientist who researches aspects of technology that support democracy and social cohesion, and I’ve observed how the design of social media platforms affects them.

Democracy is in crisis globally, and technology is playing a role. Most large platforms optimize their designs for profit, not community or democracy. Increasingly, Big Tech is siding with autocrats, and the platforms’ designs help keep society under control.

There are alternatives, however. Some companies design online platforms to defend democratic values.

Optimized for profit

A handful of tech billionaires dominate the global information ecosystem. Without public accountability or oversight, they determine what news shows up on your feed and what data they collect and share.

Social media companies say they are in the business of connecting people, but they make most of their money as data brokers and advertising firms. Time spent on platforms translates to profit. The more time you spend online, the more ads you see and the more data they can collect from you.

This ad-based business model demands designs that encourage endless scrolling, social comparison and emotional engagement. Platforms routinely claim they merely reflect user behavior, yet internal documents and whistleblower accounts have shown that toxic content often gets a boost because it captures people’s attention.

Tech companies design platforms based on extensive psychological research. Examples include flashing notifications that make your phone jump and squeak, colorful rewards when others like your posts, and algorithms that push out the most emotional content to stimulate your most base emotions of anger, shame or glee.

Optimizing designs for user engagement undermines mental health and society. Social media sites favor hype and scandal over factual accuracy, and public manipulation over designing for safety, privacy and user agency. The resulting prevalence of polarizing false and deceptive information is corrosive to democracy.

Many analysts identified these problems nearly a decade ago. But now there is a new threat: Some tech executives are looking to capture political power to advance a new era of techno-autocracy.

Optimized for political power

A techno-autocracy is a political system where an authoritarian government uses technology to control its population. Techno-autocrats spread disinformation and propaganda, using fear tactics to demonize others and distract from corruption. They leverage massive amounts of data, artificial intelligence and surveillance to censor opponents.

For example, China uses technology to monitor and surveil its population with public cameras. Chinese platforms like WeChat and Weibo automatically scan, block or delete messages and posts for sensitive words like “freedom of speech.” Russia promotes domestic platforms like VK that are closely monitored and partly owned by state-linked entities that use it to promote political propaganda.

Over a decade ago, tech billionaires like Elon Musk and Peter Thiel, and now Vice President JD Vance, began aligning with far-right political philosophers like Curtis Yarvin. They argue that democracy impedes innovation, favoring concentrated decision-making in corporate-controlled mini-states governed through surveillance. Embracing this philosophy of techno-autocracy, they moved from funding and designing the internet to reshaping government.

Techno-autocrats weaponize social media platforms as part of their plan to dismantle democratic institutions.

The political capture of both X and Meta also have consequences for global security. At Meta, Mark Zuckerberg removed barriers to right-wing propaganda and openly endorsed President Donald Trump’s agenda. Musk changed X’s algorithm to highlight right-wing content, including Russian propaganda.

Designing tech for democracy

Recognizing the power that platform design has on society, some companies are designing new civic participation platforms that support rather than undermine society’s access to verified information and places for public deliberation. These platforms offer design features that big tech companies could adopt for improving democratic engagement that can help counter techno-autocracy.

In 2014, a group of technologists founded Pol.is, an open-source technology for hosting public deliberation that leverages data science. Pol.is enables participants to propose and vote on policy ideas using what they call “computational democracy.” The Pol.is design avoids personal attacks by having no “reply” button. It offers no flashy newsfeed, and it uses algorithms that identify areas of agreement and disagreement to help people make sense of a diversity of opinions. A prompt question asks for people to offer ideas and vote up or down on other ideas. People participate anonymously, helping to keep the focus on the issues and not the people.

Taiwan used the Pol.is platform to enable mass civic engagement in the 2014 democracy movement. The U.K. government’s Collective Intelligence Lab used the platform to generate public discussion and generate new policy proposals on climate and health care policies. In Finland, a public foundation called Sitra uses Pol.is in its “What do you think, Finland?” public dialogues.

Barcelona, Spain, designed a new participatory democracy platform called Decidim in 2017. Now used throughout Spain and Europe, Decidim enables citizens to collaboratively propose, debate and decide on public policies and budgets through transparent digital processes.

Nobel Peace Laureate Maria Ressa founded Rappler Communities in 2023, a social network in the Philippines that combines journalism, community and technology. It aims to restore trust in institutions by providing safe spaces for exchanging ideas and connecting with neighbors, journalists and civil society groups. Rappler Communities offers the public data privacy and portability, meaning you can take your information – like photos, contacts or messages – from one app or platform and transfer it to another. These design features are not available on the major social media platforms.

Tech designed for improving public dialogue is possible – and can even work in the middle of a war zone. In 2024, the Alliance for Middle East Peace began using Remesh.ai, an AI-based platform, to find areas of common ground between Israelis and Palestinians in order to advance the idea of a public peace process and identify elements of a ceasefire agreement.

Platform designs are a form of social engineering to achieve some sort of goal – because they shape how people behave, think and interact – often invisibly. Designing more and better platforms to support democracy can be an antidote to the wave of global autocracy that is increasingly bolstered by tech platforms that tighten public control.

Lisa Schirch, Professor of the Practice of Peace Studies, University of Notre Dame

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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The struggle reached a new inflection point on July 4, 2025, when representatives of the Anti-Land Acquisition Struggle Committee and allied platforms met with Chief Minister Siddaramaiah, who sought 10 more days to find a “legal pathway” to undo the final land acquisition notification issued in April 2025. 

The next meeting, slated for July 15, is widely viewed as a deadline for the state government to keep its word or brace for a massive escalation of protests across Karnataka.

The land at the heart of the storm

The land in question is not barren. The Deccan Herald report provides that the said land is fertile, multi-cropped, and irrigated, producing grains, vegetables, fruits, flowers, silk, and milk for nearby Bengaluru’s food markets. According to the report of The Hindu, for farmers like Jagadish of Polanahalli, who lost 2 acres in an earlier phase, this land is not just property—it is memory, meaning, and sustenance. Today, he works as a farm labourer on what used to be his own farm. “Now they want to take the remaining 1.5 acres. I would rather die than lose this again,” he said while speaking to The Hindu.

This sentiment is echoed throughout the 13 villages. Over 95% of families have rejected the acquisition, citing not only the emotional and economic cost but also the legal violations involved in their open letter to CM, sent on June 24, 2025). According to the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013, consent from 70–80% of landowners is mandatory for such acquisitions. Surveys indicate that more than 80% of affected farmers have not consented, as per Deccan Herald.

According to the report of New Indian Express, farmers also allege that of the 1,282 acres acquired in an earlier phase, much of the land has either remained unused or been diverted to private builders and educational institutions like Brigade Builders (73 acres), Chanakya University (116 acres), and IFFCO Nano Urea (13 acres).

Broken promises and state betrayals

In September 2022, then-Leader of Opposition Siddaramaiah stood with these very farmers at Freedom Park, beside a symbolic peepal sapling, and promised to cancel the land acquisition if the Congress came to power. As per the report of Deccan Herald, that plant was brought back to Channarayapatna and rooted in village soil—a living reminder of that assurance.

But in April 2025, the Congress-led government issued the final notification, effectively greenlighting the acquisition. The backlash was swift. On June 25, thousands marched in a ‘Devanahalli Chalo’ rally. The police responded with brutality—beating, detaining, and harassing protesters. Shockingly, the crackdown occurred on the 50th anniversary of the Emergency.

The Indian Express’ report highlighted the plight of 1omen like Yangtamma, who spent ₹8–9 lakh to plant pomegranates on her 5.5-acre farm, now fear their life’s work will be bulldozed. “The government calls this development. I call it destruction,” she said, while speaking to media. 

“This Land is Our Life”: The protesters speak

At the heart of the movement is a moral and existential cry: “This land is our life. Without it, we are nothing.”

Raghu M, who grows sandalwood on 10 acres, says his parents’ samadhi lies on that land. “If it is taken, I will die by suicide next to it,” he told Indian Express. Gopinath A.S., another protester, explained how he was denied a borewell NOC because of the acquisition plan. “If we lose this land, we’ll end up as gatekeepers and gardeners in those factories. We know nothing else,” he added, as per the IE report.

Jagadish, who lost land in 2018, received ₹80 lakh, two years late, after paying 25% in bribes. Now he cannot afford a plot in his own village, the report of The Hindu highlights. 

Despite being offered exclusion from acquisition, farmers from three spared villages continue to protest in solidarity. “Until all 13 villages are dropped, we fight together,” said Lakshmamma from Nallapanahalli told Indian Express.

Legal violations and socio-economic threats

Experts and activists have pointed that the acquisition violates the Karnataka SC/ST Land Transfer Prohibition Act, 1978, since over 160 SC/ST families, many of them land grantees, stand to be rendered landless as per the Deccan Herald. Of 800 affected families, 387 will lose their only landholding.

Food security is also at stake. Farmers warn that Devanahalli supplies vegetables, dairy, and flowers to Bengaluru. Already, milk output in Mattabaralu has halved following earlier land losses, as reported by The Hindu.

Solidarity: A growing people’s alliance

This movement now receives a wide web of solidarity. On July 1, the Karnataka Muslim Muttahida Mahaz (KMMM) marched to Freedom Park. Convenor Masood Abdul Qadir declared the struggle “legitimate and morally binding,” reminding the Congress to uphold its promises to farmers, Dalits, and minorities, as per Clarion India.

Top Muslim clerics and scholars joined hands with farmer leaders from across Karnataka, forming an unprecedented inter-community front for land justice. “This is not just about soil. It’s about dignity,” said Muhammad Yusuf Kani of Jamaat-e-Islami Hind to Clarion India.

Meanwhile, over 30 public intellectuals, including Ramachandra Guha, Madhura Swaminathan, and T.N. Prakash Kammarad, issued an open letter to Bengaluru’s corporate and tech leaders, demanding they speak out, according to The Hindu report. The letter also cited CAG Audit Report No. 8 of 2017, which had flagged irregularities in KIADB land dealings.

Countdown to July 15: Decision or conflagration?

The Struggle Committee, following the July 4 meeting, agreed to wait until July 15 for a final response. But the warning is clear: if the government fails to cancel the notification, the agitation will intensify across the state, possibly with Samyukta Kisan Morcha’s national support, their Joint Statement provided.

On July 9, the farmers’ demand will be included in the nationwide workers’ strike, linking agrarian justice with labour rights.

In the meantime, awareness campaigns, village meetings, and signboards reading “Our Land, Our Right” will be installed across Channarayapatna hobli, according to the said join statement released by them.

Beyond Devanahalli: A national reckoning

The Devanahalli struggle forces us to ask: Who benefits from development? And who pays its price?

“This movement is different,” said activist Mallige, while speaking with Deccan Herald, adding that “It speaks not of land prices but of land preservation, one that holds farming as dignity and future”.

In its endurance, its unity, and its moral clarity, the Devanahalli movement has become a mirror to India’s growth model- one that too often replaces food security with concrete and memory with profit.

The farmers are clear: “We are not giving up. This land is not for sale. This land is life.”

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From Sindhudurg to Mumbai, Maharashtra erupts in protest against repressive public safety bill

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On this occasion the Union Cabinet passed a resolution condemning that period and praising those who sacrificed opposing this event. It was resolved to “commemorate and honour the sacrifices of countless individuals who valiantly resisted the Emergency and its attempt at subversion of the spirit of Indian Constitution, a subversion which began in 1974 with a heavy-handed attempt at crushing the Navnirman Andolan and Sampoorna Kranti Abhiyan.” The BJP is putting heavy emphasis on its great role during the 21 months of that period. This matches with the claims of RSS that it was they who were the major force opposing the emergency. Like most of the outfit’s other claims this one is also devoid of any element of truth.

Some work in independent media tells a different tale. Prabhash Joshi, one of the doyens of journalism wrote, “Balasaheb Deoras, then RSS chief, wrote a letter to Indira Gandhi pledging to help implement the notorious 20-point program of Sanjay Gandhi. This is the real character of the RSS…You can decipher a line of action, a pattern. Even during the Emergency, many among the RSS and Jana Sangh who came out of the jails gave mafinamas (mercy petition). They were the first to apologise… Atal Bihari Vajpayee was [most of the time in hospital]… But the RSS did not fight the Emergency. So why is the BJP trying to appropriate that memory?” He concludes that “they are not a fighting force, and they are never keen to fight. They are basically a compromising lot. They are never genuinely against the government”.

TV Rajeswar, who served as Governor of Uttar Pradesh and Sikkim penned a book, ‘India: The Crucial Years” [Harper Collins] corroborated the fact that “Not only they (RSS) were supportive of this [Emergency], they wanted to establish contact apart from Mrs. Gandhi, with Sanjay Gandhi also”.

While many socialists and communists were undergoing the prison sentence, the RSS cadres were restless to get released from jail. Subramanian Swami of BJP in an article in The Hindu narrated the emergency story. (June 13, 2000) he claimed that RSS chief Balasaheb Deoras and former Prime Minister AB Vajpayee betrayed the anti-Emergency movement by writing letters of apology to India Gandhi. “It is on the record in the Maharashtra Assembly proceedings that the then RSS chief, Balasaheb Deoras, wrote several apology letters to Indira Gandhi from inside the Yerawada jail in Pune disassociating the RSS from the JP-led movement and offering to work for the infamous 20-point program. She did not reply to any of his letters.” (The 20-point program and Sanjay Gandhi’s five-point are cited by the Congress regime to justify the imposition of the Emergency, in its endeavour to Regenerate India).

One of my friends, Dr. Suresh Khairnar, ex-President of the Rashtriya Seva Dal was also in jail during this time. When he saw the RSS cadres signing the mafinama (mercy petition), he was furious at this act of betrayal and confronted them. As per their style they said what they are doing is as per the path which was taken by Tatyarao (V D Savarkar). So true of the strategies of the Hindu nationalists!

One also remembers that when A.B.Vajpayee was arrested in Bateshwar near Agra while overlooking the procession participating in Jungle Satyagraha, which pulled down the Union Jack from the government building and hoisted tricolor. Vajpayee immediately wrote a letter and disassociated from the 1942 Quit India Movement. He got his release immediately. The followers of this ideology have been well characterized by Prabhash Joshi above.

While the verbal aggressive language of theirs is so loud, their practice is different. When Vajpayee led the NDA Government in 1998, human rights activists did feel the difference. Until then, several committed human rights workers had regarded Congress and BJP as two sides of the same coin. The Vajpayee’s period, however, opened the eyes of many to the fact that BJP is a party with a difference. That was despite the fact that BJP on its own did not have the full majority that time.

Now Modi has been in the saddle for nearly eleven years. In 2014 and 2019 he got full majority. And with this full majority; the true colours of their credentials are loudly apparent. While the Emergency imposed by Indira Gandhi followed a laid down procedure in the Constitution, however manipulated, what we are now witnessing an ‘undeclared emergency’. In 2015, in an interview with Shekhar Gupta of Indian Express, none other than Lal Krishna Advani said, “Today it has been 40 years since the declaration of Emergency at that time. But for the last one year, an undeclared Emergency has been going on in India. (‘Indian Express’ dated 26-27 June 2015.)

Freedom of expression has been totally muzzled. Many have been imprisoned for daring to speak the truth.  Freedom of religion is going for a freefall. Justice is being overtaken by bulldozer justice. The intimidation and torture of minorities on the pretext of love jihad, cow-beef is abominable. Many eminent social activists have been put behind the bars in the Bhima Koregaon case. Muslim activists like Umar Khalid, Gulfisha Fatima are incarcerated even though their cases are not coming up for hearing. Corporate controlled media is ever ready to plead for the government’s policies and suppress the dissenting voices.

While the Union Cabinet and RSS and other linked organisations are taking all the credit for resisting the emergency of 1975, the present regime has been imposing the same by other means. The index of democracy on the global scale is constantly on the decline. There is a need to introspect and overcome the undeclared emergency which India is undergoing at present.

Related:

On the 50th anniversary of India’s formal ‘Emergency’, how the RSS betrayed the anti-emergency struggle

How RSS betrayed the struggle against the Emergency, from its archives

RSS as worshippers of brute power did not oppose 1975 Emergency

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