Tracing the background for the crisis in the agricultural sector, the analysis states that the National Commission of Farmers headed by Dr. M.S. Swaminathan had clearly stated in its 2006 Report that in order to rescue farmers from the agrarian crisis, they must be paid a remunerative price at least 50% above the comprehensive cost of cultivation C2. However, even after 19 years, these remain hollow promises. Even the MSP announced remains mostly on paper since there is no assured procurement.  There exists a substantial gap between the announced MSP and price realised by farmers.

The cost of cultivation surveys shows that the average price received by paddy farmers was 36% lower than the MSP@ A2+FL in 2021-22 (the latest data available). The average price received by Tur/Arhar (lentil) farmers in Telengana was 11% lower than the MSP in 2021-22. This implies that the benefit of MSP is not reaching to most of the farmers. The long-term data on MSP released by the Ministry of Agriculture shows a deceleration in the growth of real MSP for almost all crops, particularly paddy. For example, the real MSP for paddy grew at an annual rate of 1.17% per annum between 2004–05 and 2013–14, which declined to 0.53% per annum during the period from 2014–15 to 2025–26. Out of the 16 crops studied, 9 crops showed a sharp slowdown in real MSP growth between years 2014–15 to 2025–26. For crops such as Paddy (rice), Maize, Tur/Arhar, Urad (lentils), and Groundnut, the growth rate in the last decade was less than 1% per annum.

The official press release of the Union Government has remained almost silent about paddy, the most important Kharif crop as the inconvenient truth is that its MSP has been increased by a mere ₹69 per quintal. According to the national average cost projected by CACP, the C2+50% price for paddy comes to ₹3,135 per quintal, but the declared MSP is only ₹2,369, which means a loss of ₹766 per quintal. If we look at the cost projected by the states for paddy, it is ₹2787 in Punjab, ₹3673 in Telangana and Rs.4159 in Maharashtra per quintal. These states had recommended MSPs of ₹4,281, ₹5,510, and ₹4,783 per quintal respectively. This clearly shows that in many states, even according to government figures, farmers will struggle to recover their cost of production from paddy crop sales. According to the CACP, across India merely 17.3 per cent of paddy farmers have benefited from procurement at MSP in 2023-24. The paddy procurement at MSP was very meagre in BJP-NDA ruled States like Uttar Pradesh (5.8%), Bihar (4.1%), and Assam (below 5%). Even Congress ruled Karnataka and JMM ruled Jharkhand procured less than 5 per cent of produce from paddy farmers. Most States have also flagged that costs are higher than the CACP cost estimates. Drawing on data from Agricultural Statistics at a Glance for 2023–24 agricultural year, clearly there is a lack of alignment between procurement levels and the increase in MSP. Pertinently, only 0.23 per cent of Tur/Arhar production, 0.72 percent of Groundnut production, and 9.3 per cent of Cotton production has been procured.

The government has made exaggerated claims that the MSP has been increased by ₹820 for Nigerseed, ₹596 for Ragi, ₹589 for Cotton, and ₹579 for Sesamum per quintal. But even these increased prices fall far short of the C2+50% benchmark, and farmers will have to bear heavy losses. The MSP for Nigerseed has been fixed at ₹9,537 per quintal, while the C2+50% price should be ₹12,037 — this means a loss of ₹2,500 per quintal for the farmer.

Similarly, in the case of Ragi, the government has fixed the MSP at ₹4,886 per quintal, but the C2+50% price, as per CACP’s projections, should be ₹5,964 — which means the farmer will get ₹1,078 less per quintal than the C2+50%  price.

Looking at the figures for cotton, the C2+50% price is ₹10,075 per quintal, whereas the government has announced an MSP of only ₹7,710 — compelling the farmer to sell the crop at a loss of ₹2,365 per quintal.

It is notable that the Telangana Government had in 2024-25 demanded ₹16,000 per quintal. In Sesamum, the C2+50% price should be ₹12,948, but the government has declared an MSP of ₹9,537 — resulting in a loss of ₹3,102 per quintal for the farmer.

In Jowar (sorghum), the government-declared MSP is ₹3,699 per quintal, but the C2+50% cost, as per CACP, is ₹4,809 — which means the farmer will receive ₹1,110 less per quintal. Not only this, the CACP-projected cost for Karnataka is ₹3,802, and the state’s projected cost is ₹5,232 per quintal, while Maharashtra’s projected cost is ₹4,163 — meaning that in these states, the income from crop sales will not even cover the cost of cultivation.

The same situation prevails in the case of Bajra (pearl millet) and Maize. The MSP for Bajra has been set at ₹2,775 and for Maize at ₹2,400 per quintal, whereas the C2+50% cost based on CACP’s projections is ₹3,313 and ₹2,928 respectively. Even in Gujarat — Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s home state — the state government has projected the cost of production for Maize at ₹2,991 and suggested an MSP of ₹4,550. This means that if a Gujarati farmer sells Maize at the Centre’s MSP rates, he will receive ₹591 less than his cost of production.

These losses calculated above are based on government-projected costs. The truth, which everyone knows, is that the actual cost of production is much higher than the cost projected by the CACP. The continuously rising input costs are increasing the farmers’ expenses, but they are not receiving a fair price for their produce. This is the reason behind the prevailing agrarian crisis and the ongoing farmers’ suicides in the country.

The All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) has therefore warned the BJP-led Union government to desist from data manipulation and refrain from misleading the public. AIKS calls upon all its units to expose the farcical claims. The AIKS has re-committed itself to unite with farmers’ organisations to launch a fierce movement demanding fair price for crops.

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The post NDA’s 11 years of betrayal: MSP of Kharif crop way below promised C2+50% appeared first on SabrangIndia.

It stands in sharp contrast to how India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru intervened to get a scholarship for a young Irfan Habib in spite of the fact that he was member of communist party, faced some penal action from the Aligarh Muslim University for his activities.

The present case of shocking police action against Mahmudabad – putting him behind bars on very grave charges – over his posts needs a close look before putting it in the historical context of how Nehru helped Habib, who would go on to become a famous historian in the future.

Ali Khan Mahmudabad’s Facebook post

Mahmudabad, a young, bright and brilliant academic, was arrested by Haryana police on the grounds that his Facebook post on Operation Sindoor (conducted by Indian Army to deal with the threat of terrorism from Pakistan) among others, incited rebellion and hurt religious feelings.

Mahmudabad remarked in his post that the press briefings on Operation Sindoor conducted by colonel Sofiya Qureshi and wing commander Vyomika Singh were important and constituted good optics. While noting with satisfaction that many right wing commentators applauded colonel Qureshi, he boldly spelt out his concerns that the “optics” could be counted as “hypocrisy” if those commentors, in their role as Indian citizens failed in demanding equally loudly, the protection of “ the victims of mob lynchings, arbitrary bulldozing and others who are victims of the BJP’s hate mongering”.

He also referred to the example of a prominent Muslim politician who said “Pakistan Murdabad” and was trolled by Pakistanis and applauded by Indian right wing commentators hailing him as “our mulla”. “Of course this is funny” remarked Mahmudabad and observed with sadness “but it also points to just how deep communalism has managed to infect the Indian body politic.”

However, he displayed optimism that the press conference addressed by colonel Qureshi and wing commander Singh offered him a fleeting glimpse of, what he said, “to an India that defied the logic on which Pakistan was built”. “As I said,” he said, “the grassroots reality that common Muslims face is different from what the government tried to show but at the same time the press conference shows that an India, united it its diversity, is not completely dead as an idea.”

It is preposterous to think that what he wrote pointed to sedition or attempts to stoke enmity among people professing diverse faiths. The arrest of professor Ali Khan is an example of State action egregiously violating the constitutionally guaranteed freedom of expression and rule of law.

Nehru on Irfan Habib

It is against this sordid backdrop that we may recall how seventy years back in 1955, Nehru intervened to get a scholarship for Irfan Habib, now a renowned historian. Nehru’s intervention was warranted because the Home Ministry had raised objections owing to the fact that Habib was a member of the Communist Party.

Following Zakir Hussain’s pleadings that Habib should be helped Nehru met him. In the letter to Zakir Hussain, Nehru wrote that Habib was a Member of Communist party and the government scholarship should not be given to someone who might use it to study and later act against the State.

“No State,” Nehru wrote, “ could be expected to go out of its way to give a scholarship to a person on whom it could not rely or who was likely to indulge in activities which were harmful to the State”.

It is instructive that Nehru in that letter described Irfan and his comrades as Jesuits and he wrote that they belonged “… to the strict order and not over-scrupulous in their dealings with others, provided they carry out the dictates of that order to whom they owe their basic loyalty”.

“I see no reason why Government should go out of its way to offer a scholarship to a person who is so tied up with an order of this kind, whether it is the communist party or some other,” Nehru sharply noted.

However, while he did make those remarks, Nehru also showed his statesmanship and wrote, “I recognise, of course, that one must not judge young people too strictly and youthful enthusiasm must not be ignored. Probably, with some greater experience, one grows out of these immature grooves of thought and action”.

In the end, he advised the Ministry of Education to give scholarship to Habib with the remarks that “…. he is a young man of intelligence and, I believe, integrity and both these qualities will no doubt influence his future growth.”

Modi regime criminalising dissent

Seventy years after Nehru displayed his liberality while dealing with a young dissenting academic like Habib and granted him a scholarship, a young professor like Mahmudabad is being put behind bars for his Facebook post which is full of constructive crticisim rooted in idea of India. Eventually Mahmudabad will triumph because in his own words, “India, united in its diversity, is not completely dead as an idea.”

S N Sahu served as Officer on Special Duty to former President of India K.R. Narayanan.

Courtesy: The Wire

The post In Contrast: Nehru’s Take on a Young, Dissenting Irfan Habib and the Modi Govt’s Treatment of Mahmudabad appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Many have heralded this shift as a democratisation of media—a breaking down of the gatekeeping walls that allowed only a select few to shape the public narrative. Politicians now tweet their policy updates, address voters directly on YouTube, and make carefully curated appearances on influencer podcasts rather than press conferences. There’s even a growing belief that this new media, raw and seemingly more “authentic,” will shoulder the journalistic responsibility left vacant by legacy media.

But this belief deserves a pause, or at least a much cautious thought.

The truth is a large section of India’s new media creators are not journalists—nor do they claim to be. They are “content creators,” and that distinction matters. Of course, there are journalists on social media who are not solely content creators. Journalists like Ravish Kumar have been pushed out of the traditional media system and have found a way to do their journalistic content on social media. Channels like The Wire etc. produce news content with journalistic intent. This article is not about them. However, this article is about those creators on social media who engage with advertisers/sponsors and generate content including news content but do not call themselves journalists.

Take Samdish Bhatia, a widely popular YouTube figure known for intriguing and witty political interviews and videos of his travels across the country. He is articulate, progressive, and clearly influential. But even he does not identify as a journalist. He calls himself as a content creator. That is not a knock against him or his work. It is a recognition of the difference in mandate. Journalism, at its core, is about accountability—of those in power, of systems, of narratives. Content creation, however, is about engagement, reach, and often—neutrality that does not ruffle feathers. Truth be told, if people who call themselves journalists are not being held accountable as they should be, it is a rather hard task to hold social media content creators accountable.

And it is not just neutrality. Many of the most visible faces in the new Indian social media ecosystem are unabashedly capitalist and pro-market. Their discussions are less about the structural problems that plague India—such as homelessness, unemployment, agrarian distress—and more about how to “capitalize” on these contexts. So, while homelessness continues to plague millions, the conversations in popular podcasts revolve around real estate  as an investment opportunity. Instead of interrogating inequality, there are video essays on personal finance, sponsored by a company or two.

This tone fits comfortably within the vision of a country aspiring to produce unicorn start-ups and billion-dollar tech moguls. Indeed, some of these billionaires have now become social media personalities themselves. Nikhil Kamath, co-founder of Zerodha, is a case in point. With little precedent, he was granted a rare, exclusive interview-podcast with the Prime Minister of India ahead of the Delhi Assembly Elections—a privilege rarely extended to even the editors of major TV news channels. Given Mr. Kamath’s power as a billionaire himself, he also did interviews with personalities such as Microsoft founder Bill Gates, New Zealand Prime Minster Christopher Luxon and Industrialist Kumar Birla.

One must ask: when billionaires with government proximity become the popular voices of public discourse on social media, are we truly breaking away from “Godi Media,” or are we just replacing it with a new, glossier version that’s algorithmically friendlier and better branded? More importantly, will this new media ask the questions that the traditional media was supposed to ask or even attempt at creating ‘content’ around the issues?

Take Mr. Modi’s interview with Mr. Kamath for example. While discussing ideologies and idealism, Mr. Modi mentions Mahatma Gandhi and Savarkar in the same breath to remark that both had the same ideal of freedom with different paths. In an ideal world, this would have been met with another question about Savarkar’s credentials as a freedom fighter par Gandhi, or at least with a remark. What we get is Mr. Kamath continuing with next question as to what to do when someone trolls and how to develop a thick skin?

Or take another question about politics and money. The data on electoral bonds came out in 2024 but Mr. Kamath could not ask the question, at least on what Mr. Modi thinks of electoral bonds. Instead, he asks about how to facilitate youth entering politics given the huge amounts of money it takes to be in politics!

There’s also another curious and worrying trend: prominent intellectuals and creators within these spaces who align with the ruling ideology often criticize the opposition or even level attacks against dissenters with unchecked impunity. An advocate, who is one of the most popular voices on social media, aligned with the views of ruling establishment  was asked on ‘The Ranveer Show’— “3 Indians that should leave India and never return are?” and the advocate said the names of news presenter Barkha Dutt, Professors Irfan Habib and Romila Thapar. The show’s host was the news cycle’s recent villain Ranveer Allahbadia. To keep up with the illusion of a critical and engaging podcast, the host asks “Why?” only to have the advocate say that these three have harmed Indian interests in their own ways and that they have done grave injustice to facts, truths and integrity. In the interest of critical engagement, one would expect the host to ask “How?” but he comfortably moves on to the next question.

This tells us two things. One, it was a bizarre question tailored to get a certain provocative answer. Two, it was not asked to critically engage with it. It was merely done to be performative

The bar for evidence is low. The responsibility to inform is often secondary to the need to perform.

Ranveer Allahbadia and another content creator Raj Shamani were some of the selected content creators who were given the opportunities to do interviews with union ministers like S. Jai Shankar and Nitin Gadkari. They were also attendees—Raj Shamani being the creator to introduce Mr. Modi, Ranveer Allahbadia being the recipient of the Disruptor of the Year Award—at the National Creators Awards organised in March 2024, just before the 2024 General Elections. Raj Shamani also hosted Arvind Kejriwal for an interview before the Delhi Elections.

This is not an allegation of social media creators selling space on their platforms to the government. There is no indication as of now. However, it is an observation of how close they are willing to be with power and how that hampers their capacity to be neutral, and courageous enough to ask questions, engagingly sharp ones if not tough ones.

This is also not a personal attack on these individuals. Many of them are intelligent, talented, and operate in good faith. But collectively, they form a media ecosystem that is, for the most part, timid when it comes to holding power accountable. And that makes them complicit—not by intent, but by design.

There is an imminent need to resist the temptation to confuse visibility with credibility. Just because a YouTube video racks up a million views or is made by a Billionaire does not mean it is accountable. Just because an influencer is articulate does not mean they are committed to the truth. Just because the production is slick does not mean the content is rigorous.

Social media is not journalism. It can include journalism, but it is not structurally bound to its principles. And in a country like India, where power is both opaque and muscular, the distinction between the two is not just academic—it’s existential for democracy.
So yes, we should celebrate the diversity of voices that social media enables. But we should also be wary—especially of the ones that get a little too close to power. Especially the ones that never ask hard questions. Especially the ones that call themselves everything—except journalists.

(The author is part of the legal research team of the organisation)

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The post Treading Carefully: Illusion of Accountability in an age of social media content creation appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The support for this Bill from Hindutva forces is hardly surprising, given their well-documented hostility toward minorities. However, what is deeply unsettling is the complicity of several so-called secular parties. Their endorsement of the Bill exposes the emptiness of their professed commitment to minority rights and pluralism. Their secular rhetoric now stands exposed as little more than a deceptive smokescreen, carefully crafted to mask their communal politics.

With the passage of this Bill, the Muslim community is compelled to reassess its long-standing political trust in these so-called secular parties. It is now imperative for them to distinguish between genuine allies and those who betray them under the guise of friendship.

The Waqf Amendment Bill serves multiple objectives, none of which align with principles of justice or fairness. First, the Bill creates an avenue for widespread encroachment and plunder, effectively making it easier for government agencies and private entities to seize Waqf properties. Second, it significantly weakens the Waqf Tribunal, transferring excessive power into the hands of bureaucrats—an alarming violation of fundamental jurisprudential principles. Most shockingly, the government, which is itself a party to numerous disputes over Waqf land, has now positioned itself as the adjudicator in these very conflicts. This blatant conflict of interest constitutes a grave miscarriage of justice.

Third, the Bill may impose majoritarian supremacy. It sends an unambiguous message to the Muslim community: either submit to the will of the majority or risk further marginalization. Fourth, the Bill threatens to erode constitutional protections granted to minorities. It signals a broader trend—the gradual dismantling of constitutional safeguards for minority rights, including protections related to cultural identity and personal laws.

The judiciary, instead of acting as an independent arbiter and guardian of the Constitution, has increasingly succumbed to executive pressures. Rather than upholding constitutional principles, it has become a silent spectator—if not an outright enabler—of majoritarianism. The Babri Masjid-Ram Temple verdict stands as a glaring example of this judicial capitulation.

Fifth, the Bill may serve as a warning to all marginalized social groups. Its passage can be interpreted not merely as an assault on Muslims but as a broader threat to all minorities and weaker sections of society. It signals that their rights and properties are no longer as secure as they once were and may be seized under various pretexts to serve majoritarian agendas and profit-driven motives.

The Sachar Committee Report, commissioned by the Prime Minister, had provided crucial recommendations on how Waqf properties could be better managed for the welfare of the poor and marginalized. It emphasized that reclaiming encroached Waqf properties and improving their administration could generate substantial funds to support socio-economic upliftment. The report advocated for technological advancements, expert oversight, and even the establishment of a specialized UPSC cadre to manage Waqf assets. Yet, rather than implementing these progressive measures, the government has chosen a path that appears to facilitate the plundering of Waqf properties—going so far as to appoint non-Muslim members to oversee assets donated by believing Muslims for charitable purposes.

This betrayal by so-called secular parties has left the minority community in shock and despair. Since the Nehru era, Waqf properties have been systematically looted, but now this plunder appears to have been granted legal sanction. Other minority and marginalized communities must take heed—every common property could become a potential target for exploitation.

In these trying times, patience, wisdom, and strategic action are essential. Rash decisions driven by emotion will only deepen the crisis. Rather than allowing ourselves to be divided over petty issues, we must prioritize broader unity with other oppressed sections of society. This crucial moment also serves as a litmus test for genuine secular forces—where do they stand in this critical hour?

Dr. B.R. Ambedkar repeatedly warned that democracy cannot survive without safeguarding the rights of minorities—whether religious, caste-based, or Adivasi. Today, one can only imagine how Babasaheb, the chief architect of the Indian Constitution, would react to this assault on the very principles he enshrined. As someone born into the majority community, I hang my head in shame at this brazen display of majoritarianism.

But the bigger question remains: Will India continue down the path of majoritarian dominance, or will it reclaim its constitutional commitment to justice and equality? The future will depend on our actions. Remember, rights are not granted as charity—they are won through struggle. Similarly, the weakening of movements led by marginalized communities threatens to undo their hard-earned gains. Political processes are dynamic, and to prevent further setbacks, we must act now—peacefully and democratically.

(Dr. Abhay Kumar holds a PhD in Modern History from the Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University. His forthcoming book explores Muslim Personal Law. Email: debatingissues@gmail.com)

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

The post The Waqf Amendment Bill: A majoritarian assault on minority rights appeared first on SabrangIndia.

I trust this missive finds you in the pink of health and high spirits, as one must be when presiding over a nation in such a state of unparalleled prosperity and contentment as is reflected in current wobbly growth, unemployment, currency depreciation and runaway inflation.

It is with the utmost reluctance that I dare to disturb your reverie with a few modest suggestions that might, perchance, enhance the already dazzling brilliance of your socio-economic policies.

Firstly, given that we are on the cusp of the annual Budget, might I propose the radical notion of abolishing personal income tax for the poor and middle class? I am certain that the mere thought of such a measure will have you clutching your pearls in horror, but consider, if you will, the delightful irony of allowing the common folk to retain a modicum of their hard-earned pittance. I know, I know, it sounds crazy. But think of it as a radical social experiment! Let the little people keep a bit of their own money. Who knows, they might spend it on frivolities like food, clothes, and data. Wild idea, right? This, in turn, could spur demand and private investment, thereby possibly creating a veritable utopia of economic activity.

Secondly, one cannot help but marvel at the astronomical prices of fuel, which have undoubtedly contributed to the nation’s coffers in ways too numerous to mention. However, in a moment of uncharacteristic whim, might I suggest a dramatic reduction in fuel prices? Imagine the joy! Suddenly, people will have more cash to burn. It could be like an economic miracle! But hey, what do I know? I’m just a guy with a calculator and a dream.

“What about the farmers?” Ah, yes! The farmers! The backbone of our great nation, and yet, they’re being treated like, well, like a bunch of old socks. Do provide them with minimum support prices, would you? It’s the least one can do to help them stay afloat.

Of course, I would be remiss if I did not caution against certain drastic measures that might, in your boundless wisdom, seem tantalizing, given the past history. For instance, the dollarization of the economy by rendering the rupee redundant might appear to be a masterstroke, but one must consider the potential pitfalls of such a move.

Similarly, slashing public education and health budgets – it’s tempting to keep the populace uneducated and unhealthy to keep them in control. But please refrain.

And selling off public assets to esteemed crony business friends for a song might not be the panacea the nation desires.

Taxing the 200 million stock market investors for their capital losses may be the FM’s way of boosting morale!

Will taxing the wealth of the rich folks fleeing to Dubai, Canada, or Singapore definitely make them stay?

Both are ill-advised moves.

And let us not forget the potential backlash from lashing out at millions of youths complaining about exam paper leaks and delays in government jobs, or imposing a ‘stay at home’ cess on those who work from home or are homemakers. Moves that may rock an already faltering nation.

Criminalising the dissent of farmers protesting for fair prices or causing unchecked ecological havoc through indiscriminate building of roads, bridges, and townships would be appealing but will only deepen the chasm of discontent.

In conclusion, I remain, as ever, your most obedient servant, humbly offering these suggestions in the spirit of constructive criticism and unwavering loyalty. I have no doubt that your unparalleled acumen will guide the nation to even greater heights of prosperity and glory.

Yours most sincerely,

A Humble Voluntary Worker, unemployed by choice

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The post Open Letter to an Imaginary Supreme Leader of a country of billions appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Accolades and allegations have been running simultaneously in the past six months of the new government.

The signature slogan that placed BJP in the seat of power was “women’s empowerment” under the banner of the Subhadra Yojana to give direct cash benefits.

Before one assesses the success or failure of the scheme, let’s take a cursory glance at the details of the eligibility criteria that would help transact the implementation of the scheme.

Majhi had announced the implementation of the Subhadra Yojna that would give direct benefit to one crore women of Rs.50,000 over five years.

The scheme was launched by Prime Minister Narendra Modi on September 17, his birthday.

“We will introduce Subhadra Yojana, under which every woman will receive a cash voucher of Rs 50,000, which can be encashed over two years,” the Chief Minister had said. After the first Cabinet meeting of the new BJP government in June, he announced its roll out within 100 days.

But critics hold a different view. They feel that at first glance, the scheme appears rosy as all women are aimed to benefit from the scheme.

But the flip side is that this may not be the case, as the revised eligibility criteria has fixed the age bracket of beneficiaries between 21 and 60 years, and has also increased the period from two years to five.

Initially, it appeared that all women would get the bonanza. However, that is not the case. The revised eligibility criteria are proving to be a dampener.

The others excluded in the revised criteria include those receiving financial aid of Rs. 1,500 per month or more than Rs. 18,000 per annum under any government scheme, those filing income tax, owners of more than 5 acres of irrigated land, elected members of Assembly or local bodies, and owners of four-wheelers, except tractor, and other small light goods vehicles.

This has become an issue that the Opposition parties have been raising in the House and outside. The Assembly session saw disruptions as the Biju Janata Dal (BJD) and Congress disrupted proceedings last Monday alleging that women were being cheated by the Majhi government.

BJD chief whip Pramilla Mallick said the new criteria would exclude a majority of women. “The BJP had promised Rs. 50,000 over two years, but they will get Rs.10,000 in two instalments,” senior Congress leader Taraprasad Bahinipati said.

Meanwhile, a list of 2.67 lakh women who were turned down under the scheme has been distributed in each block. Approximately five lakh women have been denied the Subhadra benefit because their Aadhaar cards are not linked to their bank accounts.

In addition, a huge number of women failed to obtain the first benefit due to server problems, which resulted in re-applications by them.

On the other hand, the BJP dispensation, as alleged by BJD, has literally undone the Mission Shakti scheme of the previous BJD government, as 70 lakh women have been deprived of the monetary benefits for the past six months.

“It is unfortunate that the BJP government in Odisha has pushed Mission Shakti to the wall taking away 70 lakh women’s sustenance in last six months,” alleged former Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik, adding that “BJD would fight for the women nevertheless”.

“The ambiguity is so high that it can puzzle any analyst. The ruling apparatus is giving statements which are further creating confusion. It is clearly an attempt to obfuscate the implementation process,” Rabi Das, senior journalist and political commentator, told this writer.

The other promise made by the BJP government was regarding farmers. The “double engine” government had committed to enhance the Minimum Support Price (MSP) for paddy. Pending that, it had announced a bonus of Rs 800 to each farmer. But to the disappointment of farmers, millers were stopped from entering the mandis.

On the inflation issue, as anywhere else, lassan (garlic) prices are touching the sky, potatoes and onions have become luxury items. There seems to be no mechanism to put any check on the prices of essential commodities.

While taking oath as Chief Minister six months ago, Majhi has, as on date, not made a single visit to the capital city, which is in an abject condition as far as civic facilities are concerned.

“Instead, he (CM) air dashes to Delhi every fortnight”, commented Das.

During his tenure as Chief Minister, BJD’s  Patnaik had made Odisha a sports destination by organising two Hockey World Cups, besides a world class International Junior Football tournament. A world class badminton stadium had also been built. The present Majhi dispensation, however, seems busy only painting saffron colour in the state, but not able to dispense with the green (BJD) colour altogether, say critics, terming his tenure so far as a “failure”.

The past six months under Majhi’s rule show that the Chief Minister is under tremendous pressure and has nothing in his lexicon as defiance, hence everything is being left to the whims of some people who are building up a propaganda for PM Modi with Majhi as a mere mascot, say critics.

“After all, Mohan Charan Majhi has been installed to govern, but even if he wants to do something, he cannot firewall himself from what his saffron master thinks”, said Das, adding that “six months is a very short stint to assess the role of a man”.

The writer is a freelance journalist based in Odisha.  

Courtesy: Newsclick

The post Odisha: 6 Months in Power, ‘Double-Engine’ BJP Govt Looks Button-Holed appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Educational institutions to remain closed until November 23: As a precautionary measure, the Manipur government has ordered the closure of schools, colleges, and universities in the Imphal Valley until November 23. An official notification issued by Daryal Juli Anal, Joint Secretary of the Higher and Technical Education Department, cited concerns over the safety of students, teachers, and staff amid the ongoing curfew.

The decision was influenced by the widespread violence in several districts, particularly Imphal East and Imphal West, following the recovery of the missing bodies on November 15 and 16. The government decided to prioritise safety, suspending all educational activities in government and government-aided institutions, including state universities, in the affected districts.

The letter by elected MLAs may be read here

Timeline of escalating violence in Manipur following Jiribam attack

The recent cycle of violence that engulfed Manipur from November 7, 2024, began with a harrowing incident in Zairawn village, Jiribam district. A Hmar woman, a schoolteacher and mother of three, was allegedly raped, shot in the leg, killed, and set ablaze by unidentified attackers. The Hmar community, a subgroup of the Kuki-Zo ethnic group, was devastated by this act, and Kuki civil society groups quickly attributed the crime to Meitei militants.

The initial attack and looting: In the aftermath of the incident, the assailants reportedly torched 19 houses, looted cash, stole mobile phones, LPG cylinders, and six two-wheelers, and even killed village dogs. Some residents alleged negligence on the part of the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) stationed in Zairawn, accusing them of failing to intervene despite being capable of protecting the village. The violence escalated when suspected Kuki militants retaliated by targeting Meitei individuals in the district.

Retaliatory killings and unrest in Bishnupur: On November 9, the violence intensified as a Meitei woman working in a paddy field in Bishnupur district was allegedly shot dead by suspected Kuki militants. Two days later, on November 11, the CRPF killed 10 suspected Kuki militants in a confrontation in Jiribam. According to police reports, the militants were armed with automatic weapons and a rocket-propelled grenade (RPG) and had attacked the Borobekra police station and a CRPF camp in Jakuradhor. These assailants were believed to have travelled from Kuki-dominated districts such as Churachandpur and Pherzawl.

Displacement and missing persons: During the same encounter, three women and three children, including an eight-month-old baby, went missing. These individuals were among 13 displaced Meiteis seeking refuge in a relief camp located near the Borobekra police station and a CRPF post. Their disappearance further fuelled ethnic tensions in the region.

Jiribam, a district with a multi-ethnic population comprising Meitei, Kuki-Zo, Naga, and other communities, had remained relatively peaceful until June 2024. However, tensions erupted earlier this year when the body of a Kuki teenager was discovered in a river, allegedly killed by Meitei armed groups. Shortly after, the body of a Meitei man was found, reportedly in retaliation by Kuki militants.

Discovery of bodies and public outrage: On November 15, three bodies—those of a woman and two children—were discovered floating in the Barak River in Assam’s Cachar district. These were confirmed to belong to the missing family. The discovery triggered widespread protests in Imphal, with enraged mobs ransacking the homes of three legislators, including R.K. Imo, a BJP MLA and son-in-law of Chief Minister N. Biren Singh. Protesters also targeted the residences of Y. Khemchand, the Minister of Municipal Administration, and L. Susindro Singh, the Minister of Consumer Affairs, prompting security forces to use tear gas to disperse the crowds.

The unrest escalated further when protesters marched toward Manipur CM Biren Singh’s ancestral home in Luwangshangbam, only to be stopped by security forces.

Continued violence and accusations: On November 17, the bodies of another woman and child from the missing family were recovered in Lakhipur, bringing the total to six victims—all from the same family. The Indigenous Tribal Leaders’ Forum (ITLF), a prominent Kuki-Zo organisation, accused Meitei assailants of setting fire to five churches, a school, a petrol pump, and 14 tribal homes in Jiribam.

Meanwhile, in Imphal, a mob targeted the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) office in Haraorok, Imphal East, and later attacked the BJP and Congress offices in Jiribam town. Police reportedly opened fire to disperse the mob, resulting in one fatality.

Erosion of public trust: The violent attacks on political offices and leaders underscored deep public disillusionment with the state’s governance and leadership. The widespread violence has not only deepened the ethnic divide but also exposed the fragile state of law and order, leaving a trail of devastation and mistrust in its wake. The authorities face mounting challenges as they attempt to restore peace while addressing the grievances of the affected communities.

Manipur administration’s measures to address spiralling violence

In response to escalating violence in Manipur, the state administration has implemented stringent measures, including the suspension of mobile internet and data services across seven districts in the Imphal Valley, the imposition of curfews, and the re-enforcement of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) in six police station areas, including the violence-hit Jiribam, Manipur. To strengthen security, the central government deployed 20 additional companies of Central Armed Police Forces (CAPFs)—comprising 15 from the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) and five from the Border Security Force (BSF)—bringing an additional 7,000 personnel into the state.

The National Investigation Agency (NIA) has also taken up investigations into three key cases linked to the recent violence: the murder of a woman in Jiribam, the attack on a CRPF post, and the arson and killings in Borobekra. These steps aim to address the unrest, but significant challenges remain.

Civil society groups express scepticism: Despite these measures, civil society groups have raised concerns about the lack of a unified and effective approach to the crisis. Khuraijam Athouba, spokesperson for the Coordinating Committee on Manipur Integrity (COCOMI), a Meitei civil rights organisation, urged state representatives and MLAs to hold comprehensive discussions and take decisive action to resolve the ongoing conflict.

Divergent demands from the warring communities underscore the complexities of the crisis. While Meitei groups have called for the removal of AFSPA, Kuki groups have demanded the withdrawal of CRPF personnel from Kuki-dominated areas, reflecting the deepening rift over security arrangements.

Calls for leadership accountability: Prominent voices have called for accountability from the state government. Rights activist Irom Sharmila urged Chief Minister N. Biren Singh to take moral responsibility for the unrest and step down.

Political fallout- NPP withdraws support: The crisis has also led to political repercussions. The National People’s Party (NPP), the BJP’s second-largest ally in the state, formally withdrew its support for the government, accusing it of failing to restore law and order. In a letter to BJP President J.P. Nadda, NPP leader Conrad Sangma criticised the administration’s inability to resolve the crisis. However, the withdrawal does not pose an immediate threat to Chief Minister Biren Singh’s government, as the ruling NDA coalition holds a strong majority with 46 MLAs in the 60-member Manipur Legislative Assembly.

Curfews, internet bans and relaxation amid ongoing law and order concerns

Internet suspension extended: The Government of Manipur extended the suspension of mobile internet services in seven districts for an additional three days, citing the prevailing law and order situation. According to a state Home Department order issued on November 20, this decision aims to maintain communal harmony and prevent the spread of misinformation through social media platforms.

Initially imposed on November 16 for two days, the suspension was subsequently extended on November 18 and again on November 20. The affected districts include Imphal West, Imphal East, Bishnupur, Thoubal, Kakching, Kangpokpi, and Churachandpur. Commissioner (Home) N Ashok Kumar stated in the order that the extension would be effective from 5:15 PM on November 20 to 5:15 p.m. on November 23, with exemptions granted only in specific cases, such as government operations. Separately, internet services in Jiribam and Pherzawl districts were also suspended from 11:45 AM on November 19 for two days. However, exceptions were made for leased lines and fibre-to-the-home (FTTH) connections used by government offices or individuals with state-approved exemptions.

The suspension follows heightened tensions after the discovery of six bodies—three women and three children—who had been missing since an encounter on November 11, in which security forces killed ten armed militants. The recovery of the bodies sparked protests, prompting curfews and increased security measures.

Curfew relaxation announced for essential activities: In light of the ongoing curfew imposed in several districts, authorities announced a partial relaxation to allow residents to purchase essentials. The curfew, in effect across Imphal West, Imphal East, Bishnupur, Kakching, and Thoubal districts, was relaxed from 5:00 AM to 12:00 Noon on November 21. On the previous day, November 20, the curfew had been relaxed from 5:00 AM to 10:00 AM.

An order issued by K. Jadumani Singh, Additional District Magistrate of Imphal West, stated that the restriction of movement was temporarily lifted to facilitate the purchase of necessities, including food and medicines. The order also specified that no public gatherings, protests, or rallies would be permitted without prior approval.

Essential services such as healthcare, electricity, water supply, telecom, banking, and media were exempted from the curfew restrictions. Additionally, individuals traveling to and from the airport with valid permits and contractors/workers with airport entry permits were allowed to move freely beyond the relaxation hours.

District magistrates from Imphal East, Bishnupur, Kakching, and Thoubal issued similar directives, ensuring uniformity in the implementation of curfew relaxation across the affected areas.

Union government’s calculated response: The union government has faced consistent criticism for its callous approach to the Manipur crisis. Despite growing calls to either replace Chief Minister Biren Singh or impose President’s Rule, the Modi administration has refrained from taking decisive action. Analysts believe this reluctance stems from political considerations.

As a Meitei leader with considerable influence in the Imphal Valley, Biren Singh is pivotal to the BJP’s electoral strategy. Of the 60 assembly seats, 40 are concentrated in the Meitei-dominated Imphal Valley, making Singh’s leadership crucial for maintaining the BJP’s political base. His removal could destabilise the party’s standing in the region and further polarise the state’s fragile social fabric.

The imposition of President’s Rule is also seen as a politically risky move. In Manipur’s complex socio-political environment, such a step could be interpreted as overreach by New Delhi, potentially alienating local stakeholders. Moreover, it would signal an admission of governance failure, a narrative the Opposition would readily leverage on a national stage. Internationally, instability in Manipur, which borders sensitive regions like Myanmar and China, could have strategic ramifications. Any hasty decision by the Centre risks emboldening insurgent groups or inviting external interference.

A state in crisis: As the conflict in Manipur deepens, the state and central governments face mounting challenges in balancing security, governance, and public sentiment. The unrest has laid bare the complexities of managing ethnic tensions and the consequences of political inertia. While immediate measures like troop deployment and AFSPA enforcement have been implemented, long-term peace and stability will require inclusive dialogue and meaningful reconciliation between the deeply divided communities.

Kuki-Zo MLAs condemn “one-sided” resolutions by Manipur government

On 19 November, a group of 10 Kuki-Zo MLAs in Manipur issued a sharp critique of resolutions adopted during a meeting chaired by Chief Minister N. Biren Singh on 18 November. The meeting, attended by 26 National Democratic Alliance (NDA) MLAs, sought to address the recent violence in the state, including the November 11 Jiribam incident, where three women and three children from a Meitei family were abducted and killed. The Kuki-Zo MLAs accused the state government of exploiting the incident to suppress the tribal community and push a one-sided agenda.

Kuki-Zo MLAs: “Government exploiting tribal community”

The 10 MLAs, comprising seven from the BJP, one Independent, and two from the Kuki People’s Alliance, released a joint statement alleging that the state government has consistently acted against the interests of the tribal community.

“Time and again, the one-sided state government has taken undue advantage of the Jiribam incident in suppressing and curtailing the rights of the disadvantaged tribal community,” their statement read.

They criticised the government’s resolution to act decisively if certain demands were not implemented promptly, interpreting it as a veiled threat to the Central NDA government. The resolution had called for reviewing the exemption of AFSPA in six police station areas of the valley. The Kuki-Zo MLAs, however, countered this demand, asserting that AFSPA should be reimposed in all 13 police station areas of the Meitei-majority valley, which currently enjoy exemptions.

Demand for comprehensive mass operations: The BJP MLAs also criticised the state government’s demand for “mass operations” against Kuki militants, labelling it as biased and unfair.

“Mass operations must be conducted all over the state to recover all illegal arms from all militia groups,” the MLAs declared, calling for an impartial crackdown on armed elements across both hill and valley regions.

While the government sought to hand over three specific cases, including the Jiribam killings, to the National Investigation Agency (NIA), the Kuki-Zo legislators demanded a broader scope. They called for all cases of civilian killings in both the valley and the hills to be investigated by the NIA.

Call for balanced accountability: The MLAs criticised the selective labelling of Kuki militants as responsible for the killings, arguing that a fair process should be applied. They urged the government to precede any declarations with the designate on of Arambai Tenggol and Meitei Leepun as Unlawful Organisations under relevant laws. They further alleged that youth volunteers defending their villages against militant attacks were being unfairly targeted.

“Village volunteers are not an organisation, but youth defending their villages from murderous attacks by Arambai Tenggol, the so-called G5 (a conglomerate of five underground Meitei outfits) aided by the state police and, in the case of Jiribam, by the CRPF,” the statement read.

Appeal for peaceful dialogue and condemnation of mob attacks: The Kuki-Zo MLAs also highlighted the need for peaceful dialogue as the path forward, urging the government to prioritise negotiations over escalations. Additionally, they condemned the mob attacks on the homes of Meitei legislators, which occurred following public outrage over the November 11 incident.

The statement underscored the need for balanced governance, expressing concern over the deepening divide and calling on authorities to ensure justice for victims of violence, regardless of their community.

“It is imperative that the state moves towards reconciliation and equitable justice, avoiding actions that could further marginalise the tribal community,” the MLAs asserted.

The Kuki-Zo legislators’ response highlights the continuing ethnic and political tensions in Manipur, as communities and their representatives remain divided over issues of accountability, security, and governance. Their critique underscores the urgent need for inclusive and impartial measures to restore trust and peace in the state.

Congress calls for resignations of Home Minister Amit Shah and CM Biren Singh over Manipur violence

At a press conference held on 19 November 2024, the All India Congress Committee (AICC) in New Delhi demanded the resignation of Union Home Minister Amit Shah and Manipur Chief Minister N. Biren Singh. The party accused them of failing to control the ongoing violence in Manipur and called for immediate intervention by Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

The press conference was led by Keisham Meghachandra, Congress’s Manipur president, along with Jairam Ramesh, the party’s general secretary in charge of communications, and Girish Chodankar, Congress’s Manipur in-charge.

Addressing the media, Keisham Meghachandra referenced Prime Minister Modi’s 2017 remark that leaders who cannot maintain peace in the state have “no right to govern Manipur.” Meghachandra questioned whether this principle applied to the current BJP-led “double-engine” government in Manipur, given the ongoing ethnic violence and governance failure.

Congress’s five-point charter of demands: During the press meet, Congress outlined a detailed five-point charter of demands aimed at addressing the crisis:

1. Prime Minister Modi must visit Manipur: Congress insisted that Modi visit Manipur before the winter parliamentary session, scheduled to begin on 25 November. The party urged Modi to engage with residents of relief camps, consult local leaders, and assess the ground situation.
2. Engagement with delegates from all parties: The Congress demanded that the Prime Minister meet delegations comprising representatives from all political parties, including the BJP and Congress, as homes of legislators from both sides have come under attack amidst the violence.
3. Appointment of a dedicated governor: Highlighting the absence of a permanent governor, Congress called for the appointment of a full-time governor for Manipur. The post has been held in additional charge by Assam Governor Laksman Acharya since July 2024, after the departure of former governor Anusuiya Uikey.
4. Accountability from HM Amit Shah and CM N. Biren Singh: The party criticised the alleged “jugalbandi” between HM Amit Shah and CM Biren Singh, accusing them of prioritising political survival over public welfare. The Congress further alleged favouritism and questioned the BJP government’s failure to address drug-related cases in the state.
5. Immediate action on Supreme Court concerns: The Congress demanded swift action on the Supreme Court’s observations about the state’s constitutional collapse. The apex court had previously flagged the breakdown of law and order in Manipur, which Congress claimed remains unaddressed.

BJP’s inaction under fire: Congress’s Manipur in-charge, Girish Chodankar, criticised the BJP for focusing on protecting Chief Minister Biren Singh instead of restoring stability in the state. “For the past 18 months, the Prime Minister has done nothing but protect the Chief Minister of Manipur,” Chodankar remarked as per India Today, accusing the BJP of neglecting the state’s welfare.

Chodankar reiterated the Congress’s commitment to restoring peace, asserting that “We have tried every possible way to bring stability, but this government has failed. The Prime Minister must respond immediately.”

Rising violence and administrative inaction: The ethnic conflict in Manipur, which began in May 2023, has intensified recently, with 20 deaths reported in November alone, according to some estimates. The violence is rooted in long-standing tensions between the Meitei and Kuki-Zo communities, which have led to physical segregation enforced by buffer zones patrolled by security forces.

Despite Home Minister Amit Shah’s earlier promise of compensation for victims’ families, the Congress criticised the Union Home Ministry for failing to disburse sufficient funds to cover the 226 lives lost, as per official figures.

Congress urges swift action: The Congress party concluded its press conference by demanding urgent measures to address the crisis and restore normalcy in Manipur. The party emphasised that failure to act decisively risks further destabilising the state, worsening the humanitarian crisis, and eroding public trust in governance.

Manipur CM issues notices to MLAs over absence at key meeting amid political turmoil

On November 18, 2024, the Manipur Chief Minister’s Secretariat issued notices to 11 MLAs, including ministers, for failing to attend a crucial meeting convened by Chief Minister N. Biren Singh. The meeting was called to address the worsening law-and-order situation in the state, which has been grappling with persistent ethnic violence.

Among those who did attend the meeting was Manipur’s Rajya Sabha member, Leishemba Sanajaoba, who has been aligned with the ruling BJP. However, seven Kuki-Zo MLAs from the BJP, who have been residing outside the Imphal Valley since the ethnic clashes began on 3 May 2023, were notably absent. This reflects the continuing ethnic divide and the reluctance of Kuki-Zo representatives to participate in valley-centric governance activities.

NPP legislators under scrutiny after party withdraws support: The list of MLAs served notices includes Sheikh Noorul Hassan of the National People’s Party (NPP), representing the Kshetrigao constituency. His absence follows the NPP’s formal withdrawal of support for the BJP-led government on 17 November 2024.

Meanwhile, the NPP has also issued show-cause notices to three of its seven MLAs who defied the party’s decision and attended the meeting. These MLAs are:

• Mayanglambam Rameswhar Singh (Kakching constituency)
• Thongam Shanti Singh (Moirang)
• Irengbam Nalini Devi (Oinam)

An NPP leader based in the Imphal Valley claimed that a signature purportedly belonging to the party’s Tamenglong MLA, Janghemlung Panmei, was forged to suggest his attendance at the meeting. The leader added that the NPP’s State Committee had informed its national president and Meghalaya Chief Minister, Conrad K. Sangma, about the breach, prompting the issuance of show-cause notices.

Most absentees belong to the BJP: Aside from Sheikh Noorul Hassan and Sapam Nishikanta Singh, an independent MLA representing Keishamthong, the remaining MLAs served notices are members of the BJP. Among them are:

• Khumukcham Joykisan (Thangmeiband)
• Md Achab Uddin (Jiribam), both of whom had previously defected from the Janata Dal (United).
• Two other NPP MLAs – N. Kayisii (Tadubi constituency) and Khuraijam Loken Singh (Wangoi) – were notably absent from the meeting but did not receive notices, unlike Mr. Hassan.

Political signals in low attendance: The meeting, attended by only 26 NDA MLAs apart from the Chief Minister, has sparked criticism and raised questions about the BJP’s standing in Manipur. The Manipur Assembly has 60 seats, and the BJP-led NDA coalition held 46 MLAs after the NPP’s withdrawal. However, attendance at the meeting revealed cracks within the ruling coalition.

Prominent Congress leader Jairam Ramesh commented on the development, posting on social media platform X:

“The Manipur Assembly has 60 MLAs. Last night, the CM of Manipur called a meeting in Imphal of all MLAs belonging to the NDA. Other than him, only 26 showed up. Of these 26, 4 belong to the NPP whose National President has already written to the BJP National President withdrawing support to the present CM.”

Ramesh suggested the low turnout was a clear indication of the BJP’s dwindling support in the state.

A fractured coalition amidst a state in crisis: The political situation in Manipur remains volatile, with the BJP-led government facing increasing challenges from within its coalition. The ethnic violence, coupled with growing dissatisfaction among allies and legislators, has left the government struggling to maintain cohesion. The absence of MLAs from critical meetings highlights the deep divisions within the ruling coalition, further exacerbating the challenges of governance in a state already wracked by communal tensions.

Former Manipur Governor questions PM Modi’s absence amid ongoing violence

Anusuiya Uikey, former Governor of Manipur, has expressed her surprise and disappointment over Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s failure to visit the violence-stricken state despite multiple appeals from civil society and her own repeated requests.

Speaking to ThePrint in an interview on 20 November 2024, Uikey emphasised the importance of restoring trust in the state, which has been plagued by ethnic violence between the majority Meitei community and the Kuki-Zo tribal population since May 2023.

Appeals to the Prime Minister ignored: Reflecting on her tenure, Uikey revealed that during her time as Governor, from February 2023 to July 2024, she regularly relayed the demands of the people to the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO). These included fervent calls for the Prime Minister to visit Manipur to address the escalating crisis.

“People of the state wanted the PM to visit, and they kept making requests, which I sent to the PMO. But I don’t know why he has not visited,” Uikey said, expressing her bewilderment at the lack of response. Her comments highlight a growing sentiment of alienation among Manipur’s population, who feel their concerns have been overlooked by the central leadership.

Renewed violence a setback to peace efforts: Uikey also shared her distress over the recent resurgence of violence in November 2024, following a brief lull in hostilities. She described the fresh outbreak as deeply disheartening, particularly given the fragile stability that had been achieved in the preceding months.

“Traditionally, Manipur has been a state of rich culture and art. It is a beautiful state, but the recent violence has disrupted the peace that was established. I am deeply shocked by the brutality of events, like the killing and burning of a Hmar woman in Jiribam district on 7 November, which is a stark reminder of the ongoing turmoil,” she said.

A call for trust-building and mutual peace: Uikey believes that the restoration of mutual trust between the two communities, facilitated by the central government, is the only path to lasting peace.

“The central government needs to take concrete steps to build confidence and mutual trust among the communities. Without this, enduring peace will remain elusive,” she asserted while speaking to The Print.Her tenure as governor during the conflict’s peak provided her with firsthand insight into the complexity of the crisis. Despite her efforts to mediate between communities and defuse tensions, the violence persisted, underscoring the deep-seated mistrust and ethnic divide.

An ‘international hand’ behind the conflict? Adding another layer to the discourse, Uikey suggested the possibility of an international influence exacerbating the conflict.
“There is an international hand behind the conflict, which is why the violence cannot be stopped despite the Centre’s efforts,” she alleged. While she refrained from elaborating on this claim, her comments suggest the presence of external actors who might be exploiting local tensions for geopolitical gains, particularly given Manipur’s strategic location near the borders with Myanmar and China.

A plea for peace amidst chaos: Amid growing calls for Chief Minister N. Biren Singh’s resignation over his handling of the crisis, Uikey defended his leadership. She implied that external factors, rather than Singh’s governance, were responsible for the prolonged unrest in the state.

“How it has unfolded, I don’t know, but I appeal to all people in Manipur to build confidence and mutual trust for enduring peace,” she said, reiterating the need for unity and reconciliation.

In her closing remarks, Uikey issued an earnest appeal to the people of Manipur to prioritise confidence-building and mutual understanding. She expressed hope that these efforts, combined with decisive action by the Centre, could pave the way for stability in the region.

The former governor’s candid reflections highlight the depth of the crisis in Manipur and the urgent need for both local and central leadership to take meaningful steps toward resolving the conflict and addressing the grievances of the affected communities.

Licypriya Kangujam claims censorship of Facebook account amidst activism

Licypriya Kangujam, a 13-year-old climate activist from Manipur, has alleged that her official Facebook account has been restricted in India following her outspoken comments on the recent abduction and killing of six Meitei women and children in Jiribam.

Taking to social media platform X (formerly Twitter) on Wednesday, Kangujam directly addressed Prime Minister Narendra Modi, accusing him of being fearful of her activism.

“Mr @narendramodi, scared of me? That’s why you work on his behest?” she questioned, insinuating that her account was restricted under the government’s directive as an attempt to suppress her voice.

Hello @Meta @facebook,
Why you restricted my official Facebook account? Mr @narendramodi scared of me that’s why you work on his behest? I didn’t violate any policy or community standards of Facebook. Kindly unrestricted it asap. Never ever think to attempt to silence my voice.… pic.twitter.com/Ex0l3Jmfs9

— Licypriya Kangujam (@LicypriyaK) November 20, 2024

You mess with a wrong guy!

Unrestrict my Facebook Account immediately! Sharing a screenshot of a news published in Indian Express is not a crime. pic.twitter.com/HNkrR0eDpp

— Licypriya Kangujam (@LicypriyaK) November 20, 2024

Criticism of Meta and claims of injustice: Kangujam did not mince words in her criticism of Meta, Facebook’s parent company, for what she described as an unjust action. She shared a notification from Facebook explaining that her profile had been restricted within India under Section 69A of the Information Technology Act, which permits the government to block access to digital content deemed harmful to public order or national security.

“I didn’t violate any policy or community standards of Facebook,” she wrote in her post. “Kindly unrestrict it ASAP. Never ever think to attempt to silence my voice,” she added, emphasising her commitment to continuing her activism despite attempts to suppress her.

The teenager’s frustration was evident as she accused the authorities and Meta of targeting her for speaking out about the tragic Jiribam killings.

Activism and alleged silencing: Kangujam has been vocal about the ongoing ethnic violence in Manipur, which has sharply divided the state along communal lines. Her comments on the Jiribam incident—in which six individuals from the Meitei community were abducted and killed—have brought renewed attention to the issue. Her social media activism has often placed her at the forefront of raising awareness about human rights and environmental issues in the region. However, her outspokenness has also made her a target for criticism and, now, alleged censorship.

Government’s use of Section 69A of the IT Act: The restriction of Kangujam’s Facebook account under Section 69A of the IT Act has sparked questions about the application of this provision. While the government can use this law to block digital content that it considers a threat to national security, public order, or sovereignty, critics argue that it is sometimes employed to stifle dissent and suppress voices critical of the administration. Kangujam’s case has reignited debates about the balance between maintaining public order and safeguarding freedom of expression in a democracy.

A voice for change: Despite the challenges, Kangujam remains resolute in her activism. Her stance reflects the resilience of a young generation unafraid to confront authority and raise awareness about critical social and environmental issues. The incident underscores the growing role of digital platforms in enabling activism while also highlighting the risks of censorship and the contentious intersection of government policies with online freedoms. As Kangujam’s allegations gain traction, they add another layer to the already complex and volatile situation in Manipur.

No end in sight: Manipur’s spiralling crisis deepens

‘Coffin Rally’ announced by Kuki organisations: Manipur’s volatile situation shows no signs of abating, with Kuki organisations planning a ‘coffin rally’ in Churachandpur on Tuesday, November 21, to commemorate 10 Kuki-Zo youths allegedly killed in a gunfight with security forces in Jiribam district on November 11.

The rally, organised by the Zomi Students’ Federation (ZSF), Kuki Students’ Organisation (KSO), and Hmar Students’ Association (HSA), calls on schools and colleges to send students from Class 10 onwards, clad in black shirts, to participate in the procession. A notice issued by the groups on Monday stated that 10 symbolic coffins would be carried during the rally to honour the deceased. The actual bodies remain in the mortuary of a local hospital.

The bodies, initially sent to Assam’s Silchar for postmortems, arrived in Churachandpur—a Kuki-majority district—on Saturday afternoon. However, the Indigenous Tribal Leaders’ Forum (ITLF), a prominent Kuki-Zo organisation, announced on Sunday that the funerals would be delayed until the families receive postmortem reports.

Allegations against security forces: Manipur Police have reported that the deceased were suspected militants killed in an encounter with security forces. The alleged insurgents, dressed in camouflage gear and wielding sophisticated weapons, reportedly attacked the Borobekra Police Station and a nearby CRPF camp in Jakuradhor, Jiribam district, on November 11. The attack included the abduction of six civilians, comprising three women and three children, according to police accounts.

The incident has drawn criticism over the handling of the situation by security forces. The CRPF, tasked with restoring peace in the region, has faced allegations of bias and inaction from both sides of the conflict. Meitei organisations claim that the previously deployed Assam Rifles were too lenient with Kuki militants, while Kuki groups have expressed distrust in the CRPF’s ability to safeguard their communities.

Growing discontent with central leadership: Adding to the frustration is Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s absence from Manipur, despite 16 months of continuous ethnic violence. Civil society and opposition groups have repeatedly urged the Prime Minister to visit the state, but he has remained silent on the crisis. Similarly, Union Home Minister Amit Shah has faced criticism for failing to take decisive action, especially as over 6,500 firearms and thousands of rounds of ammunition have been looted, with disarmament efforts remaining insufficient.

Polarised demands and escalating divisions: The ethnic conflict has polarised the demands of the Meitei and Kuki communities. Meitei organisations like the Coordinating Committee on Manipur Integrity (COCOMI) have called for immediate military action against Kuki militants, along with the repeal of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA), which they argue has exacerbated the conflict. In contrast, Kuki groups continue to push for a separate administration, asserting that coexistence with the Meitei majority is no longer feasible.

Critics have pointed to a broader political conspiracy behind the violence. Some Meitei groups link the escalation to remarks made by Mizoram Chief Minister Lalduhoma in the United States. Lalduhoma advocated for a “Christian nation” uniting Kuki-Zo populations across India, Myanmar, and Bangladesh. Meitei leaders argue that such declarations have emboldened cross-border Kuki groups to seize land, allegedly to further the goal of a larger Kuki-dominated region.

Security forces under scrutiny: The role of security forces remains contentious, with both communities accusing them of partiality. Meitei groups distrust the Assam Rifles, while Kuki organisations criticise the CRPF’s ability to protect their interests. This breakdown in faith towards security agencies has left many civilians vulnerable, exacerbating the crisis in a state where law and order appears non-existent.

A humanitarian crisis without resolution: As the violence continues, the human toll mounts. The state remains deeply fractured, with buffer zones patrolled by security forces separating Kuki and Meitei areas. Amidst the chaos, the fundamental need for restoration of trust between communities and decisive action from the central government has never been more urgent. The ‘coffin rally’ symbolises not just the grief of the Kuki community but also the enduring wounds of a conflict that shows no signs of resolution. Without meaningful intervention, the cycle of violence in Manipur risks deepening an already tragic humanitarian crisis.

Manipur Tribal MLAs plan joint protest in Delhi, demand CM’s removal and separate administration

Unified protest by tribal legislators: In a significant development, ten tribal legislators from Manipur, including seven from the ruling BJP and three Independents, have announced plans for a joint protest in Delhi during the first week of December. Their primary demands include the removal of CM N. Biren Singh and the establishment of a separate administration for tribal communities. This will mark the first time these MLAs, who have previously raised these demands individually, are uniting on a common platform.

The decision to hold the protest at Jantar Mantar was finalised during a meeting in Churachandpur involving three of the ten MLAs, representatives of Civil Society Organisations (CSOs), and members from 25 Kuki groups that have signed the Suspension of Operation (SoO) agreement.

One of the legislators, speaking on condition of anonymity with The Wire, said, “We have previously written or spoken about the need for the Chief Minister’s removal and other issues, but the recent events have compelled us to come together and present a unified voice.”

Route to Delhi- circumventing Imphal: Security concerns have forced most of the MLAs to avoid Imphal, the Meitei-majority state capital. Instead, they will travel to Aizawl before flying to Delhi. This reluctance stems from perceived threats in Imphal, despite the state government’s assurances of their safety. These MLAs, who represent tribal constituencies, have not attended any assembly sessions or recent government meetings, including a key one held by CM Biren Singh earlier this week.

Renewed ethnic clashes worsen crisis: Manipur has been embroiled in ethnic violence for nearly 18 months, with over 240 people killed and tens of thousands displaced. The state is deeply divided along ethnic lines, with Meiteis predominantly in the plains of the Imphal Valley and Kuki-Zo communities concentrated in the hills. Despite deploying additional troops and reimposing the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) in conflict-hit areas, the Centre has struggled to contain the escalating tensions.

Suspension of operation agreement- a contentious issue: Representatives of the SoO groups—comprising 25 Kuki militant organisations—also participated in the Churachandpur meeting. The SoO agreement, a tripartite pact signed in 2008 between the Centre, the Manipur government, and Kuki militant groups, has been annually renewed to maintain peace. However, the agreement expired earlier this year, leaving its future uncertain.

In February, the Manipur Assembly unanimously passed a resolution urging the Centre to abrogate the agreement, accusing militant groups of violating its terms. The CM has since demanded its termination, while tribal groups argue for its continuation as a safeguard for their communities. Although the SoO representatives will not participate in the Delhi protest, their presence at preparatory meetings underscores their vested interest in the ongoing conflict and its resolution.

Protest agenda- amplifying tribal voices: The tribal MLAs plan to present a detailed account of the October 15 meeting between 15 state legislators from Meitei, Kuki-Zo-Hmar, and Naga communities and central government representatives. This meeting, convened by the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA), was an attempt to broker peace.

The MLAs have been advised to clarify their stance on critical issues, including their demands for a separate administration, the ongoing ethnic strife, and the central government’s role in facilitating dialogue. Additionally, they are expected to share updates with their constituencies if the MHA initiates another round of talks.

A political and humanitarian impasse: Manipur’s society remains fractured, with communities retreating into ethnic strongholds. Meiteis dominate the Imphal Valley, while the Kukis control the surrounding hills. This geographic and ethnic segregation has only worsened amid escalating violence and reprisal attacks.

The planned protest highlights not only the discontent within the tribal community but also the failure of administrative and political mechanisms to address the root causes of the conflict. The unified front of the ten MLAs signals a turning point in their strategy to press for political and administrative changes, potentially increasing pressure on the central government to intervene decisively in Manipur’s prolonged crisis.

Without effective dialogue and resolution, the state risks further descent into instability, with ethnic hostilities threatening to undermine Manipur’s social fabric.

Related:

Fresh violence grips Manipur: Clashes in Jiribam and widespread protests after rape and brutal killings

“Leaked Intelligence report” on alleged Kuki militants entering Manipur from Myanmar sparks panic, later retracted by authorities

Manipur plunges into deeper turmoil amid fresh violence and drone attacks since early September

Manipur on Edge: Violent Clashes Erupt on the day following Kuki-Zo Protests Demanding Separate Administration, action against state CM based on leaked tapes

The post Divided & strife-torn Manipur: intensified violence, abdication by state & union governments, demands of accountability from BJP MLAs appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The meeting is being organised by the National Assembly of Venezuela in Caracas, Venezuela. The open letter states that the meeting is an important one of parliamentarians from different countries to discuss the growing threat of fascism in the current global situation. “The grown of far right and neo-fascist forces is recognised by several democracies as a threat to the social fabric,” the letter states. Dr Sivadasan states that he was looking forward to participating in this event that would enable a world understanding of this global threat to develop and expresses surprise and lodges a protest, “ at being denied such an opportunity” by the MEA’s refusal to grant permission. The Rajya Sabha MP further states that Venezuela and India share many collaborations and his participation in Caracas on November 4 would have further strengthened ties.

“The denial of permission to participate in the Parliamentary Forum Against Fascism is a denial of my rights as a Member of the Indian Parliament and I strongly protest this decision,” the letter states.

The letter that was tweeted on X by the CPI-M may be read here:

Related:

Aakar Patel granted relief, free to travel, CBI ordered to withdraw Look out Circular

British MP critical of GOI’s actions in Kashmir, denied entry in India

Activist Harsh Mander addresses TISS event online after entry ‘barred’ on March 23

The post Why is the Modi govt & BJP feeling threatened by a forum against fascism? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Quoting the September 27 MoEFCC’s Expert Appraisal Committee (EAC) meeting,  released on October 2, a senior scholar-activist of the top environmental advocacy group South Asia Network on Dams, Rivers and People (SANDRP) has reported that in a “respite” to forest dwelling communities, fragile biodiversity and community conservation areas, the EAC has “rejected” the Adani application for project.

However, the window for continuing with the controversial project hasn’t been entirely closed. To quote Parineeta Dandekar, the proponents have been asked “to apply afresh” for Stage I Clearance, adding several conditions to assessment. To quote her, “The EAC did not approve the Adani application for amendments in the Terms of Reference (TORs) earlier granted for 1200 MW Warasgaon-Warangi Pumped Storage Project (PSP) by Adani Green Energy.”

Appreciating the move, Dandekar said, the EAC not just “rejected” the application but “decided to visit sites all the PSPs that have applied for environment clearance before giving any further clearances”, hoping, “The site visits will expose the perilous siting of over 15 pumped storage projects in the Western Ghats.”

In a detailed analysis on September 24 on the advocacy group’s website, Dandekar had pointed  to how the upper dam of 1500 MW Warasgaon Warangi Project “was set to destroy a sacred fish pool and sacred grove of Goddess Varadayini in the village Tekpowale.” This followed an SANDRP submission to the EAC outlining the impacts of this project on the “ecologically sensitive area” and the “wider cumulative impact” of the multiple PSP schemes in the Western Ghats.

The submission was signed by more than 200 individuals and organizations, including Parineeta Dandekar and Himanshu Thakkar of SANDRP; Suniti SR and colleagues of the National Alliance for People’s Movements; Shailaja Deshpande and colleagues of the Jeevit Nadi; Priyadarshini Karve of the Indian Network on Ethics and Climate Change; Jaideep Baphana of Pune River Revival (a group with over 1000 members in Pune); and Shripad Dharmadhikary of the Manthan Adhyayan Kendra, Pune.

Quoting the minutes of the  EAC meeting, Dandekar said, it asked the project proponents to prepare “a new project layout which will not obstruct rivulets in Western Ghats” and “change the project layout to reduce impact on forest land”. Refusing to grant TORs (Stage I Clearance) to the project and deciding on a site visit to all the proposed  PSP sites in the Western Ghats for which TORs have been issued prior to granting Environmental Clearance, EAC said, “These projects are located in the ecologically fragile Western Ghats and huge forest area is also involved”.

She quoted EAC as rejecting the Adanis’ TOR given on February 13, 2023 which had specifically said the project proposes to use water of the catchment of the lower reservoir for initial filling and annual recuperation of losses, pointing out, this will “impact several small rivulets draining into these reservoirs as the water will not be released downstream.”

Said Dandekar, the EAC was of the view that project proponents had “changed configuration of the project drastically which could attract more impact on the environment”,  raising concerns about “change in the total forest land required for the project with an increase of more than three times, i.e. from 24.50 ha to 88.98 ha.”

Hence, the EAC suggested submission of a fresh proposal for grant of TOR with modified pre-feasibility report (PFR) with “fresh alternative site analysis modifying the project layout with no obstruction of small rivulets in the area as the small rivulets are the key source of water for the perennial rivers in the western ghats”, and “change in project profile i.e. change in project layout, change in forest land and private land requirement.”

At the same time, the EAC  noted that  the MoEFCC had granted TOR to approximately 15 projects in the Western Ghats, but “given the region’s high environmental sensitivity”, there should be site visits by sub-committee members to several PSPs as these  are located in “the ecologically fragile Western Ghats and huge forest area is involved”. Hence, the need for a site visit “in toto wherever possible.”

In her September 25 analysis  of the project prior to the EAC move, Dandekar (photo), who had visited the project site earlier, had said, Adani Energy’s had planned the project “in a remote, densely forested area of the Western Ghats and enveloped by dam backwaters” around Tekpowale village, which “feels like a place lost in time”.

“This village”, she said, “narrowly escaped submersion from the Panshet Dam and now precariously perches on its encroaching backwaters. The Warasgaon Dam backwaters lie about seven kilometers away, with Mulshi and Temghar Dams approximately 19 kilometers distant and Pawana Dam around 48 kilometers”, adding, “The region is densely packed with dams; a mere straight-line distance of 66 kilometers from the northern-most Thokarwadi Dam to Panshet encompasses ten large dams in the Mula-Mutha Basin.”

According to Dandekar, “Unsurprisingly, Maharashtra holds the distinction of being the most dammed state in India, and this area might be the most heavily dammed within the state. Despite the proliferation of dams, upscale resorts, and urban developments like Lonavala and Lavasa encroaching upon the Western Ghats’ forests.” Yet, the region “still boasts vital community conservation areas, including sacred groves, temple forests, and remarkable community fish sanctuaries.”

Recalling her visits to Tekpowale, she said, they have “often revolved around its cherished fish sanctuary, which preserves a sacred pool devoted to Vardayini, a fierce forest goddess known as the Bestower of Boons. Surrounded by an ancient dark grove, the pool is home to sacred Mahseer fish, which villagers protect with utmost reverence. The grove, adorned with traditional garments and offerings, forms an eerie yet majestic setting.”

Pointing out that the community in the village “strictly forbids fishing in this sanctuary, believing the Mahseer bears a distinctive mark given by their goddess—similar to tales from other regions in India about fish marked by divine figures”, Dandekar noted, “Even in times of drought, the villagers refrain from drawing water from the pool, opting instead to carry it by hand as a show of respect.”

Praising this as a “community-driven conservation model”,  signaling “a successful commitment to safeguarding their sacred spaces and the biodiversity they support”, she warned, “This tranquil setting faces a dire threat. Adani Energy plans to create a 56-meter-high dam just upstream of Vardayini’s pool, resulting in the flooding of 49 hectares of dense forest within the proposed Velhe-Mulshi Conservation Reserve. This not only jeopardizes a culturally revered site but also threatens the diverse freshwater ecosystem.”

She underlined, “The 1500 MW Warasgaon-Warangi Pumped Storage Project will involve the construction of two massive dams—one in Tekpowale and another in Warangi—connected by a two-kilometer underground tunnel… Despite its proclaimed benefits, the environmental implications of such a project in a biodiversity-rich and sacred region are concerning.”

Calling the project’s pre-feasibility study “superficial” focusing “solely on economic factors while neglecting ecological realities, such as the presence of the Varadayini Fish Sanctuary”, Dandekar said, “The project would disturb not only the sacred pool in Tekpowale but also the nearby Walen Kondh Fish Sanctuary, without acknowledging its significance in project considerations.”

Asserting that the “communities like those in Tekpowale, deeply connected to their land and water, oppose any developments that threaten their heritage”, she said, “The claim that the Warasgaon-Warangi Project supports green energy initiatives is misleading”. She added, “The destruction of these sacred places is anything but eco-friendly and sustainable. As the guardians of Vardayini and her sanctuary, the villagers of Tekpowale stand resolutely against the encroachment of industry into their revered spaces.”

Courtesy: CounterView

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In the 2024 general elections, the decline of the electoral clout of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its failure to reach the majority mark sparked hope that the democratic decline in values of pluralism and diversity may see a recovery.

During the elections, himself having realised that Ram Temple magic is no longer effective, Narendra Modi resorted to divisive language all through. He blamed the INDIA bloc for doing mujra (a bowing salutation, in Muslim tradition) for the minorities, whom they want to please. It was also said that the INDIA bloc will change the Constitution to take away reservations of SC/ST/OBC and give it to the Muslims.

To add further punch to his rhetoric, the prime minister frightened the Hindu majority by saying that Hindu women’s mangalsutra (chain indicating the marital status of some Hindu communities) will also be taken away and given to Muslims, among other such derogatory issues. As the matters stood, this hate speech failed to benefit the BJP, and it slid down from 303 seats to 240 in the Lok Sabha.

This gave hope that now minorities will be targeted less often and an atmosphere of amity may get promoted. The developments of the past few weeks in the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), led by the BJP, have dashed this hope. The statements and actions of the saffron party leaders and the government in the BJP-ruled states show that they will pursue their old tactics as far as possible.

Hemant Biswa Sarma, Assam chief minister, notorious for such outpouring, stated that Assam will soon become a Muslim majority state. As per him, the percentage of Muslims in 1951 was 12% (later he revised this figure to 14%) and now Muslims are 40% of the state population. His figures are totally fake, intended to stir up fear and alarm among Hindus. The percentage of Muslim population in 1951 was 24.68% as per census figures and as per 2011 census figures Muslims in Assam are 34.22%. Old habits die hard for many. A classic case is here to be witnessed.

In West Bengal, where the BJP bit the dust coming down from existing 18 MP seats to 12 this time, party leader Suvendu Adhikari put the blame of BJP’s decline on Muslims, and proclaimed: “We do not need to talk about Sabka Saath and Sabka Vikas (everybody’s development, taking along everybody). We will decide who supports us, and we will support them. Stop this talk of Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas.” Many from the BJP stable disowned his statement, but Adhikari’s words and tenor reveals the real political goals of this party.

To cap it all, in Muzaffarnagar, the deputy inspector general of police (DIG) issued instructions that on the route of the Kanwar Yatra (a holy procession devoted to Lord Shiva), all the eateries, stalls and hotels should display the names of owner and workers right in front.

Notably, the Supreme Court on Monday (July 21) stayed these directions issued by the Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand governments, that directed eateries in Kanwar Yatra route to display names. A bench of Justices Hrishikesh Roy and S.V.N. Bhatti passed an interim order prohibiting the enforcement of the government directives.

As per the directive that was issued by the Uttar Pradesh local administration, “All the food outlets, eateries and food joints across the state will have to put up a ‘nameplate’, displaying the names of owners/proprietors and staff members.”

“This has been done to maintain the ‘purity of faith’ for Hindu devotees who undertake the Kanwar Yatra, in the month of Shravan (a holy month as per the Hindu calendar),” the administration had claimed, justifying the move. Uttarakhand had joined Uttar Pradesh in announcing the rule, and multiple other BJP-governed states were set to follow suit, signalling a broader adoption of this policy.

Statements and actions of saffron party leaders of BJP-ruled states show that they will pursue their old anti-minority tactics

In the face of criticism, the state administration added that this has to be done voluntarily. This is a very interesting order, where does the volition exist for those who are supposed to follow it? The honourable prime minister, the supreme leader has maintained a stoic silence on this order, indicating that this is the policy of the party. This move has been criticised by the BJP’s NDA allies like Janata Dal United (JD-U), Lok Janshakti Party (LJP-Ramvilas Pasvan), among others. This is a case where we come to know that in the coalition, the allies of the BJP don’t matter to the prime minister, and the BJP will rule the roost.

However, this is probably the most divisive step taken by the BJP. Already Muslims employees of Hindu establishments on the route have been laid off. The whole notion of purity and pollution should not be applicable in present times. The Kanwar Yatra from Haridwar to the local Shiva temples is a fairly old phenomenon. It became more prominent during the last few decades, from 1980s onwards, quite in tune with the rise of politics in the name of religion, beginning with the Ram Temple movement. Now lakhs and lakhs of people participate in it.

Let’s imagine the implications of such a directive. Most commentators recalled the apartheid regimes of South Africa and Nazi Germany. In Nazi Germany, the Jews were on the receiving end of fascist politics. They were asked to display the ‘Star of David’ in front of their establishments and wear the same on their body. Their persecution became easy as already their establishments could be easily identified. On the Kanwar route the step seems to be an anticipatory one and it is likely that the BJP in other states, on other pretext may find this an easy way to identify Muslims.

At present, it seems that sectarian politics has deep roots in the body politic of the nation. Electorally defeating this party and its opportunist allies is a mere first step to restore pluralism in the country. The targeting of Muslim community is also running parallel to decline in their political representation. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh-BJP (RSS-BJP) ideologues are arguing that they tried to de-communalise Muslim politics.

It is a hoax as the present episode shows. Still they are totally silent on why the BJP does not have a single Muslim MP in Lok Sabha, not a single Muslim minister in the Cabinet at any level. They argue that now the BJP is trying to link with the Pasmanda Muslims. Do they realise who is the biggest victim of the BJP’s politics? Just in the case of the present Kanwar Yatra episode, one can tell that the Pasmanda Muslims would have been the biggest losers with the present move of the BJP, if the apex court didn’t stay the directions.

One feels the INDIA coalition should vociferously oppose such a move of the BJP as it is imperative that the inclusive values have to be brought to forefront to confront such regressive policies aiming at further splitting the society and taking one more step towards a Hindu nation.

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Courtesy: https://www.counterview.net

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