Glad to report: The Mumbai Police has now registered an FIR against the organisers of this Ram Navami rally. https://t.co/i0HxGHuh2I

— Kunal Purohit (@kunalpurohit) April 12, 2025

Purohit, who was present at the procession near the Airport Road metro station, posted the videos on April 7, capturing disturbing scenes of participants engaging in inflammatory speech. The footage showed chants such as “Aurangzeb Ki Kabr Khudegi, Maa Ch*degi, Maa Ch*degi,” along with other offensive lyrics that openly incited violence against Muslims

Spent a few hours in #RamNavami processions outside Mumbai’s International Airport:

*Slogans like ‘Aurangzeb Ki Kabr Khudegi, Maa Ch*degi, Maa Ch*degi’.
*Songs with words: Bharat Mein Jo Desh Drohi Hai, Unki Ma Ka Bh*sda.
*Songs that threaten brutal violence against Muslims. pic.twitter.com/3AnpzlTdtQ

— Kunal Purohit (@kunalpurohit) April 7, 2025

The procession, attended by thousands, featured a crowd mostly consisting of young men in their 20s and 30s, but also included some women and older individuals. Purohit described how the songs were widely known, with the crowd singing along to the chants, and the energy escalating whenever a song specifically targeted Muslims. The event was filled with repeated slogans calling for violence, including calls for the expulsion of Muslims from the country. Despite the presence of numerous police officers, Purohit observed no action taken to intervene or curb the hateful rhetoric being broadcasted publicly.

While the police were present in large numbers throughout the procession, it took the authorities several days to take action. The FIR against the organisers, filed on April 12, includes charges under sections 296 and 3(5) of the BNS Act, which address the use of offensive and inflammatory language during public events. Speaking to IndiaToday, Deputy Commissioner of Police, Zone 8, Maneesh Kalwaniya, confirmed that the case has been registered, but authorities have not yet disclosed whether they have identified or arrested the individuals responsible for leading the slogans.

This delay in filing the FIR raises important questions about the role of law enforcement in addressing hate speech, as well as the challenges faced by the authorities in responding to such incidents swiftly. The incident also highlights the growing concern over the lack of accountability for those who incite communal hatred in public spaces, even as law enforcement has been slow to act.

While Purohit’s videos led to action against organisers, Purohit had previously shared a screenshot from X (formerly Twitter), revealing that the Mumbai police had requested the platform to take down the videos, which depicted the hate speech and violence.

Dear @MumbaiPolice: fight hate, not journalism.

Received this notice from @X about taking down my videos of Mumbai’s hate-filled #RamNavami rally.

Documenting hate is journalism. I won’t be taking down these videos.

I have asked @Support to provide me a copy of the notice. pic.twitter.com/Ef0tgpmvQV

— Kunal Purohit (@kunalpurohit) April 11, 2025

Kunal Purohit refuses to remove videos, calls out police action

In a separate development, Purohit has been at the centre of controversy over Mumbai police’s attempts to remove his posts documenting the hate speech during the Ram Navami procession. On receiving a takedown notice from X, the social media platform, Purohit took to X (formerly Twitter) to share his defiance, calling out the police’s attempt to suppress journalism. He posted:

“Dear @MumbaiPolice: fight hate, not journalism. Received this notice from @X about taking down my videos of Mumbai’s hate-filled #RamNavami rally. Documenting hate is journalism. I won’t be taking down these videos. I have asked @Support to provide me a copy of the notice.”

Purohit’s response underscores his belief that his role as a journalist is to document events like these, especially when they involve hate speech that can incite violence. He argued that removing these videos would only serve to suppress the truth and prevent the public from understanding the full extent of the rhetoric that unfolded during the procession. His decision to stand firm on this issue highlights the growing tension between the criminalisation of journalism and the need to combat hate speech in public discourse.

This episode raises important questions about the role of law enforcement and social media platforms in the fight against hate speech. While the police are tasked with taking action against hate speech, the suppression of journalism in the process could send a chilling message to those documenting and exposing hate. Purohit’s stance also draws attention to the increasingly polarised nature of media reporting in India and the potential risks faced by journalists who report on sensitive or controversial topics.

Broader Implications: Law enforcement, journalism, and free speech

The case involving the Ram Navami rally organisers and the removal of Purohit’s videos highlights the ongoing struggles between ensuring public safety and protecting journalistic freedoms. It also raises questions about the broader impact of these actions on the media landscape in India. As journalists increasingly face pressure to remove content that challenges prevailing narratives or exposes hate speech, the role of media in documenting and holding those in power accountable becomes ever more important.

At the same time, the police’s delayed action in addressing the hate speech at the Ram Navami rally — despite the presence of law enforcement officers during the event — points to a larger issue regarding the failure to curb hate speech in a timely manner. This incident serves as a reminder of the urgent need for law enforcement to take a proactive approach to tackling hate speech and promoting accountability in cases where harmful rhetoric incites violence or division.

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The post Mumbai Police file FIR against Ram Navami rally organisers over hate speech, target journalist Kunal Purohit’s videos separately appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Singh, already facing several criminal complaints for his alleged inflammatory speeches, has been booked for obstructing a public servant from performing his duties, criminal intimidation and intentional insult with the intent to provoke a breach of peace in one First Information Report (FIR), and disobeying a lawful order issued by a public servant and public nuisance in another. The cases were registered on April 8 and 6 respectively, at Mangalhat police station.

According to the Hyderabad police, the BJP MLA said during a speech near Balram Galli said in Telugu, “Na mundu unna police laki oka nivedika, bandi aapu bandi aapu koddiga, okka karyakarthalaki lathi kodithe manchiga undadu yadi pettuko, ade lati tho nenu kuda kodatha, na guddala dammu vundi yadi pettuko ardam ainda, Naku BP Penchoddu” which is roughly translated as “Here’s a statement to the police in front of me: Stop the vehicle, stop the vehicle a little bit, it won’t be good if you hit the activists with a baton, remember that. I will also hit you with the same baton, remember that I have the guts. Don’t raise my BP.”

In yet another case, the BJP MLA is said to have violated or disobeyed the orders of Vikram Singh Mann, the Additional Commissioner of Police, Hyderabad City, and for using more number of heavy vehicles and high-volume sound emitting systems (D.J) for the procession, causing inconvenience to the public and disrupting free flow of traffic.

On April 6, a Sunday, the Ram Navami Shobha Yatra procession started at Akashpuri Hanuman Temple and proceeded to Hanuman Vyayamshala, RamKoti, Hyderabad via Anita Tower-Puranapool Gandhi Statue, Jummerath Bazaar, Chudi Bazaar, Begum Bazar Chatri, Swastik Mirchi, Begum Bazaar Siddiamber Bazar Masjid, and Gowliguda Gurudwara Koti Women’s College, Sultan Bazaar.

The Hyderabad police had granted conditional permission to the legislator to hold the procession with prohibition on DJ sound systems, drone shooting and bursting of firecrackers.

Background

T Raja Singh, BJP’s MLA from Goshamahal in Hyderabad, is notorious for his controversial and often polarising views. His speech at the Deccan Summit in Pune on February 8, 2025, only further reinforced his reputation. Singh stirred the pot by promoting the divisive conspiracy theory of “Ghazwa-e-Hind,” falsely claiming that Muslims were plotting to turn India into an Islamic nation.

Divisive narratives

“They have another Pakistan inside India, these land jihadis.”

Singh had in that speech, as the complaint by Citizens for Justice and Peace, to the Maharashtra police states, gone on to misrepresent historical events and figures, wrongly alleging that former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had declared that Muslims had the first right to India’s resources. The narrative and rhetoric also targeted religious educational institutions, especially Madrasas, and he called for the construction of temples in historically disputed locations like Kashi, Mathura, Bhojshala, and Sambhal, where Mosques stand at the moment. In his mind, these temples, built after destroying the current Islamic religious structures, would “remove the stains” from these sacred sites, promoting the idea of religious purity while targeting Islamic places of worship.

Last July, 2024, the Citizens for Justice and Peace sent three separate complaints to relevant authorities of Maharashtra against three separate incidents of hate speeches delivered by BJP MLA Raja Singh in the month of May of that year. The speeches had been made on May 3, 14   and 26. In all the three incidents highlighted in the complaint, BJP MLA Raja Singh can be heard delivered provocative and inflammatory statements against the Muslim community at events organised by the Sakal Hindu Samaj.

Through these complaints, CJP has urged the authorities to take action against Singh, who is a Hyderabad resident and MLA from Goshamahal Assembly constituency. It is essential to note that Singh has been booked multiple times for making inflammatory remarks against Muslims. He has more than 40 criminal cases registered against him, and in 36 of these cases, the offence under IPC Section 153(A) has been invoked.

In addition to the transcriptions of the offending sections, the complaints had provided details of the multiple incidents of hate speeches by Raja Singh that had come forth in the year 2024 itself, many of which were in the state of Maharashtra. As per the details provided, in the month of January in 2024, Singh had been booked by the Mumbai police for delivering the anti-Muslim inflammatory speech in Solapur rally. In March of 2024, Karnataka police had booked Raja Singh for delivering a speech containing inflammatory remarks against Muslims at an event which was reportedly organised by Janatha Seva Group.

Highlighting the recent judgments of the Supreme Court as well as the High Courts that detailed the steps that the authorities are required to take while dealing with the issue of hate speeches being delivered at events, the complaint also provided the laws that have been violated by the said speeches under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023.

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The post Telangana BJP MLA Raja Singh booked for threat remarks against police during Ram Navami rally: ‘I’ll hit you with the same baton’, he has several, previous FIRS on hate speech appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Additional Chief Judicial Magistrate Vaibhav Chaurasia of the Rouse Avenue Courts orally remarked, “this means FIR,” indicating that the court’s directive for further investigation effectively necessitates the registration of a First Information Report against Mishra. The judge observed that a cognizable offence had been established concerning one of the incidents detailed in the complaint, warranting deeper scrutiny.

The court stated that the evidence presented by the prosecution clearly placed Mishra at the scene and that “all the things were corroborating.” It further noted that Mishra, during interrogation, admitted to being in the area and acknowledged that people had gathered around him, many of whom he knew. This admission, the court stated, “fortifies the allegations of the complainant.”

Significantly, the court pointed out that Mishra’s statement was not framed in terms of support for or opposition to the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) but rather in explicitly communal terms. The court noted that Mishra “had not framed his statement under ‘Pro-CAA or Anti-CAA’ but rather ‘DUSRI TARAF MUSLIM’ with the distinction of us and them, wherein them is ‘DUSRI TARAF MUSLIM.’” The judge remarked that such rhetoric “clearly establishes sides and requires investigation to unearth the truth.”

As per a report in LiveLaw, the court further observed that Mishra’s presence in North-East Delhi a day before the riots, which he himself admitted, could not be ignored. Additionally, it directed that senior police officer DCP Ved Prakash Surya be examined, following allegations by the complainant that Surya had threatened protesters, saying, “If you did not stop this protest, then consequence will happen here that you will be killed.” The judge stressed that “his personal interrogation is necessary,” adding, “The series of events reveals that perhaps, if allegations of complainant are found to be true, then DCP Ved Prakash Surya knows something which this Judiciary does not.”

At the same time, the court stated that if the complainant’s allegations were proven false, the Delhi Police would be at liberty to take action under Section 182 of the IPC for filing false information. It also directed the DCP of North-East Delhi to ensure that the order for further investigation was sent to the appropriate police station within its jurisdiction. Failure to comply, the court warned, would hold the DCP legally accountable.

The Delhi Police has been ordered to file a compliance report by April 16, 2025, the next date of hearing. Petitioner Mohammad Ilyas was represented by Advocate Mehmood Pracha, while Special Public Prosecutor Amit Prasad appeared for the Delhi Police.

This directive represents a major step towards accountability in the 2020 Delhi riots case, even if it is beginning 5 years down the lane. Despite the political climate and prior reluctance to act against influential figures, the court’s insistence on further investigation highlights the need for an impartial and thorough probe into the events leading to the communal violence.

Details of the complaint against Delhi Law Minister Kapil Mishra

A Delhi court was hearing a complaint filed by Mohammad Ilyas, seeking an investigation into the alleged role of BJP leader and Delhi Minister Kapil Mishra in the 2020 North-East Delhi riots. The plea, however, was met with strong opposition from the Delhi Police, who argued that Mishra was being falsely implicated as part of a “well-planned conspiracy.”

The complainant, Mohammad Ilyas, sought the registration of an FIR against Mishra, along with then SHO of Dayalpur police station and five other individuals, including BJP MLA Mohan Singh Bisht and former BJP MLAs Jagdish Pradhan and Satpal Sansad.

According to Ilyas, on February 23, 2020, he personally witnessed Mishra and his associates blocking a road and destroying the handcarts of street vendors. He also alleged that the then Deputy Commissioner of Police (North-East) and other officers were present alongside Mishra as he issued warnings to anti-CAA protesters, demanding they vacate the area or face dire consequences.

Ilyas had moved the court in December 2024, urging an inquiry into the roles of Mishra and six others in the riots, which resulted in 53 deaths and over 700 injuries. In March 2025, the Delhi Police reiterated their stance, arguing that Mishra’s role had already been investigated and “nothing incarcerating” had been found.

In his petition, Ilyas specifically named Mishra, Mustafabad MLA and Deputy Speaker Mohan Singh Bisht, the then DCP (North-East), the then SHO of Dayalpur police station, and former BJP legislator Jagdish Pradhan, holding them responsible for inciting the riots. As reported by The Hindu, Ilyas stated that he saw Mishra and his associates obstructing a road in Kardampuri and damaging street vendors’ stalls. Additionally, he alleged that the former North-East DCP and several police officers stood by as Mishra issued threats to anti-CAA demonstrators.

Ilyas also accused the former Dayalpur SHO and others of vandalising mosques across North-East Delhi, further intensifying concerns over the role of law enforcement in the communal violence.

Delhi Police opposes plea seeking FIR

On March 6, 2025, the Delhi Police filed a written submission before a Delhi court, opposing a plea that sought the registration of an FIR against BJP leader and Delhi Minister Kapil Mishra for his alleged involvement in the 2020 North-East Delhi riots.

The police contended that the complaint, filed by Mohammad Ilyas, was part of a “well-planned conspiracy” to falsely implicate Mishra in the riots. They asserted that the BJP leader had no role in the violence and was being deliberately framed.

As part of their argument, the prosecution referred to conversations from various WhatsApp groups, including the Delhi Protest Support Group (DPSG), alleging that certain individuals had orchestrated a social media campaign against Mishra. The police claimed that the hashtag #ArrestKapilMishra was being used strategically to construct a misleading narrative around his involvement in the riots.

Additionally, the Delhi Police maintained that Mishra’s alleged role had already been investigated and that no incriminating evidence was found against him. In an earlier submission from October 2024, the police argued that the riots were the outcome of a “pre-planned conspiracy” designed to incite violence in Muslim-majority areas, particularly around mosques and religious sites. The goal, they claimed, was to escalate “protests” into “Chakkajaam” (road blockades) once a critical mass of demonstrators had gathered.

The police further stated that misleading WhatsApp messages were circulated at the time, falsely alleging that a mob led by Mishra had initiated the violence. They insisted that these claims were part of an attempt to create a false narrative and implicate him in the riots.

Opposition demands resignation of Kapil Mishra following court’s order

The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) and the Congress on April 1, 2025, demanded the resignation of Delhi Law Minister Kapil Mishra after a city court directed the registration of an FIR to investigate his alleged role in the 2020 North-East Delhi riots.

Addressing a press conference, Delhi AAP president Saurabh Bharadwaj stated that sufficient evidence of Mishra’s involvement was already in the public domain and called for his immediate arrest. “Mishra should resign and be arrested, as the court has ordered an FIR to probe his role in the riots. For the sake of morality, he should step down, just as others accused in the case have been arrested,” Bharadwaj asserted.

As per the report of Times of India, Bharadwaj further criticised the delay in legal proceedings, pointing out that it took over five years for the judicial system to act on the case. Bharadwaj also alleged that a judge who had previously directed the police to take action in the case was transferred to another state.

AAP’s chief spokesperson Priyanka Kakkar echoed the demand, questioning why Mishra was being treated differently from others accused in the riots. “Every other accused in the Delhi riots case has been arrested. Why is Kapil Mishra an exception?” she asked.

Delhi Congress president Devender Yadav also called for Mishra’s resignation, citing the court’s findings. “The Rouse Avenue court has established that there is a cognisable offence against him. This is a serious matter, and if there is any sense of morality left, he should resign immediately to allow for a fair and independent investigation,” Yadav said.

Delhi riots case and Mishra’s incendiary speech

The 2020 North-East Delhi riots: The 2020 Delhi riots, which took place between 24 and 26 February, led to significant violence in North-East Delhi, resulting in 53 deaths, over 500 injuries, and extensive property damage. Ironically, while a majority of those killed and harmed were Muslims, most of those who have been arrested for their role during the riots are also Muslims. Several student leaders and activists, including Umar Khalid, Gulfisha Fatima, and Sharjeel Imam, were accused by the police of conspiring to incite the riots. These remain in jail, with the trial yet to begin. However, a fact-finding team formed by the Delhi Minorities Commission concluded that the violence was “planned and targeted” and held BJP leader Kapil Mishra responsible for triggering it.

Mishra’s alleged role in inciting violence: Delhi Cabinet Minister and BJP leader Kapil Mishra is accused of provoking violence through a speech delivered at Maujpur Chowk on February 23, 2020. In his speech, he issued an ultimatum, demanding that the police clear anti-CAA protest sites within three days or risk intervention by his supporters.

The fact-finding report had noted that “violence started in different pockets almost immediately after the short speech of Shri Kapil Mishra on 23 February, 2020, at Maujpur, in which he openly called for forcefully removing the protestors at Jafrabad in North-East Delhi.” It further highlighted Mishra’s explicit warning: “After that, we will not listen to the police if roads are not cleared after three days…”

The committee criticised the Delhi Police for failing to act against Mishra, despite senior officer DCP Ved Prakash Surya standing beside him during the speech. The report stated that “the open admission of ‘not listening’ to the police and extra-legal tactics should have been seen by the authorities as inciting violence.” The committee concluded that by not apprehending Mishra, the police “failed to take the first and most immediate preventive step needed to avoid violence and protect life and property.”

Legal challenges against Mishra and other political leaders: Multiple legal petitions have been filed seeking an FIR against Kapil Mishra for inciting violence. Human rights defender Harsh Mander had petitioned for an FIR against Mishra under Section 153 of the IPC (provocation for riot) and Section 125 of the Representation of People’s Act (causing ill will between communities for electoral purposes). These sections do not require prior government sanction.

Similarly, CPI (M) leader Brinda Karat has been pursuing legal action against politicians whose speeches allegedly incited violence against anti-CAA-NRC-NPR protestors. She approached the Delhi High Court after her plea to register an FIR against Union Minister Anurag Thakur and BJP MP Pravesh Verma for their alleged hate speeches was dismissed by a trial court on technical grounds. The trial court had ruled that a prior sanction from the central government was required before proceeding. Karat challenged this ruling, arguing that such procedural objections should be addressed early to prevent unnecessary delays in cases involving hate speech. (Details may be read here.)

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The post “This Means FIR”: Delhi Court orders further investigation, FIR against BJP leader Kapil Mishra five years after Delhi riots appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The case stems from a telephonic conversation that took place on February 25, 2025, during which Koratkar allegedly made both contentious and intimidating remarks to Indrajit Sawant, a historian. The incident took place on February 25 when Sawant received a threatening call at 12:03 am from an individual identifying himself as Koratkar. The caller allegedly made derogatory remarks about Shivaji Maharaj and the Maratha community, using offensive language aimed at provoking caste-based conflict.

On Tuesday, February 25, soon after the reported telephonic threats, historian Sawant shared on social media a six-minute, 30 second audio recording of a phone conversation between (a man named) Koratkar and himself. With this recording he posted, “A man named Prashant Koratkar, who calls himself a Parashurami Brahmin, is making threats in the name of the honourable chief minister. I have received such threats before but I am sharing this recording to show how hatred and disrespect for Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj persists among some people. I want the Maratha and Bahujan communities to realise this. Koratkar from Nagpur—neither he nor anyone else can scare a true follower of Shivaji Maharaj. Jai Shivray!”

Concerned about the nature of the threats made against him, Sawant recorded the conversation and shared it on social media before filing a police complaint. Inspector Sanjiv Kumar Zade of Juna Rajwada police station confirmed that an investigation had been launched, with police teams prepared to travel to Nagpur if necessary to track down Koratkar. Koratkar in the recorded conversation has, while lashing out at Sawant for his views, threatened him with the “present return of Brahmin rule in Maharashtra.”

Sawant has been vocal in his criticism of the film Chhaava, arguing that it distorts history by portraying Maharani Soyarabai as a villain while ignoring the role of Annaji Datto. Citing historical sources such as the writings of François Martin, the former French governor of Pondicherry, Sawant has contributed to the ongoing debate by revealing how it was Brahmin clerks had betrayed Sambhaji Maharaj to the Mughals. He also demanded the removal of incorrect historical information from Wikipedia to prevent misinformation.

Unable to stomach this rendering of historical facts, Koratkar reportedly threatened Sawant in the aforesaid phone conversation. His perceived proximity with politically powerful figures in Maharashtra today has led to the debate around his continued non-arrest and protection.

Protests erupted from last month itself following the transcript of the audio going viral. On February 28, 2025, the Sakal Maratha community and supporters of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj staged demonstrations across Maharashtra, demanding Koratkar’s immediate arrest. Protesters assembled outside his residence in Nagpur, denouncing his alleged remarks and accusing him of attempting to sow social discord. Protesters also went to the Kolahpur police station to ensure action against him.

On March 1, the Kolhapur court had initially granted Koratkar interim protection from arrest, on the condition that he appear before the police and surrender the mobile phone and SIM card used during the call. However, responding to pressure and outrage over Koratkar’s remarks, the Maharashtra government challenged this interim relief before the Bombay High Court, which subsequently directed the Kolhapur sessions court to prioritise the hearing and decide on the bail application after considering all parties’ arguments.

During the final hearing, Koratkar’s legal counsel argued that he had been cooperating with the authorities and, therefore, should be granted anticipatory bail. The prosecution, however, strongly opposed the plea. Public Prosecutor Vivek Shukla asserted that the accused had tampered with key evidence—the mobile phone from which the alleged call was made—by erasing its data. He further argued that Koratkar had failed to comply with the conditions set by the court while granting interim relief, thereby forfeiting his right to seek further protection. Shukla also questioned why the journalist was seeking anticipatory bail instead of surrendering, stating that freedom should not be misused to evade legal scrutiny.

Asim Sarode, representing the complainant, further alleged that Koratkar had misled the court by falsely claiming his mobile phone had been hacked. He pointed out that instead of appearing before the police as directed, the accused had sent his mobile phone through his wife, raising concerns about his willingness to cooperate with the investigation. Sarode urged the court to invoke Section 241 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), which deals with the destruction of evidence, to ensure accountability for the alleged tampering.

Despite the court’s rejection of his bail plea, Koratkar remains un-arrested, intensifying public protests led by the Sakal Maratha community.

Bombay High Court intervenes, directs Kolhapur Court to hear all parties

On March 11, the Bombay High Court had reviewed the Maharashtra government’s plea challenging the Kolhapur sessions court’s interim protection order. A single-judge bench of Justice Rajesh S. Patil directed the lower court to ensure that all parties, including the state government, were heard before making a final decision on Koratkar’s bail application.

During the proceedings, Public Prosecutor Hiten Venegaonkar, representing the state, argued that the Kolhapur sessions court had passed its earlier order granting interim relief without giving the prosecution an opportunity to present its case. He highlighted that Koratkar had failed to surrender his phone as per the court’s directions, instead sending it through his wife. Upon examination, it was found that all data had been erased, raising suspicions of evidence tampering. Venegaonkar maintained that custodial interrogation was necessary to recover any deleted data that could be critical to the investigation.

The prosecution further pointed out that the sessions court had made certain observations about Koratkar’s social media accounts being hacked and donations being collected in his name before the case was registered. The state government contended that these findings were made without proper scrutiny and without hearing all parties, which was a violation of due process.

Koratkar’s defence, on the other hand, challenged the maintainability of the state’s plea, arguing that the interim relief order was legally sound. Meanwhile, the complainant’s lawyer, Asim Sarode, also raised objections, stating that he had not been given an opportunity to be heard before the sessions court granted Koratkar protection from arrest.

After hearing the arguments, the Bombay High Court clarified that it would not interfere with the merits of the case but expected the Kolhapur sessions court to decide the matter independently and in accordance with the law. The high court disposed of the state’s plea, reiterating that its observations should not influence the final decision of the lower court.

Mass protests and political pressure for arrest

On February 28, 2025, the Sakal Maratha community and supporters of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj staged demonstrations across Maharashtra, demanding Koratkar’s immediate arrest. Protesters assembled outside his residence in Nagpur, denouncing his alleged remarks and accusing him of attempting to sow social discord. A delegation, including community leaders Prakash Khandagale, Amol Mane, Swapnil Kale, Alok Rasal, and Deepak Ingle, met Deputy Commissioner of Police (DCP) Rashmitha Rao, who assured them that Koratkar would be arrested within 24 hours. However, when no action was taken by the next day, another protest erupted outside Beltarodi police station, with demonstrators urging authorities to file an FIR against Koratkar in Nagpur in addition to the existing case in Kolhapur.

Amid mounting pressure, former royal and community leader Raje Mudhoji Bhosale led a delegation to the Nagpur police commissioner’s office, demanding that Koratkar be charged under sedition laws. Protesters also accused Koratkar of attempting to create caste tensions by referencing the caste of Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis. The Citizen Action Committee warned that if Koratkar was not arrested, they would file complaints against him at multiple police stations.

With tensions running high for over 72 hours, the Sakal Maratha community has called for an urgent meeting to determine further action if authorities fail to act swiftly.

Political reactions and demand for swift action

The delay in Koratkar’s arrest has drawn criticism from political figures. On March 4, Kolhapur MP and descendant of Shivaji Maharaj, Shahu Shahaji Maharaj, questioned why the police had not yet acted against Koratkar. Speaking during an official visit to Nagpur, Shahu Maharaj stated that he would take up the matter with Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis during his upcoming visit to Kolhapur.

Former Maharashtra minister Anil Deshmukh also criticised the inaction, suggesting that Koratkar was being shielded by influential figures. “His whereabouts are unknown, but how is that possible when police personnel were stationed outside his house? How did he disappear despite a security presence?” Deshmukh asked.

Amravati MP Balwant Wankhade echoed these concerns, stressing that individuals who insult revered historical figures should face strict consequences. “Those who make offensive statements against figures deeply respected by the people must not be spared. The government must take prompt action,” he asserted.

With pressure mounting from political leaders, civil society, and protest groups, the demand for Koratkar’s arrest has intensified. The coming days are expected to see further action from both the authorities and the protesting groups as tensions continue to escalate.

Maharashtra government’s silence, Koratkar’s political ties, and the systematic distortion of history

The Maharashtra government’s two-faced response – on the one hand appealing protection granted to him from arrest but on the other its reluctance or failure to arrest Prashant Koratkar– despite the overwhelming evidence against him and the widespread public demand for accountability, has exposed the double standards in law enforcement. Even as protests intensify across the state, top echelons of the government have chosen to remain silent, raising serious questions about whether political patronage is shielding Koratkar from arrest. The speculation is not baseless—recent visuals showing Koratkar in close proximity to Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis and senior police officials — have only reinforced allegations that the ruling establishment is protecting him. This selective application of the law is in stark contrast to how dissenters and activists are swiftly arrested, often on flimsy charges, while those with political connections continue to evade legal scrutiny.

These visuals have been taken from Dr. Prashant Koratkar – Facebook / https://www.facebook.com/media/set/?set=a.448369837294425

The larger controversy surrounding Koratkar is not just about one individual’s remarks but is emblematic of a broader ideological project to distort Maharashtra’s history. The ongoing “Brahmanisation” of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj and Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj is a deliberate attempt to whitewash the historical record and erase their true legacy. Sambhaji Maharaj, long regarded as a fearless warrior who resisted Mughal rule, is now being forcefully rebranded within a narrow caste framework to suit present-day political narratives, with attempts to paint him as a Brahmin leader rather than a Bahujan leader. At the same time, the erasure of historical nuances surrounding figures like Aurangzeb is being used as a tool to fuel communal tensions and stoke resentment.

The recent outbreak of violence in Nagpur over the portrayal of Chhatrapati Sambhaji and Aurangzeb underscores the dangerous consequences of this systematic distortion. The deliberate rewriting of history is not an academic exercise—it has real-world implications, as it foments hatred, deepens social divides, and often leads to violence. The Maharashtra government’s failure to act against Koratkar while allowing these tensions to escalate suggests that it is complicit in this divisive agenda. (A detailed report regarding the outbreak of violence may be read here.)

As the demand for Koratkar’s arrest grows louder, the government’s inaction is becoming increasingly indefensible. If he continues to evade arrest, this will only confirm what many already allege—that the law in Maharashtra does not apply equally to all, but is instead wielded as a weapon against the powerless while offering protection to those who enjoy political favour. The coming days will be a test of whether the government prioritises justice or remains beholden to its ideological allies at the cost of social harmony.

Background of the case

On February 26, 2025, the Kolhapur police registered a case against Prashant Koratkar at Juna Rajwada police station for allegedly threatening historian Indrajit Sawant and making statements that could incite communal tensions. According to the police, the incident took place on February 25 when Sawant received a threatening call at 12:03 am from an individual identifying himself as Koratkar as mentioned above. The caller allegedly made derogatory remarks about Shivaji Maharaj and the Maratha community, using offensive language aimed at provoking caste-based conflict.

Following the backlash of widespread protests, Koratkar denied any involvement, insisting that he had no connection with Sawant and that the voice in the audio clip was not his. He criticised Sawant for publicly naming him without verification, stating that he had since received multiple threats. Koratkar announced plans to file a defamation complaint and approach the cyber cell for redress.

A case had been registered against Koratkar under sections 196, 197, 299, 302, 151(4), and 352 of the BNS, and investigations are ongoing.

In response, the Kolhapur police registered a case against Koratkar at Juna Rajwada police station under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS). According to police officials, Koratkar’s comments were aimed at provoking caste-based tensions. Sub-inspector Santosh Gawade is leading the investigation, and technical evidence is being gathered with assistance from the cyber cell.

Koratkar has denied all allegations, claiming that the voice in the viral audio clip is not his. He accused Sawant of defaming him without verification and asserted that he had been receiving threats since the controversy erupted. Koratkar had further announced plans to file a counter-complaint with the police and the cyber cell.

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The post Shielded by Power? How Prashant Koratkar’s remains un-arrested, even after making derogatory comments against Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The speech and the full incident

On Tuesday, March 11, Suvendu Adhikari, speaking to reporters outside the West Bengal Assembly, accused the ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC) government of being a “communal administration” and likened it to “Muslim League 2.” He went further, stating that if the BJP comes to power in 2026, they would remove all Muslim MLAs of the TMC from the assembly. His remarks, laced with communal undertones, sparked immediate outrage, with many terming it a direct attack on constitutional democracy.

The controversy erupted just a day after BJP’s Haldia MLA Tapasi Mondal defected to the TMC. The TMC swiftly condemned Adhikari’s remarks, with spokesperson Kunal Ghosh calling them “dangerous, provocative, and depraved.” Ghosh further stated, “In Parliament or state assemblies, there can be debate and arguments. But to rake up religion and target MLAs belonging to a specific community is contrary to the principles of the Constitution. It’s also a criminal offence.” The state BJP, however, remained silent, neither endorsing nor disowning the comments.

The incident occurred against the backdrop of Adhikari’s suspension from the assembly until March 18, 2025 for allegedly insulting the Speaker’s chair. Earlier in the day, BJP MLAs had staged a protest inside the assembly, tearing official documents after the Speaker denied their adjournment motion over alleged attacks on Hindu temples. The Speaker, Biman Bandyopadhyay, in response, directed the assembly secretary not to provide BJP legislators with any further documents related to House proceedings.

In a further escalation, Adhikari and his party members staged a demonstration outside the assembly, alleging that the ruling party was suppressing the opposition’s voice. He claimed that Hindus were being attacked in various districts of Bengal, that Hindu shop owners and houses had been set on fire, and that the state police were acting in a communal manner by restricting Holi celebrations on March 14, as it coincided with a Friday prayer day. He alleged that in Birbhum district’s Santiniketan, police had instructed people to finish Holi celebrations by 11 AM due to Friday prayers. He also claimed that in Uluberia, those celebrating India’s victory in the Champions Trophy were attacked, with even a local police officer being injured. Adhikari framed these incidents as proof that the TMC government was catering to Muslim interests at the cost of Hindus, further inflaming communal sentiments.

Inciting hate, undermining the Constitution

Adhikari’s statement is not merely hate speech—it is a direct assault on the constitutional framework of India. The Constitution guarantees equal rights and representation to all citizens, irrespective of religion. His words suggest an intention to exclude a specific religious community from legislative representation, violating the core tenets of democracy and secularism. Article 14 (equality before the law) and Article 15 (prohibition of discrimination based on religion) are fundamental principles enshrined in the Indian Constitution, and Adhikari’s remarks trample upon them with shocking impunity.

This is not an isolated instance of Adhikari’s communal rhetoric. His earlier dismissal of BJP’s ‘Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas’ slogan, replaced with a divisive “Jo hamare saath, hum unke saath” (We are with those who are with us), was a clear indication of his supremacist ideology. Such statements, if left unchecked, normalise religious discrimination and stoke communal polarisation.

A case for immediate action

The Trinamool Congress (TMC) has rightly condemned Adhikari’s comments as “dangerous, provocative, and depraved.” Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee responded strongly, condemning Adhikari’s remarks as a blatant attempt to sow communal discord. “This is not just hate speech, this is an open threat to democracy. Bengal will never accept such divisive politics. I challenge him to try and throw out a single MLA—he will see the power of the people’s mandate,” she said.

Given the gravity of his statements, mere condemnation is insufficient. Adhikari was earlier suspended from the assembly for the remainder of the budget session due to his misconduct, but this latest episode warrants far more serious consequences.

1. Legal action: His remarks could potentially be prosecuted under Sections 196 (promoting enmity between different groups) and 299 (deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage religious feelings) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023.
2. Expulsion from the Assembly: The West Bengal Legislative Assembly must consider a more severe disciplinary measure—either extending his suspension indefinitely or expelling him altogether. The Speaker has the authority to take such action in cases of grave misconduct.
3. BJP’s accountability: The silence of the state BJP leadership on this matter is deeply telling. If the party does not dissociate itself from Adhikari’s remarks and take internal disciplinary action, it is complicit in endorsing such unconstitutional rhetoric.

A dangerous precedent

If Adhikari is allowed to get away with such statements, it sets a dangerous precedent for Indian politics. Normalising calls for religious exclusion from legislative bodies not only weakens democracy but also emboldens other leaders to follow suit. West Bengal has a long history of communal harmony, and allowing such hate speech to fester threatens the social fabric of the state.

India cannot afford to treat such explicit communal threats as mere political rhetoric. There must be an unequivocal rejection of these unconstitutional utterances, backed by swift legal and parliamentary action. Anything less would be a failure to defend the democratic ideals upon which the nation stands.

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The post WB LoP Suvendu Adhikari’s open call for Muslim-free assembly from the Assembly must be met with action, not silence appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Similarly, T Raja Singh, notorious for his divisive views, has with his statements about “Ghazwa-e-Hind,” a theory that frames Muslims as a threat to India’s identity. Alongside these leaders, right-wing influencer Kajal Hindustani has propagated harmful stereotypes and hate against Muslims.

Nitesh Rane: spreading misinformation and suspicion through alleged theories of ‘Love Jihad’ and ‘Land Jihad’

Nitesh Rane, the BJP MLA from Kankavli in the Sindhudurg district of Maharashtra and now the Maharashtra Ports and Fisheries Minister, has emerged as one of the most vocal proponents of aggressive hate speech in the state. Many of his speeches from February 2025 have caused a significant uproar, raising concerns for the social climate in the state. 

February 20, 2025 

February 20, during a public felicitation event at Jagadguru Ramanandacharya Shri Swami Narendracharayaji Maharaj Nanijdhama in Ratnagiri, BJP MLA Nitesh Rane delivered a hate-filled speech targeting Muslims. 

Rane in his speech said that, “Because issues like Love Jihad and Land Jihad are actively happening around us. Through Love Jihad and religious conversion, a large-scale effort is underway to bring countless Hindu mothers and sisters into Islam by those engaging in Jihad.”

He propagated unfounded conspiracies about ‘love jihad’ and ‘land jihad,’ intensifying his rhetoric by labelling Muslims as “jihadis.” Rane also criticised Mazhars and Dargahs, claiming that the said structures “pop up anywhere,”.

He further added that, “I have initiated a program through my ministry to make our 720-kilometer coastline Jihad- free. Therefore, in all these matters, it is extremely important for me to receive Swamiji’s guidance and blessings from time to time. All the illegal activities happening around us—wherever you look, spreading the green cloth, building mazars and tombs everywhere—against all this, our Maharashtra government will take a firm stand without any Hindutva-based bias. On this occasion, I assure Swamiji of this today.”

His words not only spread fear but are also baseless accusations against an entire religious community. His speech serves as another example of the dangerous rhetoric emerging from political figures in the region.

The video of speech can be seen here:

February 19, 2025 

On February 19, at a Shiv Jayanti event organised by the VHP and Bajrang Dal in Sawantwadi, Sindhudurg, Maharashtra, BJP MLA Nitesh Rane delivered a series of inflammatory remarks targeting Muslims. He boldly declared, “This is a Hinduwadi government,” and went on to threaten that in Sindhudurg, anyone who even “looks at Hindus in an incorrect manner” would face consequences, urging people to contact him directly to “settle it before next Friday.”

Rane said that, “the Chief Minister is a staunch Hindutva. If anyone in this Sawantwadi, this Sindhudurga, keep evil eye at my Hindu religion, just give me a call, I will make sure that he doesn’t go to that place again on Friday. Don’t worry about anything.”

He also labelled Muslims as “green snakes,” who are involved in a deep-rooted conspiracy against Hindus. Rane’s speeches continued in this vein throughout the month of February, spreading more hateful conspiracy theories, and even suggesting that if Muslims “looked at Hindus in an incorrect manner,” they would face consequences. He stated that, “Our government is very bad. What is going on around I am aware of everything. You don’t have to struggle. Wherever something wrong is happening, wherever someone tries to slaughter a cow, wherever someone tries to smuggle, wherever green snakes try to wriggle, just make one call, and leave the rest of the arrangements to me.”

The video of speech can be seen here:

February 8, 2025 

On February 8, at the Hindu Rashtra Adhiveshan organised by the Hindu Janajagruti Samiti in Kudal, Sindhudurg, BJP MLA Nitesh Rane delivered a divisive speech, alleging that ‘jihadis’ were targeting Hindu temples and again referring to Muslims as ‘green snakes.’ He said that India is a Hindu nation and alleged that Muslims were conspiring to turn the country into an Islamic state by 2047. Rane then propagated the baseless conspiracies of ‘love jihad’ and ‘land jihad,’ fearmongering about the supposed Islamization of India. He accused Muslims of attempting to seize Hindu lands and religious sites, symbolically covering them with a ‘green shroud.’ 

Nitesh Rane’s speech is deeply problematic due to its divisive and inflammatory nature. He quite deliberately, and repeatedly perpetuates harmful stereotypes and spreads fear by framing certain religious communities as a threat to Hindu society. His speech begins with claims of “Love Jihad,” “Land Jihad,” and references to the “Waqf Board,” which without evidence, target Muslims and imply a coordinated effort against Hindus:

“While taking out these rallies, there were some cases of Love Jihad, some cases of Land Jihad, and some cases related to the Waqf Board. We, as the Sakal Hindu Samaj, took out those rallies and went to meet the affected families and we tried to provide them justice. How far have these Islamization and Jihadisation people reached? How much has their courage grown? You all should all imagine this. You people should be able to guess where the danger is from.”

This statement fuels unfounded fear and animosity, casting Muslims as a monolithic and hostile group. He further stokes this narrative by discussing the supposed encroachment of Muslims on religious sites, such as temples:

“I always wonder—if you want to spread Islam, why do you always target our temple lands? If you want to build a mosque or a dargah, then buy an open piece of land yourselves and say, ‘We want to build a mosque here, a dargah here.’ But they always want to do these things on the land of our temples.”

Such rhetoric incites division, mistrust, and hostility. He concludes by framing this as a grand conspiracy:

“By 2047, they want to turn our Hindu nation into an Islamic nation. Their evil eyes are on the temples, and we should be moving towards ensuring how to keep them safe,” Rane Said.

Rane referred Savarkar in his speech and said, “Swatantryaveer Savarkar has written very well that the Hindu society suffers more from Hindus themselves than from Muslims. Some of these people ask me how I can call it a Hindu nation, as it does not fit within the Constitution.”

The video of speech can be seen here:

February 5, 2025 

On February 5, at a public event organised by a coalition of far-right groups in Wagholi, Pune, BJP MLA Rane delivered an inflammatory anti-Muslim hate speech, propagating the baseless conspiracies of ‘land jihad’ and ‘love jihad,’ while falsely claiming that Muslims aim to turn India into an Islamic state. 

During his speech, he urged Hindus to rent homes only to fellow Hindus, warning that “it starts with one Aslam, and then you have a hundred Aslams.” Targeting the azaan, he claimed that if Hindus rented to Muslims, soon they would be overrun and the azaan would echo five times a day. He openly advocated for housing discrimination, urging the audience to “just declare that you don’t rent to non-Hindus.” Rane further fuelled the conspiracy of ‘love jihad,’ continuing to spread baseless fears of a demographic threat.

The video of speech can be seen here:

February 3, 2025 

On February 3, in Chandrapur, Rane made a chilling threat towards Muslims, declaring that acts like “Love Jihad,” “Land Jihad,” and “cow slaughter” would no longer be tolerated. At a religious assembly, Rane openly warned the minority religious community, stating that the state had a Hindutva-based government, and if these issues persisted, they would take direct action.

He was quoted as saying:

“If these people sporting beards do not stop this Love Jihad, Land Jihad, and the drama against Hindu society in time, then even those sitting in Pakistan will not be able to recognize you. I guarantee.”

His rhetoric targets Muslims as a collective threat to Hindu society, presenting them as part of a grand conspiracy to turn India into an Islamic nation by 2047. The speech perpetuates harmful myths such as “Love Jihad” and “Land Jihad,” which have no basis in reality but are used to fuel hatred and division. Rane asserts:

“When the police conducted their inquiry and asked what exactly they were plotting here, they responded by saying that their goal is to make India an Islamic nation by 2047, and all their efforts are directed towards achieving that.”

This unfounded claim creates an atmosphere of fear and suspicion, portraying Muslims as scheming to overthrow the country’s demographic makeup.

He continues with further inflammatory statements:

“Because in the beginning, only one comes. Just one—someone named Aslam. And then he will bring 100 more Aslams along with him. He will start cooking food that we don’t prefer, and because of that smell, the Hindu community will begin to leave. Then, five times a day, their loudspeakers will start blaring.”

This passage not only reinforces the idea of Muslims as an invasive force but also promotes communal fear by linking Muslims to undesirable behaviour.

Additionally, Rane makes claims about “Love Jihad,” where he manipulates personal stories to push the narrative of Hindu girls being brainwashed:

“I have met sisters who have been victims of Love Jihad. You would be shocked to see their miserable condition. These girls are brainwashed to the extent that they refuse to recognize their own parents.”

This kind of rhetoric is not new for Rane, who has long harboured views that fuel communal animosity. At this event, he claimed that a strict law against religious conversions would be introduced in Maharashtra. He further warned Muslims involved in such acts of “trapping” Hindu women that the government would deal with them harshly, reinforcing the idea of an aggressive, intolerant Hindutva ideology.

The video of speech can be seen here:

Maharashtra Ports and Fisheries Minister #NiteshRane on Monday sounded a stern warning to a particular community, stating that “Love jihad, Land Jihad, and cow slaughter” will not be tolerated. He emphasised that the state has a #Hindutva-oriented government and discussed the… pic.twitter.com/OZfJAUR67L

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) February 4, 2025

Recently, two FIRs were filed against Nitesh Rane for alleged hate speech targeting Muslims in Ahmednagar. Both FIRs were filed by the Ahmednagar Police against Nitesh Rane for his controversial remark. Rakesh Ola, the Superintendent of Police in Ahmednagar, confirmed the registration of two FIRs—one on September 1, 2024, and the other on September 2, 2024. These FIRs were filed at the Shrirampur and Topkhana police stations, respectively. Rane made his speeches during public meetings in the Shrirampur and Topkhana, in support of Hindu seer Mahant Ramgiri Maharaj, who had made derogatory remarks about Islam and Prophet Muhammad. Rane warned of repercussions if the Maharaj was harmed. In his address, Rane had said, “If anything happens to Maharaj, there will be repercussions. I’m going to give this threat in the language which you understand. If you have done anything against our Ramgiri Maharaj, we will kill you after barging into your mosques. You must remember this threat,” Rane had said, reported Times of India.

On September 5, an FIR was also filed against Nitesh Rane for his hate speech. The case was registered by the Gittikhadan police in Nagpur under sections 196, 299, 302, 352, and 353(2) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita. The FIR follows a complaint lodged by Mohammed Yunus Patel (47), a resident of Awasthi Nagar in South Nagpur, who alleged that Rane hurt the religious sentiments of a specific community during a speech he delivered in Ahmednagar on September 1, 2024, as HT reported.

Rane’s rhetoric, including claims of Love Jihad and Land Jihad, is not an isolated incident but part of a wider strategy by certain BJP leaders to stoke communal fears for political leverage.

T Raja Singh: Escalating divisive narratives

T Raja Singh, BJP’s MLA from Goshamahal in Hyderabad, is notorious for his controversial and often extremist views. His speech at the Deccan Summit in Pune on February 8, 2025, only further reinforced his reputation. Singh stirred the pot by promoting the divisive conspiracy theory of “Ghazwa-e-Hind,” falsely claiming that Muslims were plotting to turn India into an Islamic nation.

“They have another Pakistan inside India, these land jihadis.”

Singh went on to misrepresent historical events and figures, wrongly alleging that former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had declared that Muslims had the first right to India’s resources. 

His rhetoric also targeted religious educational institutions, especially Madrasas, and he called for the construction of temples in historically disputed locations like Kashi, Mathura, Bhojshala, and Sambhal, where Mosques stand at the moment. In his mind, these temples, built after destroying the current Islamic religious structures, would “remove the stains” from these sacred sites, promoting the idea of religious purity while targeting Islamic places of worship.

Singh’s speeches only contribute to a growing sense of fear and mistrust between India’s communities, feeding into a larger narrative of religious confrontation and division.

The video of speech can be seen here:

Kajal Hindustani: A right-wing influencer encouraging harmful communal divisions

February 19, 2025 

Kajal Hindustani is another key figure spreading dangerous communal poison. At a Shiv Jayanti event in Nagpur on February 19, Hindustani not only pushed the harmful “love jihad” narrative but also revived harmful stereotypes about Muslims. She referred to Muslims as “jihadis,” equating them with violence and radicalism. Additionally, she launched an attack on the Muslim practice of Azaan, fuelling the existing prejudice against Islamic religious practices.

This kind of speech is highly problematic, as it promotes an environment where one community’s practices and identity are vilified and targeted. Hindustani’s reach as an influencer amplifies her harmful messages, reaching a much wider audience.

The video of speech can be seen here:

Following the complaint filed by Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) on October 25, 2024, against Kajal Shingala, also known as Kajal Hindustani, for delivering an anti-Muslim hate speech at an event in Thane, an FIR was registered on October 30, 2024, at the Wagle Estate Police Station in Thane. The FIR charges Hindustani under sections 299, 302, and 353 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023, which address offenses related to promoting religious animosity and public mischief. In addition, the event’s organizer, Veer Bahadur Yadav, was also booked for his involvement in permitting the speech. 

Ashwini Upadhyaya: Legitimising hate and conspiracy theories

February 20, 2025 

Ashwini Upadhyaya, a Supreme Court lawyer and prominent BJP leader, has also been vocal in spreading far-right narratives. On February 20, at a lecture on the Indian Constitution in Parbhani, he advocated for the restoration of “historic sacred places” like Kashi, Mathura, and Bhojshala, referring to which he claimed that the Mosque had been built after destroying temples. This rhetoric is rooted in the ideological push for the Ram Mandir, built at the destruction site of Babri Majid, and other religious sites to be reclaimed as symbols of Hindu supremacy.

The video of speech can be seen here:

Upadhyaya’s speeches are filled with conspiracy theories, including baseless claims about “love jihad” and “land jihad.” He further exacerbated these fears by drawing on international examples, citing China and Israel as models for population control measures. Linking population control to “love jihad” reflects a troubling trend where he frames demographic changes, especially Muslim migration, as a grave threat to India’s Hindu identity.

February 11, 2025 

On February 11, in Raigarh, Upadhyaya made statements about “infiltration jihad” and the alleged presence of six crore “infiltrators” in India, many of whom, according to him, were Muslims. Such claims serve no purpose other than to stoke fear and division in society.

The video of speech can be seen here:

February 2, 2025 

On February 2, in Pune, at the V.D. Savarkar Memorial Lectures organized by Swanand Janakalyan Pratishthan, Supreme Court lawyer Ashwini Upadhyay demonized Muslims by selectively citing cases where Hindu women were murdered by Muslim men. He stirred fear about ‘infiltration’ and led the audience in an oath against alleged ‘land jihad’ and ‘love jihad,’ promoting unfounded and divisive claims about demographic threats.

The video of speech can be seen here:

The role of Hindu Janajagruti Samiti: furthering hate and division

Hindu Janajagruti Samiti, a far-right organisation, also plays a significant role in spreading of conspiracies and peddling hatred with potential to harm our social fabric and harmony. On February 3, during a press conference on Bangladeshi ‘infiltrators’ at Marathi Patrakar Sangh, Mumbai, organized by Hindu Janajagruti Samiti, Sanatan Sanstha leader Abhay Vartak claimed that on alleged Bangladeshi “infiltrators,”. Abhay Vartak, claimed that up to ten lakh Bangladeshi immigrants live in Mumbai, which he linked to an increase in crimes and unemployment. His remarks were clearly aimed at inciting fear and suspicion towards the Muslims living in Mumbai, holding them responsible for collectively attacking the Indian economy. Vartak further promoted the conspiracy of “land jihad” and “love jihad,” underscoring how these controversial and harmful ideas are being propagated at multiple levels.

The impact of hate speech on Maharashtra and beyond

The hate-filled speeches delivered by these lawmakers and influencers are not only harming Maharashtra’s social fabric but also endangering the unity of the nation. Such rhetoric creates an environment where one minority community feels persecuted, that can lead to a cycle of hate and retaliation. Moreover, these statements are dangerous as they normalize a call for violence and discrimination against a particular religious community, portraying them as collectively acceptable responses to perceived grievances.

By invoking divisive terms like “love jihad,” “land jihad,” and “infiltration jihad,” these above-mentioned leaders are playing on people’s fears, creating imaginary threats to the nation’s demographic and religious balance. 

Furthermore, these speeches shrinking the very foundation of India’s secular democracy, where all religions are meant to be treated equally. Instead, they promote a vision of India where one religion is dominant and all others are viewed with suspicion and hostility.

The role of authorities in curbing hate speech

The time has come for a serious conversation about the accountability of public figures, particularly legislators, who use their platforms to promote hate and division. In Maharashtra, BJP leaders like Nitesh Rane, T Raja Singh, Ashwini Upadhyaya, and others have proven that they are willing to sow communal discord for political gain. Their speeches not only undermine the values of unity and secularism but also pose a grave threat to the fabric of society.

It is critical for the authorities to take swift action against hate speech and hold leaders accountable. The continued silence and inaction will only embolden others to follow in their footsteps, further poisoning the political discourse and deepening the divisions within our society. The future of Maharashtra, and indeed India, depends on the strength of its commitment to secularism, equality, and justice. It is time for the nation to stand united against hate, no matter where it originates.

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The post Leaders and the spread of divisive narratives appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Two key factors shaped the trajectory of hate speech in 2024: the general elections held between April and June and the state elections in Maharashtra and Jharkhand later in the year. The election season provided an opportunity for the BJP and its ideological allies to deploy hate speech as a tactical instrument of voter mobilisation, using communal rhetoric to polarise electorates along religious lines. Additionally, the fall of the Sheikh Hasina government in Bangladesh in August 2024 and subsequent violence against Hindus in that country were exaggerated and weaponised by Hindu nationalist groups to justify anti-Muslim sentiment in India. These events led to the second major surge in hate speech, as BJP leaders and right-wing organisations capitalised on anxieties surrounding Bangladeshi Hindus to vilify Indian Muslims as an existential threat.

This report does not merely document numbers; it exposes the deliberate strategies, key actors, and ideological motivations behind the intensification of hate speech. By analysing both the content and context of hate speech events, it highlights how communal hatred has become a structured and institutionalised feature of Indian political life.

The role of the BJP and Hindu nationalist groups in organising hate speech

The most striking aspect of the hate speech patterns in 2024 was the direct involvement of the BJP and its ideological affiliates. Unlike previous years, where hate speech was primarily driven by state-level BJP politicians and religious extremists, 2024 saw an aggressive push from the highest levels of political leadership, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Home Minister Amit Shah, and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath. These leaders did not merely tolerate or ignore hate speech; they actively participated in it, using their national and regional platforms to spread divisive narratives, dehumanise Muslims and Christians, and stoke communal tensions.

The BJP emerged as the largest organiser of hate speech events, directly facilitating 340 gatherings—29.2% of all documented cases. This was a massive 580% increase compared to 2023, where the party was responsible for only 50 such events. The party’s leadership strategically weaponised hate speech as an electoral tool, particularly during the general elections, where 76.7% of BJP-organised hate speech events occurred.

Alongside the BJP, its ideological allies, including the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and its militant youth wing, the Bajrang Dal, played a central role in propagating hate. These groups organised 279 hate speech events, a 29.1% increase from the previous year. The Sakal Hindu Samaj (SHS), a Maharashtra-based coalition of Hindu nationalist organisations, was responsible for 56 hate speech events, featuring extremist speakers like Suresh Chavhanke, Kajal Hindustani, and BJP legislators T. Raja Singh and Nitish Rane.

The Hindu Rashtra Sena (HRS), led by Dhananjay Desai—an individual accused in the 2014 murder of a Muslim tech professional—also expanded its operations, coordinating 19 hate speech events. Smaller groups such as the Hindu Janajagruti Samiti (HJS), Rashtriya Hindu Sher Sena, Shiv Shakti Akhada, and Shri Ram Sena also played roles in spreading anti-Muslim and anti-Christian propaganda.

These findings illustrate that hate speech in India is not merely an act of individual bigotry; it is an organised, well-funded, and politically sanctioned project, strategically deployed to create a climate of fear and exclusion for religious minorities.

The election season: Hate speech as a tool for political mobilisation

The 2024 general elections and subsequent state elections in Maharashtra and Jharkhand were inflection points in the escalation of hate speech. During the election period, 373 hate speech incidents were recorded, with Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Bihar, Delhi, West Bengal, and Jharkhand being the most affected.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi emerged as one of the most active disseminators of hate speech, particularly after his April 21 election rally in Banswara, Rajasthan, where he accused Muslims of being “infiltrators” who would take away Hindu wealth and resources. This speech triggered a nationwide surge in hate speech events, with many BJP leaders mimicking and amplifying his rhetoric.

Home Minister Amit Shah also played a pivotal role, delivering 58 hate speeches, often invoking Muslim “vote jihad” and the threat of “land jihad”. Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath led the charge with 86 hate speeches, averaging one hate speech every four days. Other BJP leaders, including Himanta Biswa Sarma, T. Raja Singh, Nitish Rane, and Pushkar Singh Dhami, followed suit, systematically targeting Muslims and Christians.

The BJP’s election strategy relied heavily on manufacturing fear and communal resentment. A common narrative was that opposition parties, particularly the Congress and the INDIA alliance, were working to strip Hindus of their rights and redistribute resources to Muslims. Modi, Adityanath, and Shah repeatedly claimed that the opposition would take away Hindu property and give it to “Bangladeshi infiltrators and Rohingya refugees.”

The normalisation of such rhetoric had real-world consequences. Hate speech is not just words; it is a form of political violence—a precursor to mob attacks, communal riots, and systemic discrimination. By integrating hate speech into mainstream electoral discourse, the BJP and its allies effectively legitimised violence against minorities, making it an acceptable part of governance and state policy.

The role of social media in amplifying hate

Hate speech in 2024 was not confined to public gatherings. Social media played a critical role in amplifying and mainstreaming hate speech, ensuring that it reached millions within seconds. The IHL report tracked 995 videos of in-person hate speech events back to their original sources on Facebook, YouTube, WhatsApp, and Telegram.

Facebook alone hosted 495 hate speech videos, while 211 were traced to YouTube. Additionally, 266 anti-minority hate speeches delivered by BJP leaders were simultaneously live-streamed across multiple platforms. This demonstrates how social media platforms, despite their stated policies against hate speech, served as key enablers of communal propaganda.

The virality of hate speech on digital platforms exacerbated the cycle of radicalisation, with algorithm-driven amplification prioritising the most extreme voices. Instead of curbing communal incitement, Facebook and YouTube allowed inflammatory content to spread unchecked, effectively becoming complicit in the proliferation of Hindu nationalist extremism.

Anti-Muslim hate speech: From dehumanisation to calls for violence

The IHL report reveals that 1,147 out of 1,165 hate speech events targeted Muslims, demonstrating that anti-Muslim rhetoric remains the cornerstone of Hindu nationalist politics.

Dehumanisation and conspiracy theories- The report documents an alarming rise in the use of conspiracy theories to portray Muslims as an existential threat to Hindus. These include:

• “Love Jihad” – The false claim that Muslim men are seducing Hindu women to convert them to Islam and destroy Hindu culture.
• “Land Jihad” – The baseless allegation that Muslims are systematically occupying Hindu lands.
• “Vote Jihad” – The claim, propagated by Modi himself, that Muslims vote as a bloc to weaken Hindu political power.
• “Population Jihad” – The debunked theory that Muslims are deliberately increasing their population to outnumber Hindus.
• “Thook Jihad” (Spit Jihad) – The unfounded conspiracy that Muslims spit on food to contaminate it.
• “Economic Jihad” – The assertion that Muslim businesses are attempting to monopolise the economy to subjugate Hindus.

PM Modi, CM Adityanath, and other BJP leaders actively promoted these narratives in election speeches, fuelling hate crimes and vigilante violence against Muslims.

Direct calls for violence and social boycotts- The report documents 259 hate speeches that explicitly called for violence against Muslims. This included:

• Calls to “eliminate infiltrators”, a dog whistle for Muslim extermination.
• 111 speeches advocating economic boycotts of Muslim businesses.
• 274 speeches calling for the destruction of mosques and Muslim homes.
• 123 speeches that urged Hindus to arm themselves against Muslims.

In one of the most egregious incidents, at a VHP weapons worship event in Uttarakhand, a speaker openly declared that “killing non-Hindus would lead to salvation”.

By endorsing and institutionalising hate speech at the highest levels of political leadership, the BJP has created an atmosphere where state-backed discrimination and violence against Muslims have become routine.

Anti-Christian hate speech: A surge in persecution

While anti-Muslim hate speech remains dominant, 2024 also witnessed a sharp increase in anti-Christian rhetoric. The report documents 115 hate speech events targeting Christians, a number that correlates directly with the rise in attacks on churches and Christian institutions.

Religious persecution and forced conversions- Hindu nationalist groups, particularly the VHP, Bajrang Dal, and Rashtriya Bajrang Dal (RBD), have aggressively pushed the narrative that Christian missionaries are engaging in mass conversions.

At a VHP event in Siliguri, West Bengal, on November 24, a speaker urged activists to “resort to violence if necessary” to stop Christian pastors from entering villages.

Targeting Christian institutions- Christian schools and churches have faced relentless attacks. In March 2024, Hindu nationalist groups in Assam posted threats across Christian-run schools, demanding the removal of crosses and religious symbols.

In December 2024, a Hindu monk in Rajasthan boasted of shutting down “10-15 churches” and jailing 80 Christian priests.

At a Rashtriya Bajrang Dal event in Uttar Pradesh, leaders called for attacks on Catholic schools, branding them as “centres of religious conversion”.

The surge in anti-Christian hate speech has led to a documented increase in mob attacks, forced “reconversion” events, and desecration of churches across India.

Conclusion: Hate speech as a normalised political strategy

The findings of the India Hate Lab 2024 report point to a chilling reality: hate speech has been fully absorbed into India’s political mainstream. The BJP, through both its top leadership and its allied organisations, has made communal rhetoric a central feature of its governance and election strategy. Social media platforms have failed to contain the spread of hateful content, creating an ecosystem where violent rhetoric thrives with impunity.

This normalisation of hate speech is not just a symptom of rising intolerance—it is a deliberate and structured political project, designed to marginalise Muslims and Christians, consolidate Hindu nationalist power, and undermine India’s democratic framework. The consequences of this state-sanctioned hate will reverberate for years to come.

The complete report may be viewed here.

Related:

Are Indian anti-conversion laws targeting minorities or protecting the vulnerable?

The Steady Marginalisation of Indian Muslims

Honour for killers of Gauri Lankesh and MM Kalburgi in Karnataka, public felicitation and terms like “Hindu tigers” for accused Amit Baddi and Ganesh Miskin

BNSS empowers law enforcement and judiciary with sweeping authority over property: a mightier state, a meeker citizen

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Hate speech is any word written or spoken, signs, visible representations within the hearing or sight of a person with the intention to cause fear or alarm, or incitement to violence.” Provisions in law criminalise speeches, writings, actions, signs and representations that foment violence and spread disharmony between communities and groups.

Violation of Section 196 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) – Promoting enmity between different groups on grounds of religion, race, place of birth, residence, language, etc., and doing acts prejudicial to maintenance of harmony or activities that disrupt public peace or teach people how to use violence against any group, can invoke imprisonment and a fine. For general offenses, the maximum imprisonment is three years. For offenses that occur in a place of worship or during a religious ceremony, the maximum imprisonment is five years.

Under the Indian Penal Code (IPC) –Section 153a, 153b, 153c and 505 were expected to address hate speech but were already inadequate. The Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) 2023 which replaces the Indian Penal code has been criticised for making prosecution of hate speech even more difficult. The BNS ignores the 267^th Law Commission report and a slew of Supreme Court judgements asking for a nuanced effective understanding of and penal provisions against hate speech.

At times there is a confusion between free speech and hate speech. Free speech is extremely important and needs to be protected in societies that value human rights. The Camden Principles on freedom of expression and equality explore the fine balance between these two. Limitations on free speech can also be used by those in power to suppress the voices of minorities. Draconian laws such as the UAPA have been slapped on several vocal critics of the government. This is sheer abuse of power.

Offensive speech that poses a risk or threat to others has to be taken seriously if it incites discrimination, hostility or violence towards a person or group defined by their race, religion, ethnicity or other factors. It occurs through a process of ‘othering’. Hate speech has been known to incite, enable or instigate hate crimes which can be defined as overt acts of violence against persons or property (vandalism); arson; violation or deprivation of civil rights; certain “true threats; or acts of intimidation, assault or murder; or conspiracy to commit these crimes. It is a criminal offense motivated in whole or in part by an offender’s bias against a race, religion, disability, sexual orientation, ethnicity, gender, or gender identity, including skin colour and national origin. It is more than offensive speech or conduct and its victims can include institutions, religious organizations and government entities as well as individuals. The seriousness of hate speech has been mentioned by the UN Secretary-General, António Guterres as a precursor to atrocity crimes.

Hate speech has become the norm in election campaigns

The political leaders who indulge hate speeches are hardly prosecuted and punished. The impunity that protects perpetrators of hate speech within a democratic system is alarming. Should hate speech, openly calling for violence, vandalism, ethnic cleansing, taking up of arms etc. and directed against specific individuals and communities, especially as part of election campaigns be allowed unchecked? These hate speeches are not even infrequent and within private spaces but blaring on loudspeakers and on social media. Anonymous handles on social media congregate in huge numbers to attack, vilify and abuse individuals and communities.

Sadly, with the escalation of identity politics geared towards the elections, hate speech reaps rich dividends. We have reached a point where there is a need for a perpetual enemy to bring us together. The Muslim community in India has borne the brunt of this, although other minorities have not been exempt. This hate speech is becoming entrenched and normalised and becoming part of school and institutional behaviours and regular social media posts and WhatsApp forwards. These hate filled and discriminatory messages are accepted at face value without any kind of commitment to the truth. Illogical, irrational, baseless fake news are peddled putting communities at risk of losing lives, livelihoods and dignity. Media, the supposed 4th pillar, is in cahoots with this, with shocking conflict of interest and unabashed allegiance to the current party in power.

There have been a series of hate speeches leading up to elections particularly by the current regime.

In January 2023, a religious conclave in Haridwar saw calls for organised violence against Muslims similar to the Myanmar kind of ‘cleansing campaign’ and that any resistance by the government would be faced with ‘revolt’.

The targeting has been relentless. Muslim businesses have been targeted, there have been open calls for economic boycotts and even those engaged in trade have been viciously and horrifically attacked, lynchings of suspected cattle traders or even of consuming/transporting beef have been attacked by maniacal mobs. Vocal Muslim women on social media have been put up ‘on sale’, mosques have been vandalised and demolished. Internet is rife with the blatant anti-minority hatred that has been completely unchecked (and even to some extent enabled) by the government in power. False accusations have been thrown around without any commitment to the truth or fraternity. When called out, rhetoric and falsehoods are the norm.

Human Rights watch analysed the Prime Minister’s speech after the announcement of the Moral Code of Conduct (which forbids appealing to communal feelings for securing votes) in ……….and found Islamophobic remarks in 110 campaign speeches. “If elected to power at the Centre, Congress would distribute people’s property, land and gold among Muslims,” Mr. Modi said during his address at a Lok Sabha elections campaign meeting in Rajasthan’s Banswara district on April 21, 2024. This kind of language, as opposed to the language of non-discrimination and inclusivity, is most unbecoming of an elected representative of the State.

According to the HRW report, taking hate speech to the realm of hate crime, the BJP government has demolished Muslims’ homes, businesses, and places of worship “without due process” and “carried out other unlawful practices”, all of which have continued since the election.

A report by the NGO Common Cause has documented that half the police they surveyed had anti-Muslim bias making them less likely to intervene in the event of crimes against Muslims. There are several records of impunity being offered for crimes against this community, by courts and other government bodies. Ironically, laws are being passed to further vilify and target these same communities.

It is shameful to see  extrajudicial punishments being meted out to innocent Muslims, in the inhumane method of “bulldozer justice.” Since 2022 several homes have been destroyed by the authorities meant to protect citizens with flimsy reasons that no court of law would sustain. It is common knowledge that those who participated in protests or raised their voices against the government in power have been targeted by this state sponsored violence and hate crimes. The Supreme Court has stated that retaliatory demolitions are not acceptable, but even that does not seem to be a suitable deterrent, which must again concern all law abiding citizens of the country.

In May, two BJP officials made profane comments about Prophet Mohammed, leading to deadly protests across India and condemnation from Muslim-majority countries. The BJP suspended the officials but these responses are too infrequent and slow and after much damage has been done.

The US Commission on International Religious freedom has classified India as a country of particular concern and urged the US government to place sanctions on Indian officials responsible for abuse. This is indeed a shame on the country’s vibrant democratic image that has been respected across the world. It would require a lot of concerted effort to undo this damage caused to our country’s reputation.

The significant enemy concept plays well in Indian politics. It is a deviation from the real politics of governance. The policies of development should be the primary issue of the campaign agenda. Unfortunately we do not witness any such debates having serious and substantial matters in the debate. The loud spoken sensational statements in public make the news.

There are no adequate laws to deal with hate speech. The legal process will take such a long time and the consequences even if there is punishment will come only after the damage is done and the election is also over. Hence the damage control is not done at all.

The loss of argumentative Indian is an irreparable loss for the Indian system. We need to argue out things on the basis of reason, logic and scientific temper. But in reality it is religion, caste and personal history of individuals. Hence the deviation is very easy in such a context.

In the process of we and they narrative the hate speeches appeal to the minds of the masses. A deep sense of deprivation and insecurity is made part of the conversation and that can be fatal. The political campaign’s goal is very clear. It is not interested in convincing people on substantial arguments but in dividing people in the name of religion and caste.

A twisted history is part of such rhetoric in political speeches. Some historical figures are suddenly demonised and a few new historical figures are created overnight to suit the narrative that is being built up for the election run.

No doubt it is part of the larger system. It is a consequence of identity bargaining in the political sphere. Divide and rule has become the order of the day in our democratic electoral politics.

Solutions and the way forward

What are the possible solutions to these low level political gimmicks in the country that are putting our own fellow citizens at risk to their lives, property, mental health and religious freedom? The Election Commission, which has a crucial role to enable free and fair elections, has to ensure that campaigns are also above board and following basic ethical principles of non-discrimination. Selective and slow response beats the purpose of the Election Commission itself. Taking these hate speeches to court is a long drawn process and justice is often delayed endlessly. We need to explore the possibility of fast track courts during the elections specifically geared to hate speeches and hate crimes.

The voting population, including the future populations need to be educated on the right way of conducting election campaigns and the need to hold violators accountable. Those perpetuating these hate speeches only do so because they see political benefit to it. If this benefit is withdrawn by an informed and articulate voter base, it will not be able to unleash the unrestrained damage that it is currently able to.

Rajya Sabha Member Manoj Kumar Jha (RJD) has called for a law to regulate hate speech and improve information disclosure about paid content. He has called out news channels for deliberately broadcasting TRP-centric news without or contrary to officially known facts. Importantly he also suggested that such legislation be introduced with stakeholders to find a balance between censorship of harmful content and freedom of speech and expression. He also made a case for including internet education in the school curriculum to impart basic knowledge and also sensitise children about the responsible use of the internet and the risks of hate speech and abuse.

He submitted a Bill in the Rajya Sabha on 9^th December 2022 against hate crimes and hate speech directed to a person based on religion, race, caste or community, sex, gender, sexual orientation, place of birth residence, language, disability, tribe etc. and that it should be non-cognizable and non-bailable. Any person:— (a) who intentionally publishes, propagates or advocates anything or communicates to one or more persons in a manner that could reasonably be construed to demonstrate a clear intention to harm or incite harm or promote or propagate hatred, based on one or more of the following grounds: (i) religion, (ii) race, (iii) caste or community, (iv) sex, (v) gender, (vi) sexual orientation, (vii) place of birth, This includes intentionally distributing or making available electronic material which constitutes hate speech and advocate hatred that constitutes incitement to cause harm.

Hate speech, particularly as an election tool, and directed across the minorities, specifically the Muslim community is rampant across the country, and only growing worse. The consequences are severe and in contrast to the democratic fibre of the country. There is a need for urgent steps to be put in place to keep the government in check. All bodies with power to intervene – whether it is the Election commission, the judiciary, the police, civil society and even the voters need to take a stance that hate speech will not be tolerated. Let us stop normalising and enabling hate speech. This, as we know from history, is only a few steps away from hate crimes, ethnic cleansing and genocide. Let us act with the urgency that the issue deserves.

The author is the Director of St. Joseph’s Law College Bengaluru. His social media handles are @JeraldSJCL Twitter/ @Jeralddsouzasj Instagram. The author is also part of a Campaign against Hate Speech.

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

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These events have seen the propagation of hate speech targeting minority communities, particularly Muslims and Christians, with calls for violence, economic boycotts, and the promotion of harmful conspiracies. The CJP’s complaints underscore the critical need for urgent action from the NCM and other authorities to curb the spread of such rhetoric and ensure the protection of vulnerable communities. As the situation escalates, it is increasingly evident that there is a pressing need to reaffirm India’s commitment to secularism, social harmony, and the safeguarding of minority rights.

Complaint over hate speech at Trishul Deeksha events

On January 29, CJP had filed a formal complaint with the NCM, raising alarm over a series of Trishul Deeksha events held in December 2024 across Punjab, Delhi, Himachal Pradesh, and Rajasthan. Organised by far-right groups such as the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), Bajrang Dal, and Antarrashtriya Hindu Parishad (AHP), these gatherings featured openly inflammatory rhetoric, hate speech, and mobilisation against minority communities, particularly Muslims and Christians.

The complaint details multiple instances where speakers at these events propagated divisive narratives, including baseless conspiracies like ‘love jihad’ and ‘land jihad,’ while calling for economic boycotts and vigilantism. At a Delhi event, senior VHP leaders declared their intent to “liberate” religious sites such as the Gyanvapi and Shahi Idgah mosques, while also targeting Ajmer Sharif Dargah, a revered Sufi shrine. In Himachal Pradesh, hate-filled speeches likened Muslims to “monsters” and falsely accused them of contaminating food, stoking economic and social discrimination. In Rajasthan’s Sirohi district, an event saw explicit calls for violence, with one leader urging attendees to “pick up weapons and be ready for war.”

Of particular concern is the complicity of law enforcement, as highlighted by a uniformed police officer in Sirohi who publicly participated in a Trishul Deeksha procession alongside far-right leaders. This raises serious questions about institutional bias and the failure of authorities to act against hate speech.

CJP has urged the NCM to take immediate cognisance of these incidents, investigate the organisers and speakers, and ensure legal and administrative action against those responsible for spreading hate and inciting violence. The organisation has emphasised the need for proactive measures to prevent the further normalisation of communal rhetoric, safeguard minority rights, and uphold India’s constitutional commitment to secularism and social harmony.

The complaint may be read here.

Complaint against hate speeches at ‘Dharma Sansad’ events

On January 22, CJP filed a complaint with the NCM regarding a series of hate speeches delivered at ‘Dharma Sansad’ events on December 20, 2024, led by Yati Narsinghanand and other right-wing figures. Despite being denied permission to hold the event in Haridwar, the gathering proceeded at another location, where inflammatory and violent rhetoric was once again espoused, targeting Muslims and calling for a Hindu-only nation. The speeches at the event included derogatory language and explicit calls for physical violence against Muslims, promoting a vision of a society devoid of religious diversity.

Narsinghanand, a known figure for his controversial views, reiterated his demand for a “Hindu Rashtra” and expressed a vision of a society with no room for Muslims, mosques, or madrasas. He also issued veiled threats against political leaders, further stoking communal tensions. Other speakers, including Kalicharan Maharaj and Shrimahant Raju Das, echoed similar sentiments, accusing Muslims of destroying Hindu temples and calling for violent action against them. The event also featured a monk who advocated for armed self-defence against Muslims and secular Hindus, calling for the prevention of Azaan and Muslim events in mosques.

These speeches have a grave impact on social harmony, further polarising communities and fostering an atmosphere of fear and insecurity among minorities. The hateful language used during the event has emboldened those with similar views, contributing to the rising tide of religious intolerance and making it more difficult to achieve peaceful coexistence. The impunity with which these individuals have acted and the lack of strong legal action against them has only worsened the situation, with social media platforms becoming breeding grounds for such harmful narratives.

In the complaint, CJP calls on the NCM to take urgent action, including initiating investigations, ensuring FIRs are registered against those responsible for inciting hate speech, and holding them accountable under relevant Indian laws. The complaint also urges the Commission to monitor the progress of investigations, compel authorities to take action, and issue further directives to prevent the spread of such dangerous rhetoric. This intervention is vital to safeguard the secular fabric of India and uphold the rights of religious minorities, preventing further escalation of communal violence.

The complaint may be read here:

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The post CJP demands NCM action on hate speeches at Dharma Sansad and Trishul Deeksha events, files two complaints appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Undermining the freedom struggle

Bhagwat’s assertion undermines the monumental significance of August 15, 1947, as the day marking India’s liberation from colonial rule. The sacrifices of figures like Mahatma Gandhi, Subhas Chandra Bose, Jawaharlal Nehru, Bhagat Singh, and numerous unsung heroes are side-lined in favour of an ideological claim. Rahul Gandhi denounced the remark as “insulting to freedom fighters,” while Jairam Ramesh characterised it as “anti-national” and reflective of an agenda to rewrite history. Leaders like Tejashwi Yadav noted that this narrative belittles the immense sacrifices made by the freedom fighters under Mahatma Gandhi’s leadership, disregarding their unparalleled contributions. Revanth Reddy, echoing these concerns, demanded that Prime Minister Modi clarify his position on Bhagwat’s remarks, questioning whether the government stands by the freedom fighters or supports this ideological stance.

Historical revisionism and its dangers

Shashi Tharoor warned against conflating India’s independence with ideological or religious milestones. He emphasized that independence was achieved through the collective sacrifices of patriots who endured British oppression, including incarceration and execution. Tharoor cautioned that attempts to redefine this historical truth risk diminishing its universal and inclusive nature. Digvijaya Singh echoed these concerns, demanding an apology from Bhagwat and criticizing the divisive undertones of the statement.

Assault on constitutional values

The remarks challenge the principles enshrined in India’s Constitution, adopted on January 26, 1950. By linking independence to a religious event, Bhagwat’s comments contradict the secular and pluralistic ethos envisioned by the framers of the Constitution, including Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. Jairam Ramesh argued that such rhetoric undermines the democratic foundation of the Republic, disrespecting the Constitution’s commitment to equality and unity.

Political and social implications

The political backlash to Bhagwat’s statement has been unequivocal. West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee labelled the remarks “anti-national” and “dangerous,” highlighting their potential to distort history and disrupt social harmony. The National Students’ Union of India (NSUI), led by Varun Choudhary, called for stringent action against the RSS, asserting that Bhagwat’s rhetoric threatened the nation’s unity and integrity. Shashi Tharoor pointed out that linking independence to religious milestones risks alienating minority communities and rewriting India’s collective historical achievements. Sachin Pilot also voiced strong opposition, condemning the remark as an affront to the sacrifices of countless freedom fighters. He criticized the government for weakening constitutional institutions and fostering an environment where such divisive statements are normalised.

Divisive ideology and historical context

Critics like Tejashwi Yadav and Digvijaya Singh underscored the RSS’s historical non-participation in the freedom movement. They argued that such statements attempt to appropriate the legacy of the independence struggle while marginalizing diverse contributions. Farooq Abdullah’s response emphasised the collective effort and sacrifices of all communities, warning against narratives that could deepen communal divides. This sentiment was echoed by Sachin Pilot, who criticized the remark for diminishing the inclusive struggle that defined India’s fight for freedom.

Public sentiment and wider repercussions

The broader public and political reaction to Bhagwat’s statement reflects its polarizing nature. Leaders across party lines, including KC Venugopal and Mallikarjun Kharge, have condemned the remarks as an affront to the sacrifices of martyrs and freedom fighters. Organizations like the Congress and NSUI have staged protests, with demands ranging from an apology to a ban on the RSS. This widespread opposition underscores the importance of safeguarding India’s historical narrative from ideological distortions.

Broader concerns on historical narratives

Bhagwat’s statement aligns with a broader trend of historical revisionism, where specific ideological milestones are promoted as central to India’s identity. Such narratives risk side-lining the secular and pluralistic contributions of leaders like Mahatma Gandhi, Sardar Patel, and Jawaharlal Nehru. Jairam Ramesh noted that this trend undermines the Constitution and the values it represents. By celebrating the Ram Temple’s consecration as “true independence,” the RSS projects a narrow and exclusionary vision of Indian history.

Mohan Bhagwat’s remarks represent more than a historical misrepresentation; they pose a challenge to India’s pluralistic and democratic framework. The struggle for India’s independence was a collective effort transcending religious, regional, and ideological boundaries. Attempts to rewrite this narrative for political or ideological purposes must be actively challenged to preserve the integrity of India’s democratic and constitutional ideals. Moving forward, reaffirming the values of unity, secularism, and inclusivity is essential to maintaining the spirit of the freedom struggle and the Republic it helped establish.

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The post Bhagwat’s remarks spark national unity debate appeared first on SabrangIndia.