(In March 1994, as part of our campaign to track the parochial processes that deter even ‘secular’ governments from fair explorations into history, we had interviewed Dr Arvind Deshpande, then chairman of the Maharshtra State Text Book Board. We reproduce excerpts from that exchange)

Since its inception in 1980–81, the main objective before the Maharashtra State Text Book Bureau that we were part of was that the ‘secular element should be jousted up in our history books…’ Shivaji, for example, has always been depicted as a Hindu hero. But the moment you do this, unknowingly, unconsciously, the bias creeps in.

For the first four to five years we were extremely conscious of this. So we did our utmost to remove these biases in order to prevent their creeping into the curriculum. Soon enough, we were faced with the consequences — opposition either from the minority or the majority community.

This was our bitter experience with a Std. IV textbook. In 1986, with the introduction of the New Education Policy, the entire syllabus was revised. In history, too, new elements were added: Regional History, Indian Culture and Civics. In preparing and publishing textbooks, we are severely restricted by the cost factor. As they have to be affordable for lakhs of SSC students throughout the state, the books are restricted to 96 pages. Now, while looking at the Std. IV history textbook, we found that 80 of these 96 pages dealt with Shivaji alone. This left little room for any other element that we wanted to
introduce.

In keeping with our objective of introducing a new value system, in the revised draft we had to rewrite portions of it, reduce the section on Shivaji. Professor Bhosale (RR Bhosale, another bureau member) also agreed. Paragraphs were changed, some re–drafted. Meanwhile, someone leaked information to the press. Even before the re–drafted book was released or published, merely on surmises and guesswork, we had to face a vicious media campaign led by Kesari (Marathi daily). We were charged with “removing the inspiring part of history and making it insipid.” Until then, we had only had a trial reading of the book for three days with 60 teachers, two from each district in Maharashtra. During this, no one seemed to have any objection. But suddenly, after the vicious campaigns in the press, the same government that had entrusted us with the task of “jousting the secular and humanist element in history” completely backed out.

This was in 1991, when the Sudhakarrao Naik–led minority government was in power. Defending our work on the floor of the house, the state education minister said that we were only trying to de–individualise history, that all of Indian history had been personality-oriented, that history should focus attention on the social forces at work and not only on individual personalities. But the chief minister succumbed and promised the agitated legislators, who cut across all party lines, that not one word in the 25–year–old textbook would be changed. As a result, the communal overtones remain; the incitement to violence is still there. All the work that we had put in for the revised draft is lost forever. We were all asked to surrender our copies to the government.

The key question is, why are issues of history being raked up again and again?

(Dr Deshpande spoke to co-editor Communalism Combat, Teesta Setalvad in 1994; this account has been archived from the earlier editions of Communalism Combat, March 1994 and October, 2001)

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Refinery prakalp, yei Kokanat ho, kara virodh virodh, kara virodha.

(The refinery project that’s arriving in Konkan, let’s oppose, let’s oppose.)

This was the chant that can be heard from door to door across villages in Ratnagiri district’s Rajapur taluka, and yet, have not reached the ears of the current Maharashtra government. On April 22, activists Satyajit Chavan and Mangesh Chavan, who have been actively involved in the movement against the Barsu-Solgaon refinery project in villages in Ratnagiri district’s Rajapur taluka, were detained by Ratnagiri police. The above-mentioned activists were placed in preventive detention, according to Ratnagiri Police Station In-Charge Surve, a female officer who preferred to not divulge her first name, as the administration was set to begin a survey of the proposed area for the refinery in the Barsu-Solgaon surroundings, something that the villagers have been opposing vehemently for the past two years.

According to the Indie Journal, Surve also stated that the two activists have long been involved in protests in the districts, and were also involved in Jaitapur protests. Due to this, they have been placed in preventive detention in order to avoid any untoward incidents. When asked if they would be held until the survey was completed, she stated that it was up to the court.

Referring to the aforementioned detention, Deepak Joshi, an activist and Goval resident, told the Indie Journal that they learned late Saturday night that Satyajit and Mangesh had been detained. They had been at the police station since the morning and have been trying to find out more, but have not been able to get any information.

Prior to this imposition of section 144, a few says ago, many activists, including Satyajit, had called on Konkan residents to come to Rajapur and protest the survey in solidarity with the residents of Barsu-Solgaon as the survey discussion had begun in the region at the time.

He had spoken to Indie Journal at the time, and had said that “In order to get approvals to start the project, the government needs to submit a pre-feasibility report to the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change (MoEF & CC). They came to the villages to try and conduct the survey multiple times in June and August last year, but the people did not let them. It seems that the government is under pressure to take things ahead now, and hence they are trying to conduct the survey using the police force.”

Activist under attack for exercising their right to protest

This is not Satyajit’s first legal stumbling block since the movement began, he had already been fighting an externment notice from the district, along with a few other activists. Satyajit Chavan has been extensively working in the villages surrounding Barsu-Solgaon, where the Saudi-Aramco-backed fossil fuel petrochemical project was relocated after it was withdrawn from the original Nanar site, which was only 50 kilometers away, due to strong local opposition. He has been an active participant in regional environmental and human rights movements, beginning with the district’s opposition to the Jaitapur nuclear power project.

Kamlakar Gurav, another activist who resides in Devache Gothane and is a part of the Barsu-Solgaon Panchakroshi, provided that even though Mangesh was not as actively involved in the protest against the refinery project as Satyajit this time, he was more active at the time of Jaitapur, he has still been detained by the authorities.

Additionally, the police have also targeted Amol Bole, a Shivane resident and the President of the Barsu Solgaon Refinery Virodhi Sanghatana. The Tehsil administration and the Rajapur Magistrate’s Office issued an order stating that ‘Drilling work is to begin at the proposed site, and Amol Ramesh Bole is prohibited from entering or moving around Rajapur Taluka,’ as provided by the Indie Journal.

It is essential to note that the Tehsil administration has prohibited public movement and gathering within a one-kilometer radius of the drilling site at Barsu Sada, Barsu, Panhale Tarfe Rajapur, Dhopeshwar, Goval, and Khalchi Wadi Goval from April 22 to May 1, invoking Section 144 of the Criminal Procedure Code.

In February 2023, following the use of intimidation tactics against protesters opposing the said project, journalist Shashikant Varishe, who had been actively reporting the issue, was murdered after being run over by an influential refinery supporter, hours after the journalist published a news report against the latter. Amberkar, who was driving his vehicle Mahindra Thar, reportedly ran over Varishe, who was standing by his two-wheeler vehicle Activa near the Mangal Gas Agency Indian Oil Petrol Pump in Rajapur.

 Varishe had published a report in the local newspaper Dainik Mahanagari Times the same day he was attacked, referring to Amberkar as an “accused in serious offences.” as provided by his report, Amberkar has previously been arrested for intimidating and assaulting people opposing the Nanar refinery project, and now the Barsu-Solgaon refinery project. He had also placed banners in the nearby Angnewadi village expressing his support for the refinery. His photograph was displayed alongside that of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Chief Minister Eknath Shinde, and Deputy Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis on banners. Varishe had questioned in his report how the government is associated with someone accused of such serious crimes.

According to the Indie Journal, the Gram Panchayats in the Barsu-Solgaon region had also passed resolutions stating that the surveys will not be conducted in the region, and had submitted the same to the Ratnagiri District Collector Office. As a result, the District Collector, Devender Singh, had organized a meeting with protesters and refinery supporters in Rajapur on April 22. However, because the protestors were only informed 30 minutes before the meeting time, many people who wanted to attend could not get to Rajapur on such short notice, and only four protesters arrived. Meanwhile, supporters of the refinery were out in force.

According to one activist, as reported by the Indie Journal, unsurprisingly, the Collector devoted more time to listen to supporters and barely listened to protestors, indicating that the administration was adamant about conducting the survey here no matter what.

The activists believe that detaining activists is a strategy to keep them away from both the protesters and the movement if the survey is conducted. “We are going to ensure that the survey will not take place. We will continue to oppose the project peacefully,” the activists said, according to the Indie Journal.

Background of the refinery

The Ratnagiri Refinery and Petrochemical Project, proposed in 2014 by the Modi government and the Maharashtra BJP-Shiv Sena government, has been endorsed as Asia’s largest oil refinery. It was supposed to be a joint venture between three Indian PSUs – Indian Oil, HPCL, and BPCL – and Saudi Arabia’s Aramco and the National Oil Company of the United Arab Emirates.

The project was proposed to be located in Nanar over a 200-square-kilometer area. While land-grabbers, speculators, and BJP leaders eager to expand the party’s presence in the Konkan region embraced the project concept, locals and activists led protests against the proposed project, citing concerns that the Konkan area has already been overloaded and overcrowded with several major plants, which has already resulted in the environment taking a heavy toll.

It is important to note that, since the Tarapur nuclear power plant was built in 1969, a slew of projects have sprung up along the coast, polluting the air and discharging hazardous effluents into the creeks without treatment. Locals and activists have highlighted time and again that all of these projects have wreaked havoc on the environment, resulting in massive water and air pollution, the destruction of local livelihood chains, and massive displacement and dispossession of people. As a result, each project has been the subject of lengthy protests since its inception, with an increasing number of people feeling the adverse effects. 

It is also worth noting that previously, in the face of growing public opposition, the Shiv Sena had insisted on the project’s cancellation, and the BJP had been forced to accept the demands of the Shiv Sena and cancel the project. However, with the BJP regaining power by splitting the Shiv Sena, the Shinde-Fadnavis government had announced its intention to restart the project. Previously, the Uddhav Thackeray government proposed downsizing the project and relocating it north of the old site, adjacent to the Jaitapur project, in the Barsu-Solgaon-Devache Ghotane area. Despite the outrage and criticism, the Shinde government had revived the original project idea last year.

A few months ago, in November 2022, the government sent armed police personnel of the Rapid Action Force (RAF) and the Riot Control Police to carry out a route march in Rajapur and the surrounding villages where the refinery is planned. Along with Rajapur police, 60 RAF personnel and 29 Riot Control personnel were part of this march.

Related:

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Journalist Shashikant Warishe murdered for uncovering anomalies in the Barsu Refinery project

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India, with seven journalists jailed, draws criticism over its curtailment of media freedoms

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In a suo moto PIL, the Gauhati High Court has sought a report from the Assam government about the number of temporary shelter camps where people displaced due to eviction drives have been housed. The bench of Chief Justice Sandeep Mehta and Justice Mridul Kumar Kalita has sought the gender-wise distribution and the number of children housed in these camps as well.

Senior Advocate, B.D. Konwar has been assigned as amicus curiae in the matter and he is assisted by Advocate VV Thanyu. Konwar has been directed by the court to inspect the site of the temporary shelter at Changmaji Gaon,Mouza- Jamunamukh, Sub-Division- Daboka, District-Hojai. After visiting the site, Konwar submitted a report to the court that there is a lack of a proper drinking water facility in the camp. Konwar described the condition of the camps as “worse than a cowshed”.

The court has thus directed that potable water supply be started in the shelter camps immediately and directed that other issues in the report be also addressed.

“The most unfortunate part is, see the list, all people from one community. How long can you keep people like cattle in temporary shelters built of tarpaulin? Just think of your own child living (in these), can you even imagine?”, asked CJ Mehta as reported by Bar and Bench.

The court acknowledged the need to vacate encroached forest lands but at the same time told the government to have rehabilitation plans in place beforehand. “You cannot be inhuman in these matters. This is inhumanity of the highest order. This is about human misery, have to be sensitive about it,” CJ Mehta added.

When the issue of lack of clean drinking water was raised in court, the counsel for the state, Senior Advocate D Nath said that there were provisions to get medical treatment in case of illnesses.

The next date of hearing is May 8 when the state government’s detailed response to the report.

The Gauhati High Court order may be read here:

Rehabilitation after eviction

The need for rehabilitation after an eviction drive has been stressed upon by courts over and over again. In the past year, incidents of anti-encroachment drives or eviction drives have increased leaving many from the marginalised communities, homeless and displaced. In February, the Bombay High Court (in Writ petition (L) No. 3572 of 2023; order dated February 8, 2023) expressed its dismay over the manner in which the Railways dispensed with the factor of rehabilitation after demolition of unauthorised structures, despite Supreme Court directions.

In Utran Se Besthan Railway Jhopadpatti Vikas Mandal Vs. GOI (SLP (c) Diary No 19714/2021), the Supreme Court in its order dated December 16, 2021 had given it strong opinion on Railways evading rehabilitation for illegal occupants of Railway land.

The Gauhati High Court bench of Justices A. M. Bujor Barua and R. Phukan, on January 24, directed the state government of Assam to resettle the families who were rendered homeless in the eviction drive conducted at Dhalpur, in the Darrang District of Assam. This order came in a PIL filed by Leader of Opposition of Assam Assembly, Debabrata Saikia seeking compensation for those evicted.

Related:

Gauhati HC orders the Assam Govt to rehabilitate the remaining families rendered homeless in eviction drives

Even “encroachers” need to be rehabilitated says Courts

Bombay HC seeks policy on old settlements for protected monuments; stays evictions at Vishalgarh

Evictions are at an all-time high as bulldozers gain momentum in the country

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Eid prayers were disrupted by miscreants in Uttar Pradesh’s Allahabad on Saturday. The police filed an FIR against Rahul Maurya, Yashwant, Atul, and 12 unidentified miscreants. The incident was reported from Maudostpur village whereby stones were allegedly pelted by the miscreants during Eid prayers thus injuring one young man named Mohammed Ebaad.

The complaint was registered by the Eidgah committee president Rehmat Ullah who also identified three of the miscreants. This is not the first time the Eidgah was attacked. Earlier too, miscreants tried to break the boundary wall but no police action was taken, reported Siasat.

Yesterday, a Hindutva mob pelted stones during Eid prayers in Allahabad. In this, Md. Ebaad got injured. Police chased and caught Yashwant and filed an FIR against Rahul, Atul, and 12 unidentified miscreants for allegedly throwing stones at people offering Eid namaz at the… pic.twitter.com/KtollwixVV

— Meer Faisal (@meerfaisal01) April 23, 2023

Last year as well Eid prayers were disrupted in Rajasthan’s Jodhpur where stones were pelted and bikes were set on fire injuring 16, including 4 policemen. The dispute was over replacing a Hindu flag with a Muslim flag at the statue of a freedom fighter. Since, in the area, Muslims occasionally offered namaaz during Eid and raised Muslim flags, there was a dispute over removing the flags of Lord Parashuram. Notably, celebrations of Eid clashes with Lord Parshuram Jayanti.

Related:

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Muslim man peacefully offering Namaz at UP railway station “offends” Hindutva leader

Muslims attacked while offering Namaz in Haryana

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The Calcutta High Court, in a writ petition filed by a person whose property was razed by the administration, ordered that the authorities pay a compensation of Rs. 80,000 to the petitioner.  The bench of Justice Moushumi Bhattacharya left it up to the respondents to decide who will bear the costs to pay the compensation. One of the respondents was SDO of Jangipuri, Murshidabad.

The court was deeply perturbed by the facts of the case and deemed that the respondents acted maliciously.

The writ petition was filed on April 18 and notice was served upon the respondents. The matter was mentioned on April 19 and the respondents were informed of the same, yet the structure was demolished on the same day as the order, on March 29. The order mentioned that the plot in question was a land under dispute for being a road. However, the court pointed out that the order was passed under West Bengal Public Land (Eviction of Unauthorized Occupants) Act, which excludes “road” from the definition of “public land”.

The court read down the West Bengal Public Land (Eviction of Unauthorized Occupants) Act, while assuming that the authorities had powers under this Act to act against the disputed land. The court found that section 3 and 4 of the Act  were not complied with by the SDM, wherein he/she is required to give a show cause notice to the occupant and take action only after considering the reply to the show cause notice.

The impugned order in the present case reflects that the SDM jumped Sections 3 and 4 of the 1962 Act and proceeded straightaway to direct removal of the encroachment under Section 5(1) of the Act.

The court said that even if the March 29 order was to be considered as a notice, the documents placed before the Court do not indicate that the procedure to be followed under Sections 4 and 5 were complied with. The court noted that the documents do not mention the word “demolition” anywhere.

The court also took note of a letter from BDO, Murshidabad seeking urgent steps for completion of a Government project on the concerned land. The letter was also sent to the M.P., Jangipur and the M.L.A., Suti for sending a representative on the stipulated date and time.

“The action of the State authorities in failing to comply with the statutory mandate of the West Bengal Public Land (Eviction of Unauthorized Occupants) Act, 1962, − assuming that the Act is applicable in the present case− and disregarding the filing of the writ petition before this Court amounts to “Malice in Law”.”

The court held that malice in law “involves an intention on the part of the authorities to do a wrongful act with full knowledge not only of the commission of the act but also of the consequences which would necessarily follow as a result of the act”.

The court also deprecated the practice of calling upon the political functionaries. The court said, “Calling upon political functionaries to lend support to an act which is ex facie illegal aggravates the malice and is evidence of the premeditated nature of the act thereof. The State respondents have disregarded a pending judicial proceeding and have sought to frustrate the same.”

The court thus directed the respondents to pay Rs. 80,000 as compensation for the loss caused to the petitioners.

The order may be read here:

In a similar unauthorised and unlawful fashion, a section of a 250-year-old mosque which also had a madrassa that housed more than 100 orphans was razed to the ground in Delhi’s Bengali Market. When Advocate Mehmood Pracha reached the site and asked for demolition orders, the authorities and the police refused to provide the same. As per the mosque management, they were not served any notice of demolition. There is clearly no accountability from the authorities who come and demolish structures without giving notice to the occupants/residents. Many such incidents have been recorded this year and this direction of the Calcutta High Court to make good the loss to the petitioner by way of monetary compensation can become a major deterrent for such errant authorities. While in some cases, courts stressed upon the need for rehabilitation of those who are evicted and rendered homeless, in cases where due process is not followed, penalising the authority can certainly reduce the number of such incidents.

The most unfortunate of these recent incidents was the one from Kanpur Dehat where a mother and daughter were burnt alive as they were inside their hutment when the bulldozer came for them. While the police at first claimed that they set themselves on fire, eventually a case of murder was registered against the SDM and others.

In Assam’s Sonitpur, 2,500 Bengali Muslim families were rendered homeless as a demolition drive was conducted, displacing these families for their lands where they were cultivators.

In UP’s Ghaziabad, in Sahibabad people’s homes were being demolished, allegedly without any notice. In a video posted on social media, a woman can be seen pleading to the police and other people present, to not go ahead but she was being dragged.

Related:

250-year-old mosque in Delhi partially demolished in “anti encroachment drive”

Evictions are at an all-time high as bulldozers gain momentum in the country

UP: Demolition drive goes awry, mother daughter burnt alive

MP: In CM’s Home District, Bulldozers Reduce 20 Homes Built Under PMAY to Rubble

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April 18, 2023

Dear Rama, Narpati, Lord of Men,

I do not see a reason to write you a letter; after all, you are ever present; you are Sarvajna (The All-Knowing, or the One who is aware of everything that exists). But when I write to you, I introspect about my position, hypocrisy and lack of introspection in my community. 

I once encountered the phrase “jo ramta hai wahi Ram hai” in an essay as a student. I enquired with my teacher if this had any links to the vanvas of Prince Ram of Ayodhya. Patiently, he explained that the essayist used the term “Ram” to represent purity in a nirgun (formless) sense. He discussed the idea of travel, literally and metaphorically, to denote transformation (‘ramta’). He also spoke about Kabir and Surdas. The essay and conversation left a mark on my life; I realised that the idea of Ram is not limited to a narrow concept of something singular but a human ideal of purity. 

In years to come, I have learned more about You and the ‘idea of Ram’ from my mother, sister and friends. You are dignity (Maryada) from Amma, while for Akka, You are Stoic, and my Ram was the idea of ‘Ramta‘ (transformation). 

At the same time I was discovering you, a dramatic change was occurring outside of me: in 1990, the Rath-Yatra had transformed your name and entity, Ram, from an idea of maryada to a war cry. A war cry to Hindus who were told of a glorious past and how to correct historical “injustices”.

Lord, Ram.

“You became the poster boy for an entire society fighting socially, legally, religiously and politically to build a mandir for you. They unleashed violence for your temple, but it never struck them, Lord, that you gave away your kingdom for a promise made by your father, you never spoke ill of your Kaikeyye, you parted from Bharat with an embrace, guiding him to succeed. Your life taught the idea of ‘sacrifice’ idea of giving it away is the idea of tapasya.”  

Dear Raghupati, I was rereading Maithili Sharan Gupt’s “Kakiyee ka Anuthap“. Throughout the poem, Kakiyee expresses her regret for her actions and her desire to seek Your forgiveness. Not only do you pardon her, but you also show her love. Your Love for Kakiyee and Bharat was unwavering. I must confess I have tried (often unsuccessfully) for years to adopt this unwavering love. 

I recall so many incidents from your life (we do many versions of your life); I remember how you were ready to accept Vali’s last words when he felt betrayed as he died in your arms; you promised that in a future incarnation as Lord Krishna, you would be mistakenly injured by a hunter named Jara, and Jara would be the reincarnation of Vali. 

Son of Dasharath, You show kindness to Jatayu as he dies in your arms. You accepted offerings of fruits from Sabari, who tasted them before she offered them to you. You see bhakti and love in it. You receive Vibhisana’s request for refuge. However, Sugriva and Lakshmana express doubt about Vibhisana’s motives. You speak of Ravana’s statecraft with respect; you seek no war and send Hanuman for peace; and finally, you fight the battle not to conquer Lanka but for the Love of Sita. You ask Vibhisana to rule the nation of Lanka. You thought Vibhisana would govern justly and fairly; your magnanimity and ability to forgive and extend compassion even to your enemies is a formidable lesson for us. 

The period of exile, or “vanvas,” was a time of introspection and a battle for love. You, the prodigal son, returned to the land of Ayodhya after a life of “tapasya,”; You taught us what bhakti is, for true love is not obtained through asserting ownership but rather through the process of detachment and self-discovery. They, in fact, call you Vanavasa Priya; I interpret it as someone who celebrated detachment (what a thing for a prince to do !!) 

Lord Rama, I recall an incident where Hanuman shielded Luv and Kush from your arrow. Hanuman, the embodiment of devotion and reverence towards you, demonstrated that your bhakti can even reverse the effect of your arrow. 

Love of Lord Rama could even conquer your wrath. 

It reinforced the values of Ram-Maryada, which encompassed dignity, love, and devotion, and its significance has only grown over time.

Yet, I felt we had betrayed you when I saw men kill and then shout Jai Shree Ram. We owe an apology to you. As a nation and religious group, we have lost both dignity and maryada. The Lord who could give up his kingdom and always taught the idea of tapsaya, bhakti and fighting for love has been reduced to a cry for violence, revenge and lawlessness.

Many would say You must come back to correct the ills, but You gave Your story and lesson; as Your disciple, we must claim what You instilled in us, bhakti, an idea of love.

We come to you much like Kakiyee. We come with our “anuthap” (remorse and regret). The only way to make amends is, to begin with, introspection and embrace the values of love and compassion you have taught us.

Lord of Men, Rama, you are also called “Premamaya”, is a term that means “full of love”. We will not allow your name to be misused as a symbol of hate.

A disciple of love and knowledge, 

Venkat Srinivasan

(The writer is a financial professional, also passionate about the arts, academia, and social issues related to development and human rights)

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Written by D Y Chandrachud (Courtesy; Indian Express)

At the very outset, I extend my heartiest congratulations to the winners in all the categories of the awards presented today. Earlier today, I was browsing through the categories in which awards are presented as well as a few stories by previous winners and I must say that I am tremendously impressed by the depth and breadth of the reportage that journalists in our country engage in. To those journalists who have not won today — you are no less a winner in the game of life for yours is a noble profession. To have chosen it at all (especially when more lucrative options are available) and to continue to pursue it despite the many difficulties which arise, is admirable indeed.

As I was reflecting on the profession of law and that of journalism, it occurred to me that journalists and lawyers (or judges, as in my case) share some things in common. Of course, persons of both professions are fierce believers of the aphorism that the pen is mightier than the sword. But, they also share the occupational hazard of being disliked by virtue of their professions — no easy cross to bear. But members of both professions keep at their daily tasks and hope that one day, the reputations of their professions will receive a makeover.

The magnitude of the task that journalists face in their careers was well described by G K Chesterton, who said “Journalism largely consists in saying ‘Lord Jones is dead’ to people who never knew Lord Jones was alive”. Journalists are constantly engaged in the endeavour of simplifying complex information for the consumption of the public, which is frequently unaware of even the most basic facts underlying the issues sought to be exposed. This simplification of information must not be at the cost of accuracy, which further complicates the journalist’s job. This is true, the world over.

The media sparks debates and discussion, which are the first step towards action. All societies inevitably become dormant, lethargic and immune to the problems that plague them. Journalism (in all its forms) is one of the key aspects which prods us out of this collective inertia. The media has always played and continues to play an important role in shaping the course of current events, and by extension, the course of history itself. Recently, the #MeToo movement was sparked in part by the publication of stories concerning the accusations of sexual harassment against prominent figures in the film industry in the US. The #MeToo movement had cascading effects all across the world and was a watershed moment in history. In India, the media’s coverage of the rape of Jyoti, or Nirbhaya, by certain men in Delhi resulted in widespread protests and later, in reforms to criminal law. Even on a day-to-day basis, some news stories prompt questions and discussion in Parliament and in the legislative assemblies of states.

The media is the fourth pillar in the conception of the State, and thus an integral component of democracy. A functional and healthy democracy must encourage the development of journalism as an institution that can ask difficult questions to the establishment — or as it is commonly known, “speak truth to power”. The vibrancy of any democracy is compromised when the press is prevented from doing exactly this. The press must remain free if a country is to remain a democracy.

India has a great legacy of newspapers that have acted as catalysts of social and political change. Prior to independence, newspapers were run by social reformers and political activists in order to raise awareness and also as a means of outreach. For instance, Dr. Ambedkar launched several newspapers such as Mooknayak, Bahishkrut Bharat, Janata, and Prabuddha Bharat to create awareness about the rights of the most neglected communities in India. The newspapers and other publications of pre-Independence India also give us a picture of the detailed history of those times. These newspapers are now a source of knowledge, a historical record of the times when courageous men and women acted against the colonial rulers and fought fiercely for our independence. The newsprint voiced the aspiration of the soul, a yearning for freedom.

Many journalists, both in our country as well as across the world, work in difficult and unfriendly conditions. But they are relentless in the face of adversity and opposition. It is precisely this quality which must not be lost. As citizens, we may not agree with the approach that a journalist has adopted or the conclusions that they reach. I, too, find myself disagreeing with many journalists. After all, who amongst us agrees with all other people? But disagreement must not distort into hatred and hatred must not be permitted to evolve into violence. As you must be aware, the Supreme Court of India has emphasised on the rights of journalists in a number of judgments. In one judgment, the Supreme Court held: “India’s freedoms will rest safe as long as journalists can speak truth to power without being chilled by a threat of reprisal.”

Initially, the outreach of journalism was limited to print media, but this expanded with the introduction of television. I was taking a flight to the United States in 1982 to pursue a Master’s degree in law. Coincidentally, it was the day of the launching of colour television in India. In the recent past, social media has been a game changer for journalists in more ways than one. Online platforms have provided an opportunity to individuals to launch their own online media channels. In that way, online platforms have led to the democratisation of the media. Years ago, it was the paucity of space which was a constraining factor. Now, perhaps, it is the paucity of reader patience. Readers have short attention spans. News is reduced to shorts on YouTube or reels on Instagram.

Our attention spans have seen a steady decline with the advent of social media. It is now the norm for short tidbits of information to be conveyed through 280 characters or in a few seconds. This is, however, an unsatisfactory replacement for long-form or investigative pieces. In fact, there can be no replacement for such reportage. It is also proving to be a challenge for journalists to penetrate the echo chambers that social media has created and illuminate the truth.

Local or community-based journalism has played an important role in encouraging social cohesion and political activism. It has the ability to not only educate citizens but also to raise the little-known concerns and set the agenda for debate on those issues at the policy level. Local journalism shines a bright light on local issues, people, and causes, which many times may not get covered by the media at the national-level. As several studies have shown, the composition of mainstream media is not representative of all communities.

Community journalism opens the avenues for the members of marginalised communities to be a voice for their own issues. The emergence of social media enabled them to create their own space and come up with independent media platforms.

The relevance of the media was best highlighted during the period of the Covid-19 pandemic. Electronic, print and social media facilitated the State to disseminate relevant information to the general public at large even during the lockdown. The citizens were constantly reminded of the various precautionary as well as preventive steps which they were expected to take in order to ensure their well-being. The media highlighted administrative loopholes and excesses. Various high courts and the Supreme Court of India relied on news reports in taking suo motu cognisance of instances of violations of people’s rights during the pandemic.

I was recently asked as to which newsperson I followed with keen interest. My answer did not name a newsperson but a cartoonist – the famed late Mr R K Laxman. Although he was not a journalist, he succeeded in accomplishing the core of the journalist’s mission by holding a mirror up to the powers that be. I am sure most of India will join with me in considering Mr RK Laxman’s cartoons to be incisive and witty commentaries. He was what we call an “equal opportunity offender” — everyone stood the risk of being the subject of his cartoons and most took it in good spirit when they were ridiculed. My favourite anecdote about him was that he thought that the famous UK cartoonist David Low was actually David Cow because of the manner in which Mr Low penned his signature.

I also joked that my favourite journalist (so to speak) was the one in the Hindi movie Nayak, which was a remake of the Tamil film Mudhalvan. Those who have watched either of these know that the protagonist is a journalist who is invited to take the place of the Chief Minister for a single day. He becomes wildly popular after doing this and becomes a politician. I see some young faces in the audience today and I hope that they have not taken up journalism after watching this movie in their youth.

In recent years, we are also witnessing a rising interest in legal journalism. Legal journalism is the storyteller of the justice system, shedding light on the complexities of the law. However, selective quoting of speeches and judgments of judges by journalists in India has become a matter of concern. This practice has a tendency to distort the public’s understanding of important legal issues. Judges’ decisions are often complex and nuanced, and selective quoting can give the impression that a judgment means something entirely different from what the judge actually intended. It is thus essential for journalists to provide a complete picture of events, rather than presenting a one-sided view. Journalists have a duty to report accurately and impartially.

As with every institution, journalism is facing its own challenges. Fake news poses a serious threat to the independence and impartiality of the press in the current society. It is the collective responsibility of journalists as well as other stakeholders to weed out any element of bias or prejudice from the process of reporting events. A comprehensive fact-checking mechanism should be in place to verify all news items before reporting. Media houses are expected to act cautiously while publishing news. Fake news can misguide millions of people at once, and this will be in direct contradiction with the fundamentals of democracy which form the bedrock of our existence. Across the globe, fake news has the capability to create tensions between communities by misleading people. Therefore, to save the democratic values of fraternity which can be damaged, if not destroyed through biased reporting, there is a strong need to bridge a gap between truth and lie.

Another issue affecting the media is that of legitimacy. A diverse and representative newsroom is essential for media institutions to provide well-researched and complex stories that explore a multiplicity of perspectives and voices.

Maintaining a diverse workforce is imperative for the longevity of any media platform. This is not just about providing different perspectives and viewpoints. Media institutions need to ensure that their newsroom culture reflects the diverse news content they are producing. Otherwise, audiences may question their authenticity. Journalism ought not to be elitist, exclusionary or for that matter, a selective profession.

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One witnesses a forceful return of religions’ political hold, which corners our diasporas into a mix of ethnic-cultural-religious syncretic identity, and traps us, as if we were under ‘house arrest’, into our presumed religion or culture. In fact, this is an ahistorical fantasy, which denies us any access to freedom of thought and universal rights.

In these dire circumstances, we welcome the translation into French, the publication and the wide distribution of Bhagat Singh’s 1930 pamphlet “Why I am an atheist” as particularly timely.

As feminists, we already faced the identity sledgehammer argument in our countries of origin: “Feminism is Western; you are traitors to your own country, to your culture, to your origins; you have sold out to the West, to capitalism, to Western imperialism” etc…

However, a research undertaken by feminist activists in the ’90s in so-called Muslim countries shows that women, since the inception of Islam, already demanded the right to education, to freedom of movement, to political representation, to financial autonomy, to celibacy or to the right to chose one’s partner after thorough agreements had been designed in order to draft a contract which was satisfactory to both parties, etc…

From that time onwards, women took action to guarantee all these rights (1) We had to fight hard to get back the ownership of our long lived feminist history, by challenging the Sirens’ song of reactionary identity politics – and as well, one must emphasise here, the Sirens’ song of patriarchy happily covering up in the midst of our Left forces, in our countries.

As revolutionaries as well, we had to confront the identity argument: “Marxism is a Western way of thinking, alien to our culture; you are traitors to the nation; sold out to the West, etc…”

And now once more, we must reclaim and own back our revolutionary history, by bringing together the stories and analysis of the many agnostics, atheists and secularists in our countries. For, as Bhagat Singh says, “All religions, faiths, theological philosophies, and religious creeds and all other such institutions in the long run become supporters of the tyrannical and exploiting institutions, men and classes. Rebellion against any king has always been a sin in every religion. “

In order to reclaim our historical right to atheism, to ground ourselves into our long secular tradition, we must today confront on the ground the Hindutva as well as Daesh (ISIS) and many other – intolerant Buddhists, orthodox Jews, Opus Dei, etc… religious extreme-rights, which, when they are in power, claim their gods granted them the right and duty to physically eliminate all the Untermensch. “Divine Repression”, as Bhagat Singh would say… Be it in India, in Bangladesh, in Pakistan, in Algeria, in Nigeria, or … in Paris and Brussels, many lost their lives, including recently, for having claimed this universal right: to live as a freethinker and to mock the official representatives of established creeds.

Let us pay tribute here to the Bangladeshi and Saudi bloggers, to the Indian writers, to the Pakistani activists struggling against the Blasphemy Law, to the French cartoonists, etc … who fought for our freedom.

Clearly, it is an illusion to hope that the West will be spared by the rise of religious extreme-rights and that their sphere of influence will be limited to the African and Asian countries we came from. In Europe and North America, societies are increasingly dividing themselves along the lines of ethnic or religious antagonistic ‘communities’ which want to be ruled by their own religious laws (“Do not say that it is His law!”, exclaims Bhagat Singh) and their own customs. In the process, they get rid of democracy and universal rights, in the name of an ‘identity’ which only keeps from the past the most conservatives elements – especially regarding women’s rights.

Even in France, the very principle of secularism is now under threat – whether because it is gradually abandoned by political forces, formerly on the Left, who made secularism happen, or whether it is sidetracked by political forces, on the extreme-right.

In these troubled times, translating and publishing in the French language this book by Bhagat Singh reminds all those who, right here, deny us our libertarian history – in the name of an identity they believe is necessarily grounded in religion – and who grant a growing political power to religions’ official representatives, that “The morbid alliance between religious preachers and possessors of power” constitutes a mortal danger.

The writer is Algerian sociologist, founder and former international coordinator of the Women Living Under Muslim Laws international solidarity network (wluml.org), founder and present international coordinator of the international network, Secularism Is A Women’s Issue (siawi.org).

This article was published in French by Editions de l’Asymétrie, as a forward to Bhagat Singh’s “Why I am an atheist”. The author has translated it into English.

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First published on:  28 Sep 2016

“The communists’ ideologues conveniently ignore the truth that the roots of Bhagat Singh’s ideology lie in the very concept of Hindu Rashtra,” claimed an article by Dipin Damodharan, published on the birth anniversary of Bhagat Singh, September 28, 2010.

Damodharan, as introduced at the end of the article, is a student pursuing Masters in Communication and Journalism (MCJ) at the Calicut University of Kerala. He argues: “To my knowledge, he sacrificed his precious life for a noble cause, for the liberation of Bharat from the invaders, for nationalism. Undoubtedly Bhagat’s legacy belongs to every Bharati. But for the communists (experts in transforming sheep to dog), he died for communism and not for nationalism. They are incessantly advocating Bhagat as their poster boy, for several years they have been using Goebbelsian tricks to claim Bhagat’s legacy.”

The author further argues, “They are injecting fake stories about Bhagat into the blood of youth who are ignorant about Bharat’s history. Discarding the historical facts, the communists become angry with the Sangh inspired organizations for propagating Bhagat’s ideals”.

To justify his claims, the author cites examples like Bhagat Singh was born in a family who were staunch followers of the Arya Samaj, was educated at Dayanad Anglo Vedic (DAV) School and National College of Lahore, was inspired by the sagas of two great patriots Chatrapati Shivaji and Maharana Pratap and finally, they link at his association with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). Of course, without any reference! To any of us who has read Bhagat’s writings, it is nothing but absurd or, if we go by Damodharan’s own definition — it is an attempt to transform sheep in to a dog.

Bhagat Singh himself, in his most famous writing, ‘Why I Am An Atheist’ clarifies the above absurdities.

Bhagat Singh wrote, “I deny the very existence of that Almighty Supreme being… My grandfather under whose influence I was brought up as an orthodox Arya Samajist. An Arya Samajist is anything but an atheist. After finishing my primary education I joined the DAV. School of Lahore and stayed in its Boarding House for one full year… Later on, I joined the revolutionary party… My previous faith and convictions underwent a remarkable modification… I had become a pronounced atheist.”

Dismissing Dipin Damodharan’s remarks as absurd and ignoring them is not what we should do, as these attempts are not abrupt. They are pre-planned and occupy various forms of mass communication. Communal forces are not letting go of any chance to misuse these heroes for furthering their communal agendas.

Last year (2010), a month before the Ayodhya verdict, the ‘Bhagwa Brigade’ (saffron brigade) gave a public call to recruit 10,000 Hindu youth from Madhya Pradesh (MP) for the mission to establish a Hindu Rasthra.

To do so, they issued a poster and pasted copies of it all over the state of Madhya Pradesh. Notably in the poster, with Sawarkar, Shivaji and others, one finds pictures of Bhagat Singh, Baba Saheb Ambedkar and Subhas Chandra Bose, being portrayed as Hindu revolutionaries! One might not have any objection in portraying Shivaji, Maharana Pratap, Jhansi ki Rani and Chandra Sekhar Azad as Hindu icons, but portrayal of Bhagat Singh, Baba Saheb Ambedkar and Subhas Chandra Bose in the same vein is really objectionable and very disturbing, because of their known commitment to secularism and for being non communal.

Like Bhagat Singh, it was very clear to Subhas Chandra Bose of who he was and what he wanted. In 1929, while delivering a speech at Lahore Students’ Conference, Lahore, he famously said, If we are to bring about a revolution of ideas, we have first to hold up before us, an ideal which will galvanise our whole life. That ideal is Freedom. But freedom is a word which has a varied connotation and even in our country, the conception of freedom has undergone a process of evolution. By freedom I mean all-round freedom i.e., freedom for the individual as well as for society, freedom for man as well as for woman, freedom for the rich as well as for the poor, freedom for all individuals and for all classes. This freedom implies not only emancipation from political bondage but also equal distribution of wealth, abolition of caste barriers and social iniquities and destruction of communalism and religious intolerance. This is an ideal which may appear Utopian to hard-headed men and women — but this ideal alone can appease the hunger of the soul.”

An archive photograph of Bhagat Singh in jail in Lahore. Image: The Hindu

Ambedkar converted to Buddhism  in protest of the jati-varna system of Hinduism, and was very clear about what he stood for. He repeatedly opposed the system of Hinduism let alone the ideology of Hindutva. He had asked his followers to stop the Hindu Rashtra from becoming a reality at all costs.

But again, Hindu communal political parties like the Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP), spread deliberate confusion about him by misquoting him and depicting him as ‘their’ leader. Last year (2010), on the eve of 6th December (anniversary of Babri Masjid demolition), on the walls on Jamia Nagar, a new kind of poster was seen.

The poster was put up by Bhartiya Janta Yuva Morcha (BJYM), the youth wing of BJP, and read thus, ‘Yugh Purush Baba Saheb Ambedker ke nirvana divas par Dr. Bheem Rao Ambeker Cricket Tournament-10’, with a relatively larger picture of Baba Saheb (as compared to) other leaders of BJYM, who were shown promoting the event.

The event which was scheduled to take place in Malviya Nagar had absolutely no connection with Jamia Nagar, except that both finish on the same last name! While seeing the poster, one wonders what it has to do with Jamia Nagar. At the same time, the same or any other poster about the event was not seen in neighbouring Jullena or Sukhdev Vihar, which have a dominant non-Muslim population, let alone other areas of Delhi. But of course, it was put up for diverting the attention of the Muslims from the anniversary of demolition of Babri Masjid. Moreover, to my understanding, it was meant to convey a message to the ordinary resident of Jamia nagar (read Muslim) that either, Ambedkar was a leader of the BJP, or at least somebody who sympathised with its ideology and those of its allies, which is absolutely wrong and ridiculous, to say the least.     

Hindutva-waadis are hell bent on distorting facts and influencing the common sense through the medium of mass communication.

On the eve of Valentine’s Day, these forces spread a rumor that on  February 14, 1931, Bhagat Singh, Rajguru & Sukhdev were hanged till death by British government and we celebrate this day as Valentine day! Isn’t it surprising & painful? I am told by a journalist friend of mine from south India that, this is the standard question you have to counter if you say what is wrong with celebrating Valentine’s Day! This, when it is a well-established historical fact that Bhagat Singh, along with Sukhdev and Rajguru were martyred on March 23, 1931 and not on February 14.

The zealots don’t stop there. They have even tried spreading misinformation through Wikipedia, the preferable web dictionary for the net savvy, to know who is who and what is what.

According to a news report that had appeared in The Hindu, ‘the Wikipedia page on Bhagat Singh underwent many editing changes on February 13 and 14, Valentine’s day ’. The date of Bhagat Singh’s hanging had been changed from  March 23 to February 14, 1931. And it was due to such propaganda that an international news website, reported, “While the whole world observes 14th February as Valentine’s Day, not many Indians remember that the day was also when the Indian freedom fighters Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev and Rajguru were hanged to death by the Britishers in Lahore, Pakistan”. Similarly, this  February 13, (2011) Twitter was on fire with talk of the February 14 as Bhagat Singh’s martyrdom day next day, and even the editor of a Hindi news channel mourned that everyone was looking forward only to Valentine’s Day. He was shamed into apologising the next day.

We will have many days every year to remember Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev, Rajguru, Ashfaqullah Khan, Baba Saheb Ambedkar, Subhas Chandra Bose and others, on their martyrdom, death, and birth anniversaries. This puts greater responsibility on us—the responsibility of not believing in distorted facts, but to keep alive the belief of what these revolutionaries had lived and died for.

In order to pay our real tribute to the makers of modern India, we should counter the propaganda of communal forces at various levels. The choice is ours, whether we want to contest such vandalism or let it go uncontested until such time as the common masses have no option but to believe, A for Ambedkar – A for Advani, B for Bhagat Singh, B for Bhagwa, S for Subhas Chandra Bose, S for Savarkar…

Are we ready for that?

(Mahtab Alam is an activist and writer. He tweets @MahtabNama . This article was first published in Kafila.org on  March 23, 2011)

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For the past couple of days, electronic and print mainstream media in the country, have been highlighting the public ‘promise’ made by the Archbishop of Tellicherry.  During a protest rally of some Catholic rubber farmers, he offered to “help the BJP” open an account in Kerala in the next election, provided the price of rubber is increased to Rs 300 per kilogram.  In doing so, the Archbishop, has done great disservice to Christ and the Constitution of India. This on several counts which include: no hierarchy or clergy is expected to take sides with any political party (though, in fitness of things they are duty-bound to expose the wrong that is taking place); the BJP has proved to be an anti-minority party, the attacks on Christian personnel and institutions continue all over the country; not long ago, farmers from all over the country protested for over a year against the anti-farmer laws being introduced by the BJP. There are no records that show that the Archbishop took up cudgels on behalf of the small farmers of the country (including those in his diocese); he has also not  condemned the minority-bashing which is  taking place in the country today! 

The Archbishop’s ‘promise’ has naturally drawn plenty of flak from all sections of society but particularly from those who cherish the secular and democratic fabric of the country!  The minuscule Christian community – which officially comprises just about 2.3% of the country’s population, has been hogging the headlines, recently and for all the wrong reasons! In the past, several Christians who took part in the freedom struggle, were members of the Constituent Assembly and who contributed significantly to the visionary Constitution that has guided the nation. Christians have been at the forefront of education – educating the ‘creme de la crème’ and others of the nation, providing medicare to those who were sick and above all, reaching out to the poorest of the poor, the excluded and the exploited, through selfless service which empowered the subalterns with an empowered sense of justice, dignity and equity and ensured their rightful place in society. All these works continue today, but they seem to fade into insignificance, with the new narrative which is throttling our nation . 

The last few years have witnessed a dramatic change with the political ethos and morality of the country at its nadir. Several politicians from across the spectrum today demonstrate an unbridled lust for power. Serving the people selflessly – is apparently no longer the top priority for many of them; to gain power by hook or by crook) and to stay in power, is all that matters! Many of the politicians do not care about the consequences and of the harm they are doing to the democratic structure, the diversity and the secular fabric of the country. 

The new narrative is made manifest with the systematic polarization which the country currently is painfully going through. The votaries of the ‘Hindutva’ ideology, which in nature is fascist, fundamentalist and fanatic – are at the helm of this. Besides the ideology does not have any allegiance to the Constitution. They have one clear aim to make of India a Hindu – nation state by 2025(when the parent organization, the RSS, completes hundred years of existence). A full page advertisement in Hindi in several Varanasi based Hindi dailies on 15 March 2023 entitled ‘Call to become Sanyasi’ says “ Those who have resolved to establish Hindu Sanatan Dharm as National and World Religion ” with a nine day rigorous  training programme beginning March 22 and ending on Ram Navami, is a clear sign of things to come. 

A visible strategy to realise this exclusive and anti – national agenda is the targeting of minorities- particularly Muslims and Christians – through a continual process of demonisation, denigration and discrimination. They often succeed with their manipulative ploy. Venomous hate speeches are on the rise; those who indulge in them do so with impunity knowing fully well that the ruling regime will provide them with all the immunity and protection needed. The anti – conversion laws which have been passed by some States, though still in the hearing stage in the Supreme Court provide vigilantes, in an unhealthy nexus with local police to take law and order in their own hands. routine prayer services are disrupted and attacked; false cases of so- called ‘forced’ conversion are made: priests and religious sisters are arrested and even denied bail on the flimsiest of reasons. There are instances when Hindutva elements have demanded exorbitant sums of money from priests, threatening them with false cases, if the money is not received. 

On the other hand, some Christians including hierarchy, clergy and laity are far from being authentic witnesses to the person and message of Jesus; there are instances of financial scams, sexual misconduct, and other improprieties, which make both individual and institution extremely vulnerable and pliable. There are examples of how the ruling regime has hammered powerful Christians to submission, the underlying posturing is that ‘nothing will happen to you, if you join (or are with) us; if you do not do so, then we will destroy you.’ When a person has lost all credibility, the  so-called ‘Christian’ has no choice but to  succumb to the blackmail and  the threats of the powers that apparently control their destinies. 

People often wonder why MLAs and MPs who have been elected under the banner of a political party easily ‘cross the floor’ and join the ruling regime. The answer is obvious! Besides, the ruling regime has plenty of black money to buy up politicians from opposition parties. The recent political imbroglio in Maharashtra, which is awaiting a Supreme Court verdict, is a case in point! Many Christian politicians are also easy prey:  we have the classic example of ‘Catholic’ politicians, in the Goa Assembly elections having absolutely no qualms of conscience to leave the party they were elected from, to join the ruling party. 

The recent elections in the three North Eastern states of Meghalaya, Nagaland and Tripura calls for great introspection.  The Christian population of Nagaland is estimated to be around 90% and that of Meghalaya around 75%; Tripura has a much smaller Christian population of about 4%. Today, however in all these States, the BJP is calling the shots, setting the political agenda and in fact, ruling (despite getting just two seats in Meghalaya) .The reasons for this seismic political change are several. Many of the politicians (despite being Christian) are corrupt; this is no State secret and which the BJP can exploit to their advantage. Then the BJP also used the Christian card, singing ‘Alleluias’ and ‘Praise the Lord’ in their campaigning. The BJP was happily legitimising the eating of beef in the north-east; whereas in most parts of India they and their ilk, lynch and kill minorities even if the latter just happen to   ferry a cow in a vehicle. Then of course, the Sangh Parivar has its whole armoury of money, muscle, mafia, media and manipulations. 

Sadly, several of the Christian politicians (and surely some people too) were trapped into playing the ‘religion’ card whether it was campaigning with Christian rhetoric or organising a patently unconstitutional swearing -in ceremony for the newly elected legislators of Nagaland. Having a pastor pray and a choir sing a Christian song has only made it easier for the BJP to give legitimacy for Hindu rituals at Government functions and thus to effectively destroy the secular fabric of the country. Of course, several Christians, (who hardly bother about Constitutional propriety and the severe repercussions such so-called ‘Christian’ acts would have on the future of the country) went ‘ga-ga’ when they watched clippings of the Nagaland swearing- in ceremony; there was a similar response when the CM of Meghalaya went to Vailankanni; those who cheered him did not care a hoot for the fact that CM has literally sold his state to a fascist regime. 

The big news a few days ago, is that the BJP is going all out to woo the Christians of Kerala during Easter season. The Archbishop of Tellicherry’s public statement came only after some of the BJP functionaries met him.  Several efforts have also been made in the past. The last elections however, in God’s own country was an overwhelming defeat for the BJP. The ground realities are different now; the BJP has the upper hand in the face of growing scandals among sections of the Kerala Christians. Some Christians (including some hierarchy and clergy) are warming up to the BJP. Besides opportunism, everyone knows why!!! 

Few Christians in the country stand up and speak up for the values of the Gospel which are so beautifully enshrined in the Constitution of India.  The nation today is suffering as never before! Communalism, Casteism, Criminalisation of politics, Corruption and Consumerism are rampant. At the receiving end of a brutal, unjust and inhuman system are the excluded and exploited, the migrants and labourers, the minorities: Muslims, Christians and others; human rights defenders and those who cherish freedom of speech and expression and a free press; those who defend the right to preach, practise and propagate one’s faith; those who are victims of venomous hate speeches and attacks, of demonization and discrimination. Those who have false cases foisted on them – with Government (Constitutional and quasi) bodies breathing fire on them. Then we have the fisherfolk of Kerala and others who have been displaced by megaprojects and the mining mafia (who destroy our precious natural resources); those who are concerned about the ecology (Josimath is a classic case) and environmental justice; the LGTBQIA community; the small farmers and land-holders; the small investors who have fallen prey to a corrupt regime which has been hijacked by crony capitalists like Adani. The Adivasis who are denied their jal, jungle aur jameen, the Dalits and other vulnerable sections of society. There are many more; the list is endless! How many of our Christians (particularly politicians) or the Church as a body, spoken out against all these evils taking place in the country today? 

Interestingly, in February 2012 at the 30^th CBCI Meeting in Bangalore on the theme ‘The Church’s Role for a Better India’, the Catholic Bishops stated, “We sensed in our hearts our country’s yearning for a Better India. Our country has been noted for its deep spirituality, its saints and sages, its rich diversity of cultures and religions. People yearn for the ideal enshrined in the Preamble of the Constitution of India of a Sovereign, Socialist, Secular, Democratic Republic which will secure for its citizens Justice, social, economic and political; Liberty of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship; Equality of status and of opportunity; Fraternity assuring the dignity of the individual and the unity and integrity of the Nation. But this yearning has remained largely unfulfilled. Economic development has brought about increasing inequities, an ever-widening gap between the rich and the poor with consequent tensions spilling over into violence. We see around us a betrayal of the poor and marginalized, the tribals, dalits and other backward classes, women and other groups who live in dehumanising and oppressive poverty. We witness rampant exploitation of children. There is disappointment with those in public life for whom ethical concerns matter little. The Church does not wish to rest on her laurels. She recommits herself to being a prophetic Church, taking a decisive stand in favour of the poor and marginalized “We envision an India with more attributes of the Kingdom of God such as justice and equity with its consequent fruits of love, peace and joy.”   

Today, times are far worse! Will our Bishops today demonstrate the much-needed prophetic courage and speak up for truth and justice and for the values of the Constitution, in the same manner they did in 2012? 

Those who call themselves ‘disciples’ of Jesus have no qualms of conscience to hobnob (to sup and more) with fascists fundamentalists and fanatics, who brazenly destroy the sanctity of the Constitution and the secular, pluralistic fabric of the country. These ‘disciples’ find it easier to indulge in a politics of convenience and compromise. They support Hindutva terms like ‘love jihad’ and ‘drug jihad’; they do not to take on the Government and police, if schools/institutions are attacked by the Sangh Parivar or if religious sisters are harassed and hounded out of a train. They are afraid to call for the revocation of the CAA amendments, the UAPA and other sedition laws; or for the total repeal of the draconian anti-conversion laws; they are frightened  to support the protesting farmers or workers or for that matter, the unconstitutional abrogation of Articles 370 and 35A where Kashmir is concerned. For these Christians standing up to the ruling regime is just not possible. They prefer the more ‘diplomatic’ and ‘cautious’ approach: ‘silence’ they say is important for the ‘greater good.’ Some of them selectively use scriptural texts to justify their fears, ignorance and exclusiveness!  All these are sinful! 

Jesus and his gospel without compromise are about exactly the opposite. Jesus says “fear no one; I am with you!” When Christians have no courage to take a stand for justice and truth, because those who rule us may take away our possessions, privileges, power, position whatever – we are in fact sending a stronger message which is contra-witness: that our faith in Jesus is shallow, mere lip-service; that we really do not believe in him; that our treasures are with the rulers of this world! Ignorance is never a value: Jesus himself warned us about our inability to “read the signs of the times.”  If we don’t stick our necks out -one will perhaps still lose everything, but also one’s own credibility! Christians of India must wake up now, stop selling one’s soul, betraying Jesus and the Constitution of India! 

In ‘Evangelii Gaudium’, Pope Francis reminds us that, “The dignity of the human person and the common good rank higher than the comfort of those who refuse to renounce their privileges. When these values are threatened, a prophetic voice must be raised.” Is anybody listening?

(The author is a human rights, reconciliation and peace activist/writer)

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