Two key factors shaped the trajectory of hate speech in 2024: the general elections held between April and June and the state elections in Maharashtra and Jharkhand later in the year. The election season provided an opportunity for the BJP and its ideological allies to deploy hate speech as a tactical instrument of voter mobilisation, using communal rhetoric to polarise electorates along religious lines. Additionally, the fall of the Sheikh Hasina government in Bangladesh in August 2024 and subsequent violence against Hindus in that country were exaggerated and weaponised by Hindu nationalist groups to justify anti-Muslim sentiment in India. These events led to the second major surge in hate speech, as BJP leaders and right-wing organisations capitalised on anxieties surrounding Bangladeshi Hindus to vilify Indian Muslims as an existential threat.

This report does not merely document numbers; it exposes the deliberate strategies, key actors, and ideological motivations behind the intensification of hate speech. By analysing both the content and context of hate speech events, it highlights how communal hatred has become a structured and institutionalised feature of Indian political life.

The role of the BJP and Hindu nationalist groups in organising hate speech

The most striking aspect of the hate speech patterns in 2024 was the direct involvement of the BJP and its ideological affiliates. Unlike previous years, where hate speech was primarily driven by state-level BJP politicians and religious extremists, 2024 saw an aggressive push from the highest levels of political leadership, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Home Minister Amit Shah, and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath. These leaders did not merely tolerate or ignore hate speech; they actively participated in it, using their national and regional platforms to spread divisive narratives, dehumanise Muslims and Christians, and stoke communal tensions.

The BJP emerged as the largest organiser of hate speech events, directly facilitating 340 gatherings—29.2% of all documented cases. This was a massive 580% increase compared to 2023, where the party was responsible for only 50 such events. The party’s leadership strategically weaponised hate speech as an electoral tool, particularly during the general elections, where 76.7% of BJP-organised hate speech events occurred.

Alongside the BJP, its ideological allies, including the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and its militant youth wing, the Bajrang Dal, played a central role in propagating hate. These groups organised 279 hate speech events, a 29.1% increase from the previous year. The Sakal Hindu Samaj (SHS), a Maharashtra-based coalition of Hindu nationalist organisations, was responsible for 56 hate speech events, featuring extremist speakers like Suresh Chavhanke, Kajal Hindustani, and BJP legislators T. Raja Singh and Nitish Rane.

The Hindu Rashtra Sena (HRS), led by Dhananjay Desai—an individual accused in the 2014 murder of a Muslim tech professional—also expanded its operations, coordinating 19 hate speech events. Smaller groups such as the Hindu Janajagruti Samiti (HJS), Rashtriya Hindu Sher Sena, Shiv Shakti Akhada, and Shri Ram Sena also played roles in spreading anti-Muslim and anti-Christian propaganda.

These findings illustrate that hate speech in India is not merely an act of individual bigotry; it is an organised, well-funded, and politically sanctioned project, strategically deployed to create a climate of fear and exclusion for religious minorities.

The election season: Hate speech as a tool for political mobilisation

The 2024 general elections and subsequent state elections in Maharashtra and Jharkhand were inflection points in the escalation of hate speech. During the election period, 373 hate speech incidents were recorded, with Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Bihar, Delhi, West Bengal, and Jharkhand being the most affected.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi emerged as one of the most active disseminators of hate speech, particularly after his April 21 election rally in Banswara, Rajasthan, where he accused Muslims of being “infiltrators” who would take away Hindu wealth and resources. This speech triggered a nationwide surge in hate speech events, with many BJP leaders mimicking and amplifying his rhetoric.

Home Minister Amit Shah also played a pivotal role, delivering 58 hate speeches, often invoking Muslim “vote jihad” and the threat of “land jihad”. Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath led the charge with 86 hate speeches, averaging one hate speech every four days. Other BJP leaders, including Himanta Biswa Sarma, T. Raja Singh, Nitish Rane, and Pushkar Singh Dhami, followed suit, systematically targeting Muslims and Christians.

The BJP’s election strategy relied heavily on manufacturing fear and communal resentment. A common narrative was that opposition parties, particularly the Congress and the INDIA alliance, were working to strip Hindus of their rights and redistribute resources to Muslims. Modi, Adityanath, and Shah repeatedly claimed that the opposition would take away Hindu property and give it to “Bangladeshi infiltrators and Rohingya refugees.”

The normalisation of such rhetoric had real-world consequences. Hate speech is not just words; it is a form of political violence—a precursor to mob attacks, communal riots, and systemic discrimination. By integrating hate speech into mainstream electoral discourse, the BJP and its allies effectively legitimised violence against minorities, making it an acceptable part of governance and state policy.

The role of social media in amplifying hate

Hate speech in 2024 was not confined to public gatherings. Social media played a critical role in amplifying and mainstreaming hate speech, ensuring that it reached millions within seconds. The IHL report tracked 995 videos of in-person hate speech events back to their original sources on Facebook, YouTube, WhatsApp, and Telegram.

Facebook alone hosted 495 hate speech videos, while 211 were traced to YouTube. Additionally, 266 anti-minority hate speeches delivered by BJP leaders were simultaneously live-streamed across multiple platforms. This demonstrates how social media platforms, despite their stated policies against hate speech, served as key enablers of communal propaganda.

The virality of hate speech on digital platforms exacerbated the cycle of radicalisation, with algorithm-driven amplification prioritising the most extreme voices. Instead of curbing communal incitement, Facebook and YouTube allowed inflammatory content to spread unchecked, effectively becoming complicit in the proliferation of Hindu nationalist extremism.

Anti-Muslim hate speech: From dehumanisation to calls for violence

The IHL report reveals that 1,147 out of 1,165 hate speech events targeted Muslims, demonstrating that anti-Muslim rhetoric remains the cornerstone of Hindu nationalist politics.

Dehumanisation and conspiracy theories- The report documents an alarming rise in the use of conspiracy theories to portray Muslims as an existential threat to Hindus. These include:

• “Love Jihad” – The false claim that Muslim men are seducing Hindu women to convert them to Islam and destroy Hindu culture.
• “Land Jihad” – The baseless allegation that Muslims are systematically occupying Hindu lands.
• “Vote Jihad” – The claim, propagated by Modi himself, that Muslims vote as a bloc to weaken Hindu political power.
• “Population Jihad” – The debunked theory that Muslims are deliberately increasing their population to outnumber Hindus.
• “Thook Jihad” (Spit Jihad) – The unfounded conspiracy that Muslims spit on food to contaminate it.
• “Economic Jihad” – The assertion that Muslim businesses are attempting to monopolise the economy to subjugate Hindus.

PM Modi, CM Adityanath, and other BJP leaders actively promoted these narratives in election speeches, fuelling hate crimes and vigilante violence against Muslims.

Direct calls for violence and social boycotts- The report documents 259 hate speeches that explicitly called for violence against Muslims. This included:

• Calls to “eliminate infiltrators”, a dog whistle for Muslim extermination.
• 111 speeches advocating economic boycotts of Muslim businesses.
• 274 speeches calling for the destruction of mosques and Muslim homes.
• 123 speeches that urged Hindus to arm themselves against Muslims.

In one of the most egregious incidents, at a VHP weapons worship event in Uttarakhand, a speaker openly declared that “killing non-Hindus would lead to salvation”.

By endorsing and institutionalising hate speech at the highest levels of political leadership, the BJP has created an atmosphere where state-backed discrimination and violence against Muslims have become routine.

Anti-Christian hate speech: A surge in persecution

While anti-Muslim hate speech remains dominant, 2024 also witnessed a sharp increase in anti-Christian rhetoric. The report documents 115 hate speech events targeting Christians, a number that correlates directly with the rise in attacks on churches and Christian institutions.

Religious persecution and forced conversions- Hindu nationalist groups, particularly the VHP, Bajrang Dal, and Rashtriya Bajrang Dal (RBD), have aggressively pushed the narrative that Christian missionaries are engaging in mass conversions.

At a VHP event in Siliguri, West Bengal, on November 24, a speaker urged activists to “resort to violence if necessary” to stop Christian pastors from entering villages.

Targeting Christian institutions- Christian schools and churches have faced relentless attacks. In March 2024, Hindu nationalist groups in Assam posted threats across Christian-run schools, demanding the removal of crosses and religious symbols.

In December 2024, a Hindu monk in Rajasthan boasted of shutting down “10-15 churches” and jailing 80 Christian priests.

At a Rashtriya Bajrang Dal event in Uttar Pradesh, leaders called for attacks on Catholic schools, branding them as “centres of religious conversion”.

The surge in anti-Christian hate speech has led to a documented increase in mob attacks, forced “reconversion” events, and desecration of churches across India.

Conclusion: Hate speech as a normalised political strategy

The findings of the India Hate Lab 2024 report point to a chilling reality: hate speech has been fully absorbed into India’s political mainstream. The BJP, through both its top leadership and its allied organisations, has made communal rhetoric a central feature of its governance and election strategy. Social media platforms have failed to contain the spread of hateful content, creating an ecosystem where violent rhetoric thrives with impunity.

This normalisation of hate speech is not just a symptom of rising intolerance—it is a deliberate and structured political project, designed to marginalise Muslims and Christians, consolidate Hindu nationalist power, and undermine India’s democratic framework. The consequences of this state-sanctioned hate will reverberate for years to come.

The complete report may be viewed here.

Related:

Are Indian anti-conversion laws targeting minorities or protecting the vulnerable?

The Steady Marginalisation of Indian Muslims

Honour for killers of Gauri Lankesh and MM Kalburgi in Karnataka, public felicitation and terms like “Hindu tigers” for accused Amit Baddi and Ganesh Miskin

BNSS empowers law enforcement and judiciary with sweeping authority over property: a mightier state, a meeker citizen

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Hate speech is any word written or spoken, signs, visible representations within the hearing or sight of a person with the intention to cause fear or alarm, or incitement to violence.” Provisions in law criminalise speeches, writings, actions, signs and representations that foment violence and spread disharmony between communities and groups.

Violation of Section 196 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) – Promoting enmity between different groups on grounds of religion, race, place of birth, residence, language, etc., and doing acts prejudicial to maintenance of harmony or activities that disrupt public peace or teach people how to use violence against any group, can invoke imprisonment and a fine. For general offenses, the maximum imprisonment is three years. For offenses that occur in a place of worship or during a religious ceremony, the maximum imprisonment is five years.

Under the Indian Penal Code (IPC) –Section 153a, 153b, 153c and 505 were expected to address hate speech but were already inadequate. The Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) 2023 which replaces the Indian Penal code has been criticised for making prosecution of hate speech even more difficult. The BNS ignores the 267^th Law Commission report and a slew of Supreme Court judgements asking for a nuanced effective understanding of and penal provisions against hate speech.

At times there is a confusion between free speech and hate speech. Free speech is extremely important and needs to be protected in societies that value human rights. The Camden Principles on freedom of expression and equality explore the fine balance between these two. Limitations on free speech can also be used by those in power to suppress the voices of minorities. Draconian laws such as the UAPA have been slapped on several vocal critics of the government. This is sheer abuse of power.

Offensive speech that poses a risk or threat to others has to be taken seriously if it incites discrimination, hostility or violence towards a person or group defined by their race, religion, ethnicity or other factors. It occurs through a process of ‘othering’. Hate speech has been known to incite, enable or instigate hate crimes which can be defined as overt acts of violence against persons or property (vandalism); arson; violation or deprivation of civil rights; certain “true threats; or acts of intimidation, assault or murder; or conspiracy to commit these crimes. It is a criminal offense motivated in whole or in part by an offender’s bias against a race, religion, disability, sexual orientation, ethnicity, gender, or gender identity, including skin colour and national origin. It is more than offensive speech or conduct and its victims can include institutions, religious organizations and government entities as well as individuals. The seriousness of hate speech has been mentioned by the UN Secretary-General, António Guterres as a precursor to atrocity crimes.

Hate speech has become the norm in election campaigns

The political leaders who indulge hate speeches are hardly prosecuted and punished. The impunity that protects perpetrators of hate speech within a democratic system is alarming. Should hate speech, openly calling for violence, vandalism, ethnic cleansing, taking up of arms etc. and directed against specific individuals and communities, especially as part of election campaigns be allowed unchecked? These hate speeches are not even infrequent and within private spaces but blaring on loudspeakers and on social media. Anonymous handles on social media congregate in huge numbers to attack, vilify and abuse individuals and communities.

Sadly, with the escalation of identity politics geared towards the elections, hate speech reaps rich dividends. We have reached a point where there is a need for a perpetual enemy to bring us together. The Muslim community in India has borne the brunt of this, although other minorities have not been exempt. This hate speech is becoming entrenched and normalised and becoming part of school and institutional behaviours and regular social media posts and WhatsApp forwards. These hate filled and discriminatory messages are accepted at face value without any kind of commitment to the truth. Illogical, irrational, baseless fake news are peddled putting communities at risk of losing lives, livelihoods and dignity. Media, the supposed 4th pillar, is in cahoots with this, with shocking conflict of interest and unabashed allegiance to the current party in power.

There have been a series of hate speeches leading up to elections particularly by the current regime.

In January 2023, a religious conclave in Haridwar saw calls for organised violence against Muslims similar to the Myanmar kind of ‘cleansing campaign’ and that any resistance by the government would be faced with ‘revolt’.

The targeting has been relentless. Muslim businesses have been targeted, there have been open calls for economic boycotts and even those engaged in trade have been viciously and horrifically attacked, lynchings of suspected cattle traders or even of consuming/transporting beef have been attacked by maniacal mobs. Vocal Muslim women on social media have been put up ‘on sale’, mosques have been vandalised and demolished. Internet is rife with the blatant anti-minority hatred that has been completely unchecked (and even to some extent enabled) by the government in power. False accusations have been thrown around without any commitment to the truth or fraternity. When called out, rhetoric and falsehoods are the norm.

Human Rights watch analysed the Prime Minister’s speech after the announcement of the Moral Code of Conduct (which forbids appealing to communal feelings for securing votes) in ……….and found Islamophobic remarks in 110 campaign speeches. “If elected to power at the Centre, Congress would distribute people’s property, land and gold among Muslims,” Mr. Modi said during his address at a Lok Sabha elections campaign meeting in Rajasthan’s Banswara district on April 21, 2024. This kind of language, as opposed to the language of non-discrimination and inclusivity, is most unbecoming of an elected representative of the State.

According to the HRW report, taking hate speech to the realm of hate crime, the BJP government has demolished Muslims’ homes, businesses, and places of worship “without due process” and “carried out other unlawful practices”, all of which have continued since the election.

A report by the NGO Common Cause has documented that half the police they surveyed had anti-Muslim bias making them less likely to intervene in the event of crimes against Muslims. There are several records of impunity being offered for crimes against this community, by courts and other government bodies. Ironically, laws are being passed to further vilify and target these same communities.

It is shameful to see  extrajudicial punishments being meted out to innocent Muslims, in the inhumane method of “bulldozer justice.” Since 2022 several homes have been destroyed by the authorities meant to protect citizens with flimsy reasons that no court of law would sustain. It is common knowledge that those who participated in protests or raised their voices against the government in power have been targeted by this state sponsored violence and hate crimes. The Supreme Court has stated that retaliatory demolitions are not acceptable, but even that does not seem to be a suitable deterrent, which must again concern all law abiding citizens of the country.

In May, two BJP officials made profane comments about Prophet Mohammed, leading to deadly protests across India and condemnation from Muslim-majority countries. The BJP suspended the officials but these responses are too infrequent and slow and after much damage has been done.

The US Commission on International Religious freedom has classified India as a country of particular concern and urged the US government to place sanctions on Indian officials responsible for abuse. This is indeed a shame on the country’s vibrant democratic image that has been respected across the world. It would require a lot of concerted effort to undo this damage caused to our country’s reputation.

The significant enemy concept plays well in Indian politics. It is a deviation from the real politics of governance. The policies of development should be the primary issue of the campaign agenda. Unfortunately we do not witness any such debates having serious and substantial matters in the debate. The loud spoken sensational statements in public make the news.

There are no adequate laws to deal with hate speech. The legal process will take such a long time and the consequences even if there is punishment will come only after the damage is done and the election is also over. Hence the damage control is not done at all.

The loss of argumentative Indian is an irreparable loss for the Indian system. We need to argue out things on the basis of reason, logic and scientific temper. But in reality it is religion, caste and personal history of individuals. Hence the deviation is very easy in such a context.

In the process of we and they narrative the hate speeches appeal to the minds of the masses. A deep sense of deprivation and insecurity is made part of the conversation and that can be fatal. The political campaign’s goal is very clear. It is not interested in convincing people on substantial arguments but in dividing people in the name of religion and caste.

A twisted history is part of such rhetoric in political speeches. Some historical figures are suddenly demonised and a few new historical figures are created overnight to suit the narrative that is being built up for the election run.

No doubt it is part of the larger system. It is a consequence of identity bargaining in the political sphere. Divide and rule has become the order of the day in our democratic electoral politics.

Solutions and the way forward

What are the possible solutions to these low level political gimmicks in the country that are putting our own fellow citizens at risk to their lives, property, mental health and religious freedom? The Election Commission, which has a crucial role to enable free and fair elections, has to ensure that campaigns are also above board and following basic ethical principles of non-discrimination. Selective and slow response beats the purpose of the Election Commission itself. Taking these hate speeches to court is a long drawn process and justice is often delayed endlessly. We need to explore the possibility of fast track courts during the elections specifically geared to hate speeches and hate crimes.

The voting population, including the future populations need to be educated on the right way of conducting election campaigns and the need to hold violators accountable. Those perpetuating these hate speeches only do so because they see political benefit to it. If this benefit is withdrawn by an informed and articulate voter base, it will not be able to unleash the unrestrained damage that it is currently able to.

Rajya Sabha Member Manoj Kumar Jha (RJD) has called for a law to regulate hate speech and improve information disclosure about paid content. He has called out news channels for deliberately broadcasting TRP-centric news without or contrary to officially known facts. Importantly he also suggested that such legislation be introduced with stakeholders to find a balance between censorship of harmful content and freedom of speech and expression. He also made a case for including internet education in the school curriculum to impart basic knowledge and also sensitise children about the responsible use of the internet and the risks of hate speech and abuse.

He submitted a Bill in the Rajya Sabha on 9^th December 2022 against hate crimes and hate speech directed to a person based on religion, race, caste or community, sex, gender, sexual orientation, place of birth residence, language, disability, tribe etc. and that it should be non-cognizable and non-bailable. Any person:— (a) who intentionally publishes, propagates or advocates anything or communicates to one or more persons in a manner that could reasonably be construed to demonstrate a clear intention to harm or incite harm or promote or propagate hatred, based on one or more of the following grounds: (i) religion, (ii) race, (iii) caste or community, (iv) sex, (v) gender, (vi) sexual orientation, (vii) place of birth, This includes intentionally distributing or making available electronic material which constitutes hate speech and advocate hatred that constitutes incitement to cause harm.

Hate speech, particularly as an election tool, and directed across the minorities, specifically the Muslim community is rampant across the country, and only growing worse. The consequences are severe and in contrast to the democratic fibre of the country. There is a need for urgent steps to be put in place to keep the government in check. All bodies with power to intervene – whether it is the Election commission, the judiciary, the police, civil society and even the voters need to take a stance that hate speech will not be tolerated. Let us stop normalising and enabling hate speech. This, as we know from history, is only a few steps away from hate crimes, ethnic cleansing and genocide. Let us act with the urgency that the issue deserves.

The author is the Director of St. Joseph’s Law College Bengaluru. His social media handles are @JeraldSJCL Twitter/ @Jeralddsouzasj Instagram. The author is also part of a Campaign against Hate Speech.

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

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These events have seen the propagation of hate speech targeting minority communities, particularly Muslims and Christians, with calls for violence, economic boycotts, and the promotion of harmful conspiracies. The CJP’s complaints underscore the critical need for urgent action from the NCM and other authorities to curb the spread of such rhetoric and ensure the protection of vulnerable communities. As the situation escalates, it is increasingly evident that there is a pressing need to reaffirm India’s commitment to secularism, social harmony, and the safeguarding of minority rights.

Complaint over hate speech at Trishul Deeksha events

On January 29, CJP had filed a formal complaint with the NCM, raising alarm over a series of Trishul Deeksha events held in December 2024 across Punjab, Delhi, Himachal Pradesh, and Rajasthan. Organised by far-right groups such as the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), Bajrang Dal, and Antarrashtriya Hindu Parishad (AHP), these gatherings featured openly inflammatory rhetoric, hate speech, and mobilisation against minority communities, particularly Muslims and Christians.

The complaint details multiple instances where speakers at these events propagated divisive narratives, including baseless conspiracies like ‘love jihad’ and ‘land jihad,’ while calling for economic boycotts and vigilantism. At a Delhi event, senior VHP leaders declared their intent to “liberate” religious sites such as the Gyanvapi and Shahi Idgah mosques, while also targeting Ajmer Sharif Dargah, a revered Sufi shrine. In Himachal Pradesh, hate-filled speeches likened Muslims to “monsters” and falsely accused them of contaminating food, stoking economic and social discrimination. In Rajasthan’s Sirohi district, an event saw explicit calls for violence, with one leader urging attendees to “pick up weapons and be ready for war.”

Of particular concern is the complicity of law enforcement, as highlighted by a uniformed police officer in Sirohi who publicly participated in a Trishul Deeksha procession alongside far-right leaders. This raises serious questions about institutional bias and the failure of authorities to act against hate speech.

CJP has urged the NCM to take immediate cognisance of these incidents, investigate the organisers and speakers, and ensure legal and administrative action against those responsible for spreading hate and inciting violence. The organisation has emphasised the need for proactive measures to prevent the further normalisation of communal rhetoric, safeguard minority rights, and uphold India’s constitutional commitment to secularism and social harmony.

The complaint may be read here.

Complaint against hate speeches at ‘Dharma Sansad’ events

On January 22, CJP filed a complaint with the NCM regarding a series of hate speeches delivered at ‘Dharma Sansad’ events on December 20, 2024, led by Yati Narsinghanand and other right-wing figures. Despite being denied permission to hold the event in Haridwar, the gathering proceeded at another location, where inflammatory and violent rhetoric was once again espoused, targeting Muslims and calling for a Hindu-only nation. The speeches at the event included derogatory language and explicit calls for physical violence against Muslims, promoting a vision of a society devoid of religious diversity.

Narsinghanand, a known figure for his controversial views, reiterated his demand for a “Hindu Rashtra” and expressed a vision of a society with no room for Muslims, mosques, or madrasas. He also issued veiled threats against political leaders, further stoking communal tensions. Other speakers, including Kalicharan Maharaj and Shrimahant Raju Das, echoed similar sentiments, accusing Muslims of destroying Hindu temples and calling for violent action against them. The event also featured a monk who advocated for armed self-defence against Muslims and secular Hindus, calling for the prevention of Azaan and Muslim events in mosques.

These speeches have a grave impact on social harmony, further polarising communities and fostering an atmosphere of fear and insecurity among minorities. The hateful language used during the event has emboldened those with similar views, contributing to the rising tide of religious intolerance and making it more difficult to achieve peaceful coexistence. The impunity with which these individuals have acted and the lack of strong legal action against them has only worsened the situation, with social media platforms becoming breeding grounds for such harmful narratives.

In the complaint, CJP calls on the NCM to take urgent action, including initiating investigations, ensuring FIRs are registered against those responsible for inciting hate speech, and holding them accountable under relevant Indian laws. The complaint also urges the Commission to monitor the progress of investigations, compel authorities to take action, and issue further directives to prevent the spread of such dangerous rhetoric. This intervention is vital to safeguard the secular fabric of India and uphold the rights of religious minorities, preventing further escalation of communal violence.

The complaint may be read here:

Related:

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The post CJP demands NCM action on hate speeches at Dharma Sansad and Trishul Deeksha events, files two complaints appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Undermining the freedom struggle

Bhagwat’s assertion undermines the monumental significance of August 15, 1947, as the day marking India’s liberation from colonial rule. The sacrifices of figures like Mahatma Gandhi, Subhas Chandra Bose, Jawaharlal Nehru, Bhagat Singh, and numerous unsung heroes are side-lined in favour of an ideological claim. Rahul Gandhi denounced the remark as “insulting to freedom fighters,” while Jairam Ramesh characterised it as “anti-national” and reflective of an agenda to rewrite history. Leaders like Tejashwi Yadav noted that this narrative belittles the immense sacrifices made by the freedom fighters under Mahatma Gandhi’s leadership, disregarding their unparalleled contributions. Revanth Reddy, echoing these concerns, demanded that Prime Minister Modi clarify his position on Bhagwat’s remarks, questioning whether the government stands by the freedom fighters or supports this ideological stance.

Historical revisionism and its dangers

Shashi Tharoor warned against conflating India’s independence with ideological or religious milestones. He emphasized that independence was achieved through the collective sacrifices of patriots who endured British oppression, including incarceration and execution. Tharoor cautioned that attempts to redefine this historical truth risk diminishing its universal and inclusive nature. Digvijaya Singh echoed these concerns, demanding an apology from Bhagwat and criticizing the divisive undertones of the statement.

Assault on constitutional values

The remarks challenge the principles enshrined in India’s Constitution, adopted on January 26, 1950. By linking independence to a religious event, Bhagwat’s comments contradict the secular and pluralistic ethos envisioned by the framers of the Constitution, including Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. Jairam Ramesh argued that such rhetoric undermines the democratic foundation of the Republic, disrespecting the Constitution’s commitment to equality and unity.

Political and social implications

The political backlash to Bhagwat’s statement has been unequivocal. West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee labelled the remarks “anti-national” and “dangerous,” highlighting their potential to distort history and disrupt social harmony. The National Students’ Union of India (NSUI), led by Varun Choudhary, called for stringent action against the RSS, asserting that Bhagwat’s rhetoric threatened the nation’s unity and integrity. Shashi Tharoor pointed out that linking independence to religious milestones risks alienating minority communities and rewriting India’s collective historical achievements. Sachin Pilot also voiced strong opposition, condemning the remark as an affront to the sacrifices of countless freedom fighters. He criticized the government for weakening constitutional institutions and fostering an environment where such divisive statements are normalised.

Divisive ideology and historical context

Critics like Tejashwi Yadav and Digvijaya Singh underscored the RSS’s historical non-participation in the freedom movement. They argued that such statements attempt to appropriate the legacy of the independence struggle while marginalizing diverse contributions. Farooq Abdullah’s response emphasised the collective effort and sacrifices of all communities, warning against narratives that could deepen communal divides. This sentiment was echoed by Sachin Pilot, who criticized the remark for diminishing the inclusive struggle that defined India’s fight for freedom.

Public sentiment and wider repercussions

The broader public and political reaction to Bhagwat’s statement reflects its polarizing nature. Leaders across party lines, including KC Venugopal and Mallikarjun Kharge, have condemned the remarks as an affront to the sacrifices of martyrs and freedom fighters. Organizations like the Congress and NSUI have staged protests, with demands ranging from an apology to a ban on the RSS. This widespread opposition underscores the importance of safeguarding India’s historical narrative from ideological distortions.

Broader concerns on historical narratives

Bhagwat’s statement aligns with a broader trend of historical revisionism, where specific ideological milestones are promoted as central to India’s identity. Such narratives risk side-lining the secular and pluralistic contributions of leaders like Mahatma Gandhi, Sardar Patel, and Jawaharlal Nehru. Jairam Ramesh noted that this trend undermines the Constitution and the values it represents. By celebrating the Ram Temple’s consecration as “true independence,” the RSS projects a narrow and exclusionary vision of Indian history.

Mohan Bhagwat’s remarks represent more than a historical misrepresentation; they pose a challenge to India’s pluralistic and democratic framework. The struggle for India’s independence was a collective effort transcending religious, regional, and ideological boundaries. Attempts to rewrite this narrative for political or ideological purposes must be actively challenged to preserve the integrity of India’s democratic and constitutional ideals. Moving forward, reaffirming the values of unity, secularism, and inclusivity is essential to maintaining the spirit of the freedom struggle and the Republic it helped establish.

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The post Bhagwat’s remarks spark national unity debate appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Background of the Speech

The event took place on January 5, 2025, in Rohini, a region of Delhi that is home to a diverse population. Nazia Elahi Khan, a leader affiliated with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), addressed a gathering organized by the Hindu nationalist group “Chetna.” The speech quickly turned controversial as Khan launched into a tirade filled with derogatory statements targeting the Muslim community. What began as a political address soon devolved into a vicious and divisive rhetoric that sought to dehumanize Muslims and propagate harmful stereotypes.

CJP’s Complaint to the CEO, Delhi

In its complaint, CJP sought the immediate attention of the Chief Electoral Officer, Delhi, citing multiple violations of the MCC, which prohibits speeches or activities that incite communal violence, disrupt public peace, or foster distrust between communities. The CJP detailed the content of Khan’s speech, emphasizing how it:

• Incited communal hatred by making sweeping, baseless generalizations about Muslims, painting them as inherently violent and criminal.
• Violated the ethical and moral guidelines of the Model Code of Conduct, particularly its call for leaders to avoid using religion, caste, or community-based appeals to influence voters.
• Violated Sections 123(2), 123(3), and 123(3A) of the Representation of the People Act, 1951, which prohibits the use of religious or communal appeal to garner votes and ensures that political discourse remains centred on governance and policy issues.

CJP argued that Khan’s speech, especially during the critical period leading up to the Delhi Assembly elections, had the potential to destabilize the social fabric, incite communal violence, and polarize voters along religious lines.

Key violations highlighted by CJP in its complaint:

The CJP’s complaint meticulously pointed out the specific sections of the speech that violated both the MCC and the Representation of the People Act, 1951.

Stereotyping Muslims as violent and criminal

Khan’s speech included inflammatory statements targeting Muslims as a group. She falsely stated that Muslims were inherently violent, associating them with rape, terrorism, and “love jihad.” One of the most disturbing sections of the speech, transcribed as follows, demonstrates this:

“Tell them (Muslims) to get education, they will not! Tell them to become human, they will not! Tell them to study, they will not study! Tell them to do something, they will not do it! But if you tell them to rape, they will do it immediately. Tell them to do love jihad, they will do it immediately. Tell them to throw bombs, bullets, and ammunition! They will throw it immediately. Tell them to create terror, they will do it immediately.” She said

This statement not only perpetuates damaging stereotypes but also accuses an entire community of violent tendencies based on their religion. Such claims are deeply misleading, devoid of any factual basis, and incite animosity among communities. This is a clear violation of the MCC, which mandates that political leaders refrain from using inflammatory speech that could disturb public peace or harmony, CJP stated in its complaint

Derogatory remarks about Islamic practices

BJP leader Khan during her speech said, that “Tell them (Muslims) to get education, they will not! Tell them to become human, they will not! Tell them to study, they will not study! Tell them to do something, they will not do it! But if you tell them to rape, they will do it immediately. Tell them to do love jihad, they will do it immediately. Tell them to throw bombs, bullets and ammunition!

Here, the speaker engages in harmful stereotyping by accusing Muslims of being inherently violent and prone to terrorism. By falsely associating the Muslim community with rape, “love jihad,” and terrorism, the speech spreads misinformation and incites fear and hatred.

“They will throw it immediately. Tell them to create terror, they will do it immediately. What is it after all? What is there in this community? What is the secret of that heavenly book, that Al-Quran, which is a community that has been troubling people of all religions in the world” she said.

CJP said that this speech is deeply problematic and derogatory, especially during the period of the Delhi Assembly Elections 2025. The speaker makes sweeping and false generalizations about the Muslim community, portraying them as inherently violent, criminal, and prone to terrorism. By linking Muslims to heinous acts such as rape, “love jihad,” and terrorism, the speaker promotes harmful stereotypes that incite fear and hostility. These divisive and baseless accusations are not only factually incorrect but also inflammatory, creating an atmosphere of mistrust and hostility between communities.

“During a pre-election period, such statements are highly dangerous as they have the potential to polarize voters based on religion, undermining the principles of free and fair elections. Elections should focus on issues of governance, policy, and development, not on spreading hate and division. The speech directly violates the Model Code of Conduct, which calls for peaceful and respectful discourse, and jeopardizes the social harmony needed for democratic participation. By targeting an entire community with such derogatory remarks, the speaker seeks to manipulate voter sentiment through fear, rather than fostering an informed, inclusive, and fair election process” CJP stated in its complaint

The divisive “Us vs. Them” narrative

Khan went further to attack Muslim religious and cultural identity, attempting to create a sharp divide between Muslims and Hindus. She asserted:

“I know that the way people of Sanatan Dharma read Ramayana, Mahabharata, Shrimad Bhagwad Gita, there is peace inside them, there is humanity inside them, there is a yearning for forgiveness inside them. But you will have to ask for the address of the lane you don’t want to go to, you will have to explain to your daughters that no Abdul is good.”

Here, Khan made a derogatory and sweeping generalization about Muslims, labelling them as inherently dangerous to society. This remark not only sought to disparage Muslims but also propagated a culture of fear and mistrust among Hindus, encouraging religious polarization.

The video can be accessed through this link:

CJP mentioned in its complaint that Khan’s speech shifts the focus of the elections from governance and development to divisive identity politics. Her rhetoric promotes communal anxieties, leading voters to make decisions based on religious biases rather than critical issues like economic growth or healthcare. This practice deepens communal divides and erodes trust in democratic institutions, potentially inciting social unrest in a diverse city like Delhi.

Violation of MCC and People’s Act

Further, Khan’s speech violates multiple provisions of the MCC, which mandates a peaceful and fair electoral process. Her inflammatory language, which appeals to religious sentiments and incites communal tensions, breaches MCC guidelines related to general conduct and election campaigning. These actions distort the democratic process and jeopardize public peace and harmony. Under the Representation of People Act, 1951, Khan’s speech constitutes a violation of Sections 123(2), 123(3) and 123(3A), as it involves undue influence and appeals based on religion. Additionally, her remarks breach provisions under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), promoting enmity and causing fear or alarm among communities, leading to potential legal action, CJP stated in its complaint

CJP urged the CEO to take immediate action against Khan, including issuing a public censure, prohibiting her future campaigning in Delhi, and investigating the BJP for promoting divisive rhetoric. Monitoring of political speeches should also be increased to ensure compliance with the MCC and uphold the integrity of the electoral process.

CJP’s complaint dated January 20, 2025 can be read here:

However, on January 10, 2025, CJP also filed a complaint against BJP councillor Ravinder Singh Negi (Vinod Nagar – 198) for delivering an anti-Muslim, communal speech during an election campaign event in Patparganj Assembly Constituency on January 6, 2025. The speech, aimed at securing votes, incited communal tensions and violated the Model Code of Conduct. CJP called for immediate action, stressing the detrimental effect such rhetoric could have on Delhi’s communal harmony, particularly in the context of the upcoming 2025 Delhi Assembly elections.

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He referred to Muslims as “descendants of the Mughals,” called for “Jai Shree Ram” to dominate India, and spread fear by suggesting a Muslim population threat to Hindus, with specific reference to West Bengal, as CJP pleads before the CEO Delhi.

CJP mentioned in its complaint that, “BJP leader Ravinder Singh Negi’s speech appears to be a clear attempt to communalize the election process by drawing sharp religious lines between Hindus and Muslims. By invoking his identity as a “Sanatani Hindu” and asserting a duty to protect Hindus, Negi positions the Hindu community as a victim in need of protection from an alleged Muslim threat. He frames this as a moral imperative, aimed at gaining votes on religious grounds rather than on merit or policy.”

CJP stated that BJP Councillor’s speech highlights divisive rhetoric, particularly in his mention of the “descendants of the Mughals” and their “faces downcast,” which seems to stigmatize Muslims by associating them with past Muslim rulers in India. This historical reference is meant to provoke fear and resentment towards Muslims, painting them as hostile or antagonistic to Hindu interests. The statement that “only ‘Jai Shri Ram’ will be spoken” further emphasizes Hindu supremacy, implying that Muslims and other non-Hindu groups should be marginalized.

Additionally, Negi brings up the issue of the Kashmiri Pandit exodus and the alleged persecution of Hindus in Bangladesh. While these are legitimate concerns, his framing of these issues in a way that directly associates them with Muslims (both in Kashmir and Bangladesh) exploits communal sentiments to garner support. By focusing on perceived threats to Hindu communities, he uses emotional appeals that stoke fear and division rather than offering solutions to social or economic issues.

The harmful impact of divisive rhetoric on Delhi’s social fabric and democratic values

CJP in its complaint before CEO, Delhi concerned that the divisive rhetoric presented in Ravinder Singh Negi’s speech poses a significant threat to Delhi’s social fabric and democratic values. By categorizing entire communities based on religious identity, Negi fosters division and resentment between Hindus and Muslims. His statements that Muslims are the “descendants of the Mughals” with “faces downcast” perpetuate harmful stereotypes and vilify a large segment of the population. This fuels communal animosity, creating an environment where religious identity becomes the basis for trust and belonging, rather than shared values of equality and mutual respect.

“Furthermore, the use of historical grievances, such as the exodus of Kashmiri Pandits and alleged violence in Bangladesh, stirs up fear and distrust without addressing the broader complexities of these issues. Instead of focusing on unity or national progress, Negi’s rhetoric plays on emotions, encouraging polarization and undermining the inclusive spirit that democratic societies thrive on” as per CJP complaint.

Impact on electoral environment

Additionally, CJP has highlighted serious concerns regarding the impact of divisive language on the electoral environment, particularly in reference to BJP Councillor Ravinder Negi’s statements. CJP stated that Negi’s rhetoric significantly impacts voting behavior, as it shifts the focus of electoral choices from substantive issues like governance, economic growth, healthcare, and infrastructure to communal anxieties. This shift, according to CJP, undermines reasoned debates and encourages a political discourse cantered on identity politics and exclusionary agendas. The divisive language employed fosters communal polarization, transforming elections into contests for dominance rather than forums for collective progress. Voters, CJP mentioned, are swayed by alarmist narratives rather than informed decision-making based on candidates’ policies and merits. CJP also pleaded that this kind of rhetoric diminishes the democratic integrity of the electoral process, as it exploits religious and cultural insecurities.

Furthermore, CJP emphasized that such communal narratives erode public trust in democratic institutions, as high-ranking leaders like Negi set a troubling precedent prioritizing polarization over unity. CJP noted that this rhetoric risks inciting social unrest, which could have lasting consequences for peace and stability in Delhi.

Violations of the Model Code of Conduct (MCC)

CJP also brought attention to Negi’s violations of the Model Code of Conduct (MCC), specifically stating that his statements breach guidelines aimed at ensuring free, fair, and peaceful elections. CJP pointed out that Part I of the MCC prohibits activities that aggravate existing communal tensions, which Negi’s comments clearly violate by using religious identity to promote political loyalty. His call for Hindus to vote for BJP based on religious grounds and his derogatory references to Muslims further exemplify this breach. Additionally, CJP emphasized violations under Part V of the MCC, where appeals to religious sentiments in election campaigns are prohibited, stating that Negi’s speech violates this by promoting Hindu identity and vilifying Muslims.

Legal violations under the Representation of People Act, 1951

CJP also referenced legal violations under the Representation of People Act, 1951, specifically Section 123(2), which prohibits undue influence on voters. CJP pleaded that Negi’s religious appeals aim to influence voters by framing voting for BJP as a moral duty, based on religious loyalty rather than policy considerations. CJP further noted that Negi’s appeal violates Section 123(3), which prohibits appeals on religious grounds, as well as Section 123(3A), which prohibits promoting feelings of enmity or hatred between communities for electoral gain. CJP argued that Negi’s divisive rhetoric, which creates hostility between Hindus and Muslims, seeks to exploit these divisions for political advantage, violating multiple sections of the Representation of People Act.

CJP’s complaint to CEO Delhi dated January 10, 2025 may be read here:

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A striking feature of the year’s events is the prevalence of moral policing, predominantly by Hindu vigilantes, accounting for 10 incidents, with three others involving unidentified groups. Religious conversion allegations also sparked tensions, though such incidents were limited to one case involving Hindu fundamentalists. The contentious issue of cattle vigilantism saw two reported cases, both allegedly carried out by Hindu vigilante groups.

Hate speech and hate crimes, both online and offline, emerged as a significant concern, with 27 incidents being reported. These included inflammatory remarks by Hindu fundamentalists in 15 cases, and 10 instances of hate speech proliferating via social media platforms. While Muslim fundamentalists were linked to two online hate incidents, the overwhelming majority of such activity was attributed to Hindu fundamentalist groups.

Attacks on places of worship were relatively rare in the coastal district of Karnataka but nonetheless symbolic of the communal fault lines, with one reported incident allegedly involving Hindu fundamentalists. Additionally, four other communal clashes or acts of violence were noted, including three attributed to Hindu fundamentalists and one to Muslim fundamentalists, with an unidentified group implicated in another.

These statistics offer a window into the persistent communal tensions in Karnataka’s coastal districts, underscoring the urgent need for proactive measures to foster harmony and curb the growing influence of vigilante groups. This report seeks to chronicle these incidents, not only to document the events of 2024 but also to highlight the socio-political conditions enabling such divisive activities. Through this report and this analysis, the aim is to contribute to ongoing efforts towards promoting peace and unity in this troubled region.

A comparison of the statistics of the current year with the previous year may be viewed here:

Incidents of moral policing

The report highlights a series of incidents in coastal Karnataka where moral policing and vigilantism were directed primarily against interfaith relationships. In Dharmasthala, an interfaith couple was harassed by locals and taken to the police station, though they were ultimately found to have committed no offence. Similarly, in Mangalore’s Kadri Park, three teenagers attacked a nursing student and his friend, recording and harassing them before being apprehended by the police.

In Puttur, a minor girl attending a local event was reportedly harassed by a youth of another faith, sparking a protest outside the police station by Hindutva activists demanding the youth be handed over. Meanwhile, at Panambur Beach in Mangalore, a woman meeting a friend was accosted by members of a Hindutva group who scolded the duo and filmed the incident.

Other incidents include the assault of a man and his mother in Kadaba for assisting a distressed woman, the repeated framing of consensual interfaith relationships as “love jihad,” and the targeting of couples travelling together, often leading to police involvement after interference by vigilante groups. These incidents underscore the region’s heightened communal tensions and the frequent intrusion of vigilante groups into personal matters.

Meanwhile, the right-wing Hindutva group Sri Ram Sena launched a controversial helpline to address so-called “love jihad” cases, aimed at interfaith relationships, particularly those involving Muslim men and Hindu women. The group claims that Hindu women are lured into relationships by Muslim men who allegedly aim to convert them. This initiative reflects a growing concern among certain segments of society about interfaith unions, and it has already stirred discussions regarding the involvement of law enforcement and whether such actions contribute to rising communal tensions.

In Sullia on January 12, 2024, a young man named Jostin Babu was beaten by a group of youths at a local temple fair after being seen talking to senior girl students from his college. This incident led to a complaint being filed at the Sullia police station. In a separate incident in Puttur on August 20, 2024, a minor girl was stabbed by a youth after she rejected his romantic advances. The assailant, with a history of conflicts, allegedly attacked her with a sharp object, leading to communal tensions as both individuals belonged to different communities. The girl was treated in hospital, and an investigation was launched under the POCSO Act.

Further investigation into the Puttur incident later revealed that the story may have been fabricated. CCTV footage contradicted the girl’s account, leading the police to question the authenticity of the claim. Some students also questioned the involvement of the accused boy, with certain groups offering support to his family, claiming the incident was being framed to stir communal unrest. A student organisation from the same college even demanded the suspension of the girl involved for making a false accusation.

These incidents highlight a complex intersection of personal conflicts, communal sensitivities, and societal divisions. Each case underscores the escalating tensions that are often fuelled by accusations and allegations involving different communities, further polarising the social fabric of India.

Patterns emerging from the incidents

1. Targeting of interfaith relationships: A clear pattern emerges of vigilantism directed against interfaith couples, particularly when one partner is a Muslim. Many of these incidents involve accusations of “love jihad,” with consensual relationships often being misconstrued as coercive or predatory. Such relationships are consistently framed as a threat to communal harmony, leading to harassment, public humiliation, and police involvement.
2. Role of Hindutva organisations: Many incidents are driven or escalated by the involvement of Hindutva groups such as the Bajrang Dal and Vishwa Hindu Parishad. These organisations frequently gather crowds, stage protests, and exert pressure on law enforcement agencies to act against individuals from minority communities. Their presence and actions often serve to heighten communal tensions.
3. Public and police complicity: There is evidence of public participation in these incidents, where bystanders either inform vigilante groups or directly intervene to question or detain interfaith couples. Police involvement often follows, with authorities typically taking the couples into custody, questioning them, and sometimes returning women to their families. This reflects an implicit validation of the moral policing actions.
4. Violation of individual privacy and rights: The incidents regularly involve breaches of privacy, with photos and videos of couples being taken and shared without consent. Individuals are subjected to public scrutiny and moral judgment, often in violation of their rights as consenting adults. Women, in particular, face heightened surveillance and are frequently returned to their families, disregarding their autonomy.
5. Escalation into communal narratives: What begins as a personal or interpersonal conflict often escalates into communal narratives. Small disputes or interactions are leveraged by vigilante groups to propagate divisive rhetoric, further polarising communities. The term “love jihad” is repeatedly used to stoke fear and mistrust, even in cases where no evidence supports the claim.
6. Police action under pressure: Law enforcement appears to act under pressure from vigilante groups in several cases, treating consensual adult relationships as criminal matters. The swift involvement of the police, often in response to demands from Hindutva groups, reflects the growing influence of these organisations in dictating public and legal responses.

Incidents of religious conversions

In Puttur, seven families from Panja and Pallodi in Kadaba taluk, who had converted to Christianity over 20 years ago, were reconverted to Hinduism in a ceremony organised by the Bajrang Dal and Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP). These families, primarily from Scheduled Castes, had converted to Christianity with promises of better living conditions, but over time, they remained in poverty as the church stopped providing support. The VHP and Bajrang Dal worked with them for two years, encouraging them to revert to Hinduism by offering material support and religious education. The reconversion ceremony, held at the Sri Panchalingeshwara Temple, involved traditional Hindu rituals and included clothes, groceries, and household items for the families.

This incident highlights how extremist Hindu groups use both religious and material incentives to coerce vulnerable individuals into changing their religious identity, often framing it as a return to their “ancestral” faith. This raises concerns about religious coercion, as such movements exploit socio-economic struggles to further their ideological goals, undermining personal freedom and religious choice.

Patterns emerging from the incidents

Several patterns emerge from these incidents involving religious vigilantes and the use of religion for coercive purposes:

1. Exploitation of vulnerable communities: Many of the victims in these incidents, including those in both the Hindu vigilante and unidentified segments, belong to marginalised or economically disadvantaged communities. The reconversion ceremonies, for example, targeted Scheduled Caste individuals who had initially converted to Christianity due to promises of material support. This highlights a troubling trend where extremists exploit socio-economic vulnerabilities to gain religious or political allegiance.
2. Religious polarisation: The incidents often involve a clear division between religious communities, which is exacerbated by the actions of vigilante groups. Whether it’s the spread of false accusations in Puttur or the targeting of interfaith relationships under the guise of ‘love jihad’, these incidents feed into the narrative of a growing religious divide. The aggressive defence of religious identities seems to be used to further polarise communities, leading to communal tensions.
3. Use of religion as a political tool: Both the reconversion incident and the ‘love jihad’ helpline reflect the increasing use of religious identity as a political tool. The reconversion was framed as a return to the “ancestral” faith, positioning Hinduism as the authentic faith, and indirectly promoting a narrative that portrays conversions to other religions as unnatural or coercive. Similarly, the ‘love jihad’ helpline seeks to control and manipulate interfaith relationships by framing them as religious violations, thereby politicising personal choices.
4. Coercive religious practices: The reconversion ceremony and vigilante actions such as the harassment of interfaith couples reveal how extremist groups use religious rituals and social pressure to force individuals into conformity. The promise of material benefits, such as housing and financial support, alongside the pressure to convert, showcases the coercive nature of these practices.
5. Media and social media amplification: Many of these incidents have been magnified by social media, where misinformation or unverified claims spread quickly. In the case of the stabbing incident in Puttur, for instance, the communal angle was immediately highlighted by social media users, leading to public outcry and protests. The viral spread of images and accusations often exacerbates communal tensions and fuels public sentiment.
6. State inaction or complicity: Another pattern is the state’s apparent inaction or indirect support of such vigilante activities. While some incidents, such as the stabbing in Puttur, prompt police investigation, the involvement of right-wing groups like the Sri Ram Sena in orchestrating campaigns like the ‘love jihad’ helpline is indicative of the potential complicity of the state in religiously motivated activities. This highlights the need for stronger legal frameworks to curb the influence of extremist groups in shaping societal norms.

Incidents of cattle vigilantism

The cattle vigilantism incidents in coastal Karnataka illustrate an increasing trend of religiously motivated actions by groups such as Bajrang Dal, who take it upon themselves to enforce laws regarding cattle transport. On February 25, 2024, in Sullia, Bajrang Dal activists intercepted a vehicle they suspected was involved in the illegal transport of cattle. They informed the local police, who arrested the driver, Bibin Paulose, and seized the cattle. This was one of the first of a series of such incidents throughout the year.

In Puttur on March 25, 2024, a similar event unfolded when Bajrang Dal activists received information about cattle being transported late at night. They attempted to stop a Swift car, but the driver lost control and crashed into a ditch. The activists managed to alert the police, who took control of the vehicle and the cattle, though the driver managed to escape. This action was part of a wider network of vigilantism, where community members work with local authorities to apprehend suspected violators.

On April 10, 2024, Bajrang Dal’s involvement was again evident when activists tipped off the police about cattle being transported to an illegal slaughterhouse in Mulky. The police managed to intercept the vehicle, arrest the driver, Jaya, and seize two cows, though the prime accused, Ashraf, escaped. This raised concerns about the increasing role of religiously motivated groups in law enforcement.

The most violent incident occurred on May 22, 2024 in Mudubidri, where a group of vigilantes attacked three men who were transporting cattle from Kallamundkur. The attackers, believed to be part of Bajrang Dal, not only assaulted the victims but also caused significant damage to their vehicle, even stabbing one of the men, Muhammed Zian, in the back. The police, after receiving the complaint, filed charges against the attackers and the victims, further highlighting the complex dynamics of these incidents.

On October 16, 2024, in Puttur, Bajrang Dal activists followed an auto-rickshaw carrying a calf and reported it to the police. The calf was rescued, and the authorities arrested the driver and two women involved in the incident. These incidents often blur the line between legal and extrajudicial actions, as vigilantes act outside the law to enforce their interpretations of cow protection.

Furthermore, such vigilantism is not limited to Muslims alone. For example, on June 27, 2024 in Vittal, Bajrang Dal activists intercepted a vehicle carrying a bull and handed over the driver and cattle to the police. Even non-Muslim individuals were caught up in the system, with Hindu activists implicated in cattle transport cases, such as the seizure of cows in Belthangady on October 4, 2024, where two BJP activists were arrested alongside two Muslims. In another case from October 19, 2024 in Belthangady, authorities discovered cattle being transported without the necessary permits, and the individuals involved had attempted to disguise their identities with slogans like “Tatvamasi” and “Jai Sri Ram.”

These incidents demonstrate an increasing pattern of violence, intimidation, and religiously charged actions by vigilante groups, suggesting that the protection of cows has become intertwined with communal agendas, often undermining the rule of law and creating tensions between communities.

Patterns emerging from the incidents

Several patterns emerge from the series of cattle vigilantism incidents in coastal Karnataka:

1. Religious motivation and community vigilantism: The majority of these incidents involve groups like Bajrang Dal, which is strongly associated with Hindutva ideology. The activists often justify their actions as a form of religious protectionism, particularly regarding cow slaughter. While the law prohibits the illegal slaughter of cattle, these groups have taken on a quasi-policing role, acting outside the formal legal framework.
2. Escalating violence: Many of the incidents involve increasing levels of violence. While early incidents such as the one in Sullia (February 2024) involved non-violent interventions, later incidents became more aggressive, culminating in attacks on individuals. For example, the assault in Mudubidri on 22nd May 2024 resulted in a stabbing, underscoring the dangerous escalation of these confrontations. Vigilantes are no longer just reporting suspected violations but are actively engaging in violence, which raises concerns about law and order in these regions.
3. Involvement of local authorities: Police are often involved, but the level of coordination between vigilantes and local authorities varies. In some cases, like in Puttur (March 2024) and Mulky (April 2024), the police responded quickly, arresting suspects and seizing cattle. However, in other cases, vigilante groups seem to operate with tacit approval or assistance from local police, which raises questions about the effectiveness of law enforcement and the role of communal politics in policing.
4. Targeting of specific communities: Although non-Muslims are also involved in some cases, such as the incident in Vittal (June 2024), the majority of the incidents disproportionately target Muslims, both in terms of the suspects and the accusations of illegal cattle transport. This points to a pattern of communal polarisation, where Muslims are seen as the primary violators of these laws in the eyes of the vigilant groups.
5. Increasing vigilante acts across the region: The number of incidents appears to be rising, suggesting a coordinated campaign by religious groups to assert control over cattle transport and slaughter. As more reports surface, it is evident that these vigilante groups are operating with growing regularity and confidence, emboldened by the support or inaction of local authorities and the state government.
6. Use of religion to justify illegal actions: In several cases, vigilante groups have invoked religious slogans, such as “Jai Sri Ram,” as part of their actions, often to mask their identity or to assert the religious nature of their activities. This points to a deliberate attempt to politicise cow protection and use it as a vehicle for wider religious and communal agendas.
7. Legal grey areas and extrajudicial actions: The actions of these groups often fall into legal grey areas. While they claim to be enforcing the law, they do so without legal authority, leading to questions about the rule of law in these situations. The vigilantism and resultant violence often complicate the investigation and prosecution of actual legal violations, as both perpetrators and victims are subjected to multiple charges, further muddying the legal landscape.
8. Impact on minority communities: These incidents contribute to an atmosphere of fear and intimidation, particularly for Muslim communities, who are frequently accused of violating cattle transport laws. The frequent attacks and assaults on Muslims involved in these incidents exacerbate religious tensions, perpetuating a cycle of mistrust and hostility between different community groups.

Incidents of hate speech/crime

The incidents of hate speech and communal tension in Mangalore highlight a concerning trend of escalating religious intolerance and political exploitation of such issues. On February 12, 2024, Mangalore City North MLA Y. Bharat Shetty made a statement urging parents to avoid sending their children to Christian missionary schools, citing alleged anti-Hindu sentiments, such as derogatory remarks made by a teacher at St. Gerosa School. This sparked widespread controversy, with Shetty’s comments further inflaming communal tensions, leading to protests outside the school by right-wing activists. The protests, led by Shetty, fellow MLA D. Vedavyasa Kamath, and other right-wing leaders, promoted religious intolerance and vilified the Christian community, accusing them of plotting against Hindu sentiments. The police filed a case against these leaders for inciting communal hatred, demonstrating a clear attempt to manipulate religious grievances for political gains.

Another incident, on March 10, 2024, saw Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) leader Sharan Pumpwell urging the National Investigation Agency (NIA) to raid madrassas and mosques for clues related to a Bengaluru café blast, based purely on the religion of the suspect, without any concrete evidence. This call for indiscriminate raids reflects a dangerous pattern of associating criminality with religion and exacerbating communal fear and hatred. Pumpwell’s rhetoric feeds into a larger narrative of demonising Muslim institutions and communities, often without due cause or regard for the rule of law.

Furthermore, the May 2024 incident involving a group of Muslims offering Friday prayers on a public road in Kankanady became another flashpoint for communal rhetoric. Right-wing groups, including the VHP, condemned the act and threatened counter-actions such as Hanuman Chalisa recitations on the same public roads. These groups framed the act as a deliberate attempt to provoke Hindu sentiments, despite the fact that the group offering prayers claimed no such intent. The police, however, initiated legal action against the group, while the VHP leader Pumpwell was accused of threatening social harmony and creating fear within the community by promoting vigilante actions. The mosque committee later assured that such incidents would not occur again, emphasising the need to respect public space and prevent future controversies.

In June 2024, communal tensions erupted in Mangalore when BJP MLA Harish Poonja falsely accused mosques of hiding weapons, sparking protests from Muslim leaders. This incident highlighted the growing political use of inflammatory rhetoric to stoke religious discord.

In July, a social media post by Dr. Upadhya, inciting violence against Muslims, went viral, illustrating how hate speech on digital platforms can spread quickly and fuel division. Similarly, in August, the Sullia police investigated an incident where individuals threatened students at a mosque over their attire, reflecting how even personal choices are increasingly politicised in a climate of rising intolerance.

Later in August, a gang-rape case became politically charged when BJP leaders tried to frame it within the “Love Jihad” narrative, further polarising the issue. This incident underscored the risks of politicising crimes, which distracts from justice and fuels communal division.

In September, inflammatory incidents continued, including the arrest of Satish Devadiga for promoting hatred through a derogatory banner, and a letter from a religious organisation demanding Muslims stop distributing food during a Hindu festival. These events demonstrated the persistent role of symbolism and rhetoric in inflaming communal tensions.

In October, Arun Ullal’s video urging Hindus to avoid Muslim-run schools sparked backlash, showing the extent to which hate speech had permeated educational institutions. Similarly, in November, incidents like derogatory messages at a bus stop and calls for Hindu-only vendors at temple events demonstrated the continued use of public spaces for spreading religious division.

These events reflect a growing trend of communal polarisation in Mangalore, where politicians, social media, and local activists increasingly exploit religious sentiments to fuel conflict. These incidents depict a pattern where political and religious leaders manipulate real or fabricated grievances to stoke communal tensions. The rhetoric used by individuals like Shetty, Kamath, and Pumpwell is often inflammatory, framing religious practices and educational institutions as battlegrounds for ideological warfare. The subsequent protests and legal actions against the Muslim community further escalate these divisions, creating an environment where peaceful coexistence is undermined by political calculations. The role of law enforcement is also concerning, as it often appears reactive or complicit, failing to address the communal rhetoric and violence perpetuated by such figures. The overall narrative is one of increasing intolerance, with politicians and right-wing groups using hate speech as a tool to consolidate power and deepen religious divides.

Patterns emerging from the incidents

Several key patterns emerge from the series of incidents in Mangalore, pointing to a larger trend of communal polarisation and political exploitation. These patterns not only highlight the rising religious intolerance but also underscore the role of politics, social media, and public spaces in amplifying hate and division.

1. Political exploitation of religious sentiments: A clear pattern of politicians using religious issues for political gains emerges throughout the incidents. Figures like Y. Bharat Shetty and Sharan Pumpwell frame religious issues as central to political discourse, amplifying grievances in ways that stoke communal tensions. Shetty’s comments on Christian missionary schools and Pumpwell’s calls for raids on Muslim institutions reflect how political figures exploit religious issues to consolidate their base, creating fear and division within society. This tactic often results in increased polarisation, where the political agenda supersedes the need for social harmony.
2. Demonisation of religious minorities: Another recurring pattern is the consistent demonisation of Muslim institutions and communities. Incidents such as Pumpwell’s call for NIA raids based on the religion of a suspect, Harish Poonja’s false accusations about mosques hiding weapons, and the framing of personal choices (like attire and religious practices) as threats, feed into a narrative that associates criminality and divisiveness with Muslims. This leads to a climate of suspicion and fear where the Muslim community is increasingly viewed with hostility, regardless of the facts. The framing of incidents such as the “Love Jihad” case as part of a larger conspiracy is another example of how religious minorities are vilified.
3. Weaponisation of social media and public spaces: social media and public spaces are increasingly being used as tools for spreading hate and amplifying divisive narratives. Dr. Upadhya’s viral post and the inflammatory videos, such as Arun Ullal’s call to avoid Muslim-run schools, show how quickly hate speech can spread, influencing public opinion and escalating communal tensions. Similarly, public spaces, like the Kankanady road incident or the derogatory banner in September, are increasingly becoming sites of ideological battles, where symbols and actions are used to provoke and exacerbate divisions.
4. Incitement to violence and vigilantism: Several incidents demonstrate a pattern of incitement to violence and calls for vigilante actions. The threats made against students at a mosque in Sullia, the Hanuman Chalisa recitation counter-threat, and the public demonstrations and protests often escalate into direct confrontations. This not only creates a volatile atmosphere but also encourages vigilantism, where groups take justice into their own hands, bypassing legal processes and further contributing to the erosion of law and order.
5. Selective law enforcement and impunity: A troubling pattern in these incidents is the reactive or selective nature of law enforcement. While there are occasional legal actions taken, such as the police case against political leaders like Shetty for inciting communal hatred or investigations into hate speech, there is a perception that enforcement is uneven. Many incidents involving right-wing leaders or activists, particularly those stirring religious hatred, often go unpunished or are handled leniently, fostering a sense of impunity. This selective enforcement undermines trust in the rule of law and fuels the perception of bias.
6. Polarisation of educational and social spaces: Education and social practices increasingly become sites of ideological conflict, with religious identity becoming a point of contention. Arun Ullal’s video against Muslim-run schools and the arrest of Satish Devadiga for promoting hatred through symbols are examples of how educational institutions and social gatherings are politicised, turning them into battlegrounds for ideological warfare. These incidents reflect a growing trend of divisiveness in public life, where even seemingly mundane spaces are appropriated for religious and political purposes.

Incidents of hate speech on social media

The incidents in Mangaluru and surrounding areas between February and December 2024 illustrate a growing trend of communal tensions exacerbated by social media. These incidents reveal how both individuals and groups exploit online platforms to spread provocative and often false content, which stokes religious and political divides.

In February, BJP MLA Harish Poonja stirred controversy by suggesting that taxes paid by Hindus should only benefit Hindus, an inflammatory statement that sparked public backlash and accusations of anti-Constitutional rhetoric. This was followed by a complaint in which a former Mangaluru Corporator accused unknown individuals of spreading fake news about a teacher at St. Gerosa School, further contributing to the growing religious discord. Meanwhile, a pattern of misrepresentation and religious malignment continued into April when false claims about a temple official’s religious identity were circulated online, aiming to stir communal sentiment. These acts of misinformation often exploit people’s beliefs and can quickly escalate tensions, as seen in the case involving a provocative video shared by BJP workers outside a mosque in Bantwal in June.

Social media platforms, such as WhatsApp, Facebook, and Instagram, played a crucial role in spreading such content. A viral video showing BJP workers celebrating an election victory with provocative slogans in front of a mosque in Bantwal raised significant concerns, particularly as it highlighted inconsistent law enforcement responses, which further polarised communities. Similarly, derogatory posts about religious figures and symbols, such as those in September, led to multiple police cases and arrests, underscoring the divisive potential of online hate speech.

The role of inflammatory voice messages and posts did not remain confined to one community. In June, a Muslim man was accused of posting communally provocative content, leading to a police investigation, mirroring the actions of those spreading hate from the other side. Additionally, in September, the contentious issue of a planned Eid procession led to further clashes, as social media posts from both sides’ escalated tensions. This exchange of provocative content highlights how social media platforms have become battlefields for ideological warfare, often spilling over into real-life conflicts.

The Hindu Janajagruti Vedike (HJV) in September also lodged a complaint about the defamation of Hindu gods on a Facebook page, once again demonstrating how online platforms are manipulated to spread vulgar and defamatory material. These incidents underline the vulnerability of social media to being used as a tool for incitement and the dangers of unchecked, inflammatory online discourse in fuelling communal divides.

Overall, the incidents reflect the growing role of social media in communal polarisation, with both religious communities increasingly using these platforms to spread misinformation, provoke reactions, and undermine social harmony. The inconsistency in law enforcement, particularly in dealing with inflammatory content, further exacerbates the situation, leading to a cycle of retaliation and escalating tensions across communities.

Patterns emerging from the incidents

The incidents in Mangalore and surrounding areas reveal several patterns related to communal tensions and the role of social media in exacerbating these divisions:

1. Exploitation of religious sentiments: A key pattern is the deliberate manipulation of religious sentiments by political and community leaders for personal or political gain. Statements by public figures, such as BJP MLA Harish Poonja’s call to restrict tax benefits to Hindus and inflammatory rhetoric surrounding school incidents, are often designed to create divisions and fuel animosity between communities.
2. Social media as a catalyst: Social media platforms like WhatsApp, Facebook, and Instagram have become central to spreading hate speech, misinformation, and provocative content. From fake voice messages about teachers to derogatory posts about religious figures and institutions, these platforms amplify the reach of harmful narratives, making it easier to ignite communal tensions on a large scale. The speed and anonymity provided by social media make it a particularly potent tool for incitement.
3. Religious polarisation and counter-accusations: A recurring theme is the polarisation of communities, with both Hindus and Muslims being accused of provoking one another through inflammatory posts and messages. For example, complaints about provocative content circulated by both Hindu and Muslim individuals highlight how both sides are contributing to the deepening religious divide. The back-and-forth nature of these accusations intensifies the conflict and creates a cycle of hostility.
4. Law enforcement inconsistencies: There is a noticeable inconsistency in how law enforcement responds to incidents based on the religious affiliation of the parties involved. The police often seem to take action only when the incident involves certain communities, or when it garners significant public attention, leading to accusations of bias. For instance, the lack of action against BJP workers celebrating an election victory in front of a mosque sparked public debate about unequal policing.
5. Provocative actions and public symbolism: Public spaces, including roads and mosques, have become arenas for ideological battles, with symbolic acts like offering prayers on the streets or chanting religious slogans outside religious buildings used to provoke reactions. These actions, often framed as threats or deliberate provocations, escalate tensions and fuel conflict between religious groups.
6. The role of fake news and misrepresentation: The spread of fake news is a critical factor in inflaming tensions. Instances where fake voice messages or false claims are made about religious figures or communities demonstrate how misinformation can be weaponised to damage inter-community relations. This often involves the spread of exaggerated or fabricated allegations that target religious or community identities, further deepening mistrust.

Incidents of desecration of religious places

On September 15, 2024, a stone-pelting incident targeted the Majidulla Hudajumma Mosque in Katipalla, Mangalore, during the Eid Milad celebrations. Six individuals, identified as Bharat Shetty, Chennappa Shivananad Chalavadi, Nitin Hadap, Sujit Shetty, Anappa, and Preetham Shetty, were arrested in connection with the attack, which is believed to have been orchestrated to inflame communal tensions. The attackers arrived on two bikes and threw stones at the mosque, damaging its glass windows, which was seen as an attempt to provoke violence between Hindu and Muslim communities in the area.

The police, under the guidance of senior officials including the police commissioner and deputy commissioners, swiftly formed a special team to investigate the case. The suspects were arrested within hours, highlighting the police’s prompt response in apprehending those responsible. However, the fact that some of the arrested individuals had numerous prior criminal cases raises concerns about the lack of deterrence for repeat offenders and the systemic issues that allow such individuals to continue committing violent acts.

This attack follows a disturbing trend of using religious sites and symbols to incite violence, a tactic that has been increasingly weaponised in Mangalore’s political and social landscape. The fact that the arrested individuals were largely from local areas further points to the deepening communal divide within the community, where local residents may be mobilised to engage in violent acts under the influence of right-wing groups. This raises questions about the role of local political forces in fostering an environment where attacks on places of worship are not just tolerated but may be tacitly encouraged for political gain.

Despite the arrests, the broader context of rising communal tensions in Mangalore, marked by earlier incidents of hate speech and protests, suggests that these actions are part of a larger, coordinated effort to stoke division.

Patterns emerging from the incidents

Several concerning patterns emerge from the stone-pelting incident at the Majidulla Hudajumma Mosque, as well as the broader communal tensions in Mangalore. These include:

1. Targeting religious spaces: Attacks on religious places, particularly mosques, appear to be a growing method of inciting communal violence. The mosque attack in Katipalla is part of a wider trend of using religious sites as symbols of contention, which serves to inflame tensions between religious communities. The destruction of religious symbols is often used as a tool to provoke responses, creating cycles of violence.
2. Repeat offenders in communal violence: The arrested individuals in this case had multiple prior criminal records, which underscores a troubling pattern where repeat offenders are involved in communal violence. The presence of individuals with established criminal backgrounds reflects the failure of local law enforcement to prevent these individuals from continuing to contribute to escalating tensions. This raises questions about how effectively the law deals with offenders, particularly those with a history of communal violence.
3. Political mobilisation of religious sentiments: The involvement of local figures with affiliations to right-wing groups or political parties, as seen in the case of Bharat Shetty and his associates, illustrates the instrumentalisation of religion for political gain. Inflammatory actions, such as the stone-pelting incident, are often linked to larger political strategies that seek to consolidate power by exacerbating religious divides. This pattern highlights the danger of politicians exploiting religious sentiments to further their own agendas, irrespective of the damage it causes to social harmony.
4. Media and social media amplification: The rise of social media as a platform for spreading communal rhetoric and mobilising people for violent actions is evident in Mangalore. The use of social media to spread hateful narratives or to glorify violent actions contributes to the amplification of communal discord. This is not just limited to traditional media but includes more covert digital spaces that serve as echo chambers for extremist views.
5. Uneven law enforcement: While there was a swift police response in this instance, there is a broader concern about the inconsistency in how law enforcement handles communal incidents. This can be seen in the reaction to similar incidents where legal action may be slow or even absent, depending on the religious or political affiliations of the individuals involved. The arrest and punishment of offenders in some cases, versus leniency or a lack of action in others, shows a concerning pattern of selective enforcement.
6. Escalation of religious intolerance: The attack on the mosque follows a series of incidents, including hate speech, political rhetoric, and symbolic actions (like protests), that reflect an increasing normalisation of religious intolerance. These incidents suggest that the region is witnessing a shift towards more overt communalism, where religious identities are increasingly used to divide communities and foster hostility.

Other communal incidents

The incidents detailed in the report reflect a deeply troubling escalation of communal tensions, particularly in Mangalore and surrounding areas, where religious groups, both Hindutva and Muslim fundamentalists, appear to be engaging in provocative actions that exacerbate existing divides. In the case of the teacher’s suspension in Mangalore, a series of protests erupted after allegations were made that she had insulted Hinduism, Lord Ram, and Prime Minister Modi during a class on “Work is Worship.” The situation was further inflamed by the active involvement of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and other right-wing groups, who demanded punitive action against the teacher. This incident, where a teacher with years of experience was suspended following a complaint by a parent and the subsequent protests, exposes a disturbing pattern of right-wing organisations pressuring educational institutions to conform to their ideological standards. This pressure to silence dissent not only stifles academic freedom but also undermines the broader principles of secularism and freedom of expression enshrined in the Constitution. Political leaders such as MLAs further fuelled the controversy, adding political weight to the protests, which escalated tensions. The actions of these groups, demanding swift action in the name of protecting religious sentiments, reflect an increasing intolerance for any form of critique, even in academic spaces, and raise significant concerns about the erosion of intellectual freedom and pluralism in society.

On the other hand, the incidents allegedly involving Muslim fundamentalists demonstrate a reactive form of communal violence that perpetuates cycles of aggression. In one instance, following the celebration of Prime Minister Modi’s swearing-in ceremony by BJP workers, provocative slogans were allegedly shouted near a mosque in Boliyar. These inflammatory slogans, including “you people belong to Pakistan,” stoked animosity and provoked a violent response from a group of Muslim youths, who followed the BJP workers and, in an altercation, stabbed two individuals. While the stabbing was condemned as an act of violence, the incident itself is indicative of the underlying communal tensions that have been festering for years. The violent reaction was likely fuelled by the provocative nature of the slogans, which targeted Muslims directly, creating a volatile situation that ultimately resulted in physical confrontation. This incident underscores a broader pattern where religious communities retaliate against perceived insults or provocations, further deepening the divide between the groups. The police response to these incidents, though swift in some cases, seems more reactive than preventative. The deployment of police forces and the formation of peace committees after the violence suggests an attempt to manage the fallout, but the failure to prevent these incidents from escalating in the first place raises questions about the effectiveness of law enforcement in addressing the root causes of communal strife.

Another concerning pattern emerges from the involvement of political figures in many of these incidents. In both the teacher suspension and the Boliyar stabbing case, local MLAs and political activists from both sides of the communal divide seem to have played a role in escalating the situation, either by leading protests or making statements that inflame the public sentiment. The active participation of these political figures suggests that communal violence is being increasingly politicised, with both sides leveraging religious issues for electoral gains. This politicisation of communal conflicts only exacerbates existing divisions and makes it more difficult to de-escalate tensions, as religious issues become intertwined with political agendas. Furthermore, the selective nature of law enforcement in many of these incidents is troubling. While the police appear to act swiftly when right-wing groups are involved, there is often a delay or lack of action when incidents involve Muslim groups, further fueling perceptions of bias and uneven justice. The police’s failure to prevent the inflammatory actions of both Hindu and Muslim groups, including the provocative slogans and public demonstrations, points to a systemic failure in maintaining law and order and fostering communal harmony.

Moreover, the widespread use of social media in these incidents plays a critical role in amplifying communal tensions. In the Mangalore teacher case, a voice message alleging derogatory remarks against Hinduism went viral, and in the case of the BJP workers, social media posts highlighting provocative slogans added fuel to the fire. These viral messages often spread misinformation, creating echo chambers where religious groups are further polarised. The role of social media in the rapid dissemination of potentially harmful content highlights the need for more effective regulation and monitoring to prevent its misuse for communal ends.

Overall, these incidents exemplify a dangerous trend where both Hindutva and Muslim fundamentalist groups are using inflammatory rhetoric and actions to provoke and retaliate against each other, often with the involvement of political figures who exacerbate the situation. This cycle of provocation and retaliation not only perpetuates violence but also erodes trust in the rule of law, as the police are seen as either unable or unwilling to effectively prevent communal flare-ups. Furthermore, the growing politicisation of communal violence, selective law enforcement, and the unchecked spread of hate speech on social media are contributing to a volatile and divisive atmosphere. These patterns of communal violence, driven by ideological and political motivations, pose a significant threat to social harmony, national unity, and the secular fabric of Indian society.

Patterns emerging from the incidents

A clear pattern emerges from these incidents, highlighting the cyclical nature of communal violence in India, where both Hindutva and Muslim fundamentalist groups engage in provocative actions that deepen societal divides. Key elements of this pattern include:

1. Provocative actions and retaliation: Incidents often begin with provocative actions or inflammatory rhetoric. In the Mangalore teacher case, a statement perceived as offensive to Hindu sentiments led to widespread protests and demands for punitive action. Similarly, the Boliyar stabbing incident was sparked by provocative slogans targeting Muslims, which were followed by violent retaliation from Muslim youths. These provocations often trigger a cycle of retaliation, with each side responding to perceived insults or affronts to their religious identity. This cycle perpetuates violence and escalates tensions, reinforcing communal divisions.
2. Involvement of political leaders: Political figures from both sides of the communal divide play an active role in escalating these incidents, either by leading protests, making incendiary statements, or aligning with religious groups to gain political leverage. The teacher suspension case saw the involvement of local MLAs from the right-wing, while political figures from both communities often take sides in the aftermath of violence. This politicisation of communal conflicts fuels polarisation and makes it harder to de-escalate tensions.
3. Selective law enforcement: A key feature of these incidents is the perceived bias in law enforcement. While police forces may act swiftly when right-wing groups are involved, delays or lack of action occur when incidents involve Muslim groups. This selective enforcement contributes to the perception of uneven justice, which further exacerbates communal tensions and erodes trust in the authorities.
4. Role of social media in amplifying divides: social media plays a central role in spreading provocative content and misinformation. Viral messages, videos, and posts often escalate minor incidents into larger communal flashpoints. In the case of the Mangalore teacher, a viral voice message was enough to spark protests, while the Boliyar incident was amplified by social media posts highlighting provocative slogans. The rapid spread of such content creates echo chambers that reinforce communal identities and fuel hatred.
5. Failure to address root causes: The pattern reveals a systemic failure to address the root causes of communal tensions. While police and political leaders may act after violence erupts, there is little focus on preventative measures or addressing the underlying issues driving communal animosity. Educational institutions, law enforcement, and political leaders seem to focus on damage control rather than on fostering understanding and promoting peaceful coexistence.
6. Escalation through ritualised violence: Violence becomes a repetitive and ritualised response to perceived slights, with each side acting in a manner that mirrors or retaliates against the other. This creates a dangerous feedback loop where the focus shifts from addressing the core issues of intolerance to outdoing each other in acts of violence.

Report for 2022 can be accessed here.

The complete report may be read below:

A comparative table may be viewed here:

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These events, which are meant to showcase religious pride and unity, have increasingly turned into platforms for radicalisation and hate, with organisers and speakers using the stage to openly call for violence, demonise minorities, and propagate the toxic ideology of Hindutva. What is most troubling, however, is the active collusion of the authorities in allowing these hate-filled gatherings to take place with impunity. Despite clear violations of laws that prohibit hate speech and incitement to violence, these events continue to receive routine approval from local police, demonstrating a disturbing pattern of state inaction or even complicity.

From encouraging communal unrest in cities like Indore, Mandsaur, and Sitapur to the violent calls echoed in smaller towns like Rudrapur and Curchorem, these yatras are marked by leaders, including elected MLAs, delivering speeches that glorify historical violence, spread unfounded fears about Muslim ‘conspiracy theories,’ and even openly incite the crowd to take up arms. Yet, remarkably, these actions are often not met with any meaningful intervention. Police authorities, tasked with upholding law and order, routinely turn a blind eye to the inflammatory content of these rallies, providing permits and facilitating their execution without so much as a word of caution. In some cases, police officers can be seen participating in or condoning these hate-fuelled events, raising questions about the selective enforcement of law and the complicity of the state in fostering an environment of religious tension.

This permissiveness is not a coincidence but a deliberate strategy employed by various state and political actors who benefit from the deepening communal divide. The political establishment, especially the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its allied Hindutva groups, have long sought to consolidate their base by stoking Hindu-Muslim animosity and presenting themselves as the sole defenders of Hindu identity. The unchecked rise of such yatras is an outcome of this broader political strategy, wherein hate is weaponised to galvanize support and suppress dissent. The consequences of this are deeply troubling: instead of upholding India’s secular constitution, these rallies contribute to a toxic environment of fear, alienation, and violent polarisation, where Muslims are increasingly portrayed as enemies within, vulnerable to state-sanctioned violence.

Moreover, the very fact that these events are allowed to proliferate despite their clear violation of laws against hate speech speaks to a breakdown in the rule of law and the erosion of democratic norms. The failure to prosecute organisers or speakers, or even arrest those who incite violence, sends a clear message that the rights of minorities are secondary to the political needs of those in power. The environment in India today is one where the state has become complicit in the perpetuation of hate, and the idea of communal harmony seems to be a distant memory, systematically replaced by fear, mistrust, and violence. The unchecked rise of these yatras is a symptom of a deeper malaise that threatens the very fabric of Indian democracy.

Themes of hate speeches in Shaurya Diwas and Shaurya Yatra events

The hate speeches delivered, details of which are given below, during these rallies consistently present a few dangerous themes, which are crucial to understanding the ongoing communal tensions in India. These themes not only seek to deepen divisions but also actively promote hostility and exclusion.

1. Glorification of historical violence: A recurrent theme is the glorification of past acts of violence, particularly the demolition of the Babri Masjid. By framing these events as triumphs of Hindu unity and honour, speakers encourage a violent, revisionist narrative. In cities like Mandsaur, Indore, and Sitamau, participants celebrated the destruction of the Babri Masjid and called for similar actions in other religious sites such as the mosques in Kashi and Mathura. This narrative casts such acts not as crimes but as righteous deeds, and it emboldens further acts of aggression.
2. Portrayal of Muslims as threats: Numerous speeches depicted Muslims as an existential threat to the Hindu community, with claims that Muslims are engaged in covert warfare (e.g., “love jihad,” “land jihad,” “game jihad”). Speakers regularly framed Muslims as invaders or aggressors, with language like “sleeper cells,” “Jihadi population,” or “terrorists” used to demonise them. In some instances, the rhetoric escalated to violent calls for the removal of Muslims from India, particularly in speeches by figures like those in Dhampur and Sitapur, where a genocidal tone was evident.
3. Conspiracy theories and fear-mongering: A key tactic in many speeches was the propagation of baseless conspiracy theories. Claims about “love jihad,” a fictitious notion alleging that Muslim men are systematically targeting Hindu women for conversion, were a common thread, as were fears about a “demographic shift” and “Muslim population growth.” These theories aim to sow fear and suspicion, portraying Muslims as part of a coordinated effort to undermine Hindu identity and take over the country. Such rhetoric is intended to create a climate of distrust and hostility, polarising communities.
4. Rejection of coexistence: Many of the speeches explicitly rejected the notion of Hindu-Muslim coexistence, framing the two communities as fundamentally incompatible. For example, the speaker in Sitapur framed Hindus and Muslims as “eternal adversaries” and representatives of “two separate civilizations,” reinforcing the divisive “us vs them” narrative. This rhetoric directly undermines the pluralistic foundation of Indian society, rejecting the idea of a unified, multi-religious nation.
5. Incitement to violence and aggression: Multiple speakers openly incited violence, urging Hindus to take up arms and defend their religion against alleged Muslim threats. In multiple rallies, participants were seen brandishing swords, tridents, and other weapons, with leaders openly encouraging violence. For instance, in Curchorem, Goa, and Mathura, Uttar Pradesh, speakers called for violent retaliation against Muslims, while in Rudrapur, Uttarakhand, a leader described Muslim-majority areas as “sleeper cells” that needed to be eradicated. These speeches create an atmosphere of fear and aggression, normalising the idea that violence is justified in the name of religion.
6. Hindu supremacist ideology: The overarching narrative of these speeches often revolved around the idea of Hindutva, a Hindu nationalist ideology that seeks to define India as a Hindu-only nation. This ideology is used to justify the exclusion and marginalisation of Muslims, with calls for economic boycotts of Muslim businesses, as seen in Balunda, Rajasthan. The speeches also portrayed Muslims as “outsiders” who should either convert or leave the country, further alienating the community and denying them their rightful place as citizens.

Together, these themes reflect a growing trend of radicalisation and exclusion in Indian politics and society, particularly among far-right groups. The use of historical grievances, fear-mongering, and direct incitement to violence threatens the fragile communal harmony in many parts of India, contributing to an environment where hate and violence are increasingly normalised. These speeches also illustrate how political and religious leaders, including elected representatives, are systematically fostering division to consolidate power, rather than promoting unity and peace.

Details of the hate speeches and hate mongering

Below is a detailed account of some of these events:

1. Samastipur, Bihar (December 6)

In Samastipur, members of the VHP and Bajrang Dal gathered to mark “Shaurya Divas.” The rally featured participants openly brandishing swords, a symbolic act that evoked aggression and intimidation, while commemorating the demolition of Babri Masjid in Ayodhya. The event took place against the backdrop of presently heightened communal tensions in the country, amplifying fears among local Muslim communities. Such displays of weaponry at religious processions are not just provocative but also serve to instil a sense of impunity among those perpetuating hate.

2. Ambala, Haryana (December 6)

A similar rally was organised in Ambala, Haryana, where the VHP and Bajrang Dal again celebrated the demolition of the Babri Masjid. Although less overtly violent, these events contribute to a growing normalisation of hate-filled rhetoric under the guise of cultural celebrations. Ambala, with its historical communal harmony, has increasingly witnessed such events disrupting the delicate social fabric of the region.

3. Mandsaur, Madhya Pradesh (December 6)

In Mandsaur, the VHP chose a temple setting for their “Shaurya Divas” observance. While framed as a prayer meeting, the event subtly glorified the Babri Masjid demolition, embedding it within religious rituals to legitimise and sanctify communal violence. The choice of a temple as the venue further solidified the narrative of Hindutva as a defender of faith, using historical grievances to fuel contemporary animosities.

4. Bazpur, Uttarakhand (December 8)

In Bazpur, participants in a Shaurya Divas rally chanted inflammatory slogans, including “Put on Dabur’s oil and erase Babur’s name,” linking consumerism with communal hatred. Such rhetoric cleverly plays on cultural pride while stoking animosity against Muslims, whom Hindutva ideology associates with “Babur,” the Mughal emperor. The slogans exemplify the subtle but calculated mobilisation of everyday language to deepen religious divides.

5. Mathura, Uttar Pradesh (December 8)

Mathura, a city with historical and religious significance, witnessed a particularly charged Shaurya Yatra. During the rally, participants raised slogans like “Cut the hands of those who cut cows,” a direct threat aimed at Muslims. The choice of Mathura is deliberate, as it is a site of ongoing disputes over religious spaces, with extremist groups seeking to replicate the Babri Masjid-Ram Mandir narrative. The rally further strained communal relations in a region already fraught with tensions.

6. Curchorem, Goa (December 8)

In Goa’s Curchorem, BJP legislator T. Raja Singh used the Shaurya Yatra as a platform for hate speech, as he does habitually and with impunity. He spread conspiracy theories such as “love jihad,” “land jihad,” and “demographic change,” all of which have been repeatedly debunked but continue to fuel anti-Muslim narratives. The involvement of a public representative, as he in an elected MLA from the ruling party, in such rhetoric underscores the institutional support these divisive agendas enjoy. Raja Singh’s 48-minute speech exemplifies how Shaurya Yatras are not isolated events but part of a larger strategy to systematically marginalise minorities.

Some extracts from Singh’s speech are as follows:

“I was reading a statement made by the Governor of this state. He said the percentage of Muslims in Goa, which was 3 per cent 10-15 years ago, has now risen to 12 per cent. This is something to consider and carefully think about.”

“Wherever Hindu population has decreased, conversions of Hindus have occurred there.”

“If the Jihadi population in India continues to grow and if their MPs are 300, then which community will the Prime Minister be from? Unka hi hoga, na (from their’s, right)? And in countries where ‘their’ Prime Minister is elected, what has been the condition of Hindus. History is witness to that.”

Brandishing a sword, Singh could be heard saying, “This sword is not just to be kept in its sheath. This should be in the home of every Hindu.”

“Love Jihadis don’t only target Hindus. I want to appeal to our Christian brothers from Goa. You should watch the Kerala Files (Story) movie even though the film doesn’t tell the entire story. The movie shows how in the name of love jihad, Hindu and Christian girls were lured. Hindus have kept their doors open for Christian brothers to fight against love jihad. Do join hands…our strength will increase.”

“They are appealing for help. I want to say that ‘Bajrangi’ is ready to fight for the protection of Hindus in Bangladesh. Modi ji, just open the gates for 15 minutes and we will do it.”

“In the next 20-25 years, if Hindus follow ‘hum do hamare do’ dictum, then they will suffer the same fate and atrocities as Hindus in Pakistan.”

7. Ved Mandir, Masani, Mathura, Uttar Pradesh (December 8)

At a Shaurya Yatra rally, Bajrang Dal National Convenor Sohan Singh Solanki delivered a provocative speech, declaring that Hindus were ready to reclaim “Krishna Janmabhoomi” at a single call from the saints. He propagated conspiracy theories like “love jihad,” “land jihad,” and “thook jihad” while alleging an “anti-Hindu” conspiracy to convert Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes. The speech not only incited division but also aimed to stoke fears and grievances, weaponising religion to justify aggression.

8. Barsana, Mathura, Uttar Pradesh (December 10)

In Barsana, a Shaurya Yatra rally organised by the VHP and Bajrang Dal saw participants brandishing swords, and several speakers incited violence under the guise of protecting religion and the nation. The choice of Mathura—an area central to Hindutva’s ideological focus on reclaiming “Krishna Janmabhoomi”—further underscores the agenda to exacerbate communal divides in a region already fraught with sensitivities.

9. Angul, Odisha (December 11)

The VHP organised a Shaurya Sanchalan (display of valour) rally in Angul, where members of the Maa Hingula Paika Akhada Seva Sangha paraded with swords and other weapons. This display of arms, framed as an assertion of cultural pride, masked a deliberate attempt to intimidate minorities and assert dominance. Odisha, historically less prone to communal violence, has seen a steady rise in such events after the change in the state government, reflecting a worrying trend of polarisation.

10. Indore, Madhya Pradesh (December 15)

At a VHP-Bajrang Dal Shaurya Sanchalan event in Indore, speaker Vinod Sharma openly praised the demolition of the Babri Masjid as a symbol of Hindu unity. He declared Ayodhya was merely the beginning, with plans to reclaim Mathura, Kashi, and temples in Bangladesh and Pakistan as part of an “Akhand Bharat.” Sharma also propagated vile conspiracy theories like “spit jihad” and “urine jihad” while dehumanising Muslims as deviants. His statements not only glorified violence but also legitimised future communal confrontations, painting them as part of a larger nationalist agenda.

11. Rudrapur, Udham Singh Nagar, Uttarakhand (December 15)

In Rudrapur, a speaker at a VHP-Bajrang Dal Shaurya Yatra spread conspiracies about Muslims “taking over” Hindu properties, recounting a fabricated story about a Maulana promising Muslim children possession over Hindu households. The speaker described areas with Muslim populations as “sleeper cells,” drawing parallels to Kashmir and Pakistan, thereby equating minority communities with security threats. This narrative seeks to delegitimise the presence of Muslims as citizens, portraying them as invaders within their own country.

12. Balunda, Pali, Rajasthan (December 15)

Far-right leader Yogi Laxman Nath addressed a Shaurya Sanchalan organised by the VHP-Bajrang Dal, calling for an economic boycott of Muslim-owned businesses. Promoting the conspiracy theory of “love jihad,” he incited economic and social ostracisation while sowing fear about the Muslim population’s growth. His rejection of communal harmony underscores the agenda to fracture India’s pluralistic ethos by fomenting suspicion and hostility.

13. Khajuha, Rae Bareli, Uttar Pradesh (December 15)

In Rae Bareli, participants of a Shaurya Yatra openly displayed swords and other weapons. This visual spectacle of aggression, staged in the heartland of Uttar Pradesh, is emblematic of how these rallies aim to intimidate minority communities. Such public demonstrations of force create an atmosphere of fear and insecurity, undermining communal harmony.

14. Rampur, Uttar Pradesh (December 15)

At a Shaurya Yatra in Rampur, participants raised inflammatory slogans like “Tel lagao Dabur ka, naam mitao Babar ka” and “Hindustan me rahna hoga, to Jai Shri Ram kehna hoga (if you want to continue living in India, you have to say Jai Shri Ram.” These chants not only invoke the Babri Masjid demolition but also demand conformity to Hindutva ideology as a precondition for living in India. The slogans are a direct threat to the secular character of the nation, weaponising religious identity to exclude and marginalise minorities.

15. Chandausi, Sambhal, Uttar Pradesh (December 15)

During the Shaurya Jagran Yatra, a VHP-Bajrang Dal leader propagated conspiracies of “love jihad” and “land jihad,” which are frequently used to vilify Muslims. By portraying Muslims as aggressors engaged in covert “jihad,” these speeches aim to radicalise Hindu audiences and perpetuate a cycle of fear and hatred. It is essential to note that in the past moth itself, Sambhal saw instances of communal violence and state excess, which resulted in the death of five Muslim men.

16. Mumbai, Maharashtra (December 15)

In Mumbai, Bajrang Dal leader Vivek Kulkarni used a Shaurya Sanchalan event to glorify the Babri Masjid demolition and spread conspiracies like “love jihad” and “land jihad.” The speech, delivered in India’s financial capital, highlights how communal polarisation is being pushed even in urban, multicultural spaces. The glorification of historical violence is intended to legitimise similar actions in the future, normalising hate and exclusion.

17. Dhampur, Uttar Pradesh (December 15)

In Dhampur, a leader at the Shaurya Jagran Yatra glorified the Babri Masjid demolition while spreading a range of conspiracy theories, including “love jihad,” “land jihad,” and “game jihad.” He explicitly urged violent retaliation against Muslims and called for their removal from India, underscoring the increasingly genocidal tone of such rallies. This event reflects the extreme rhetoric becoming normalised in public discourse, with open calls for violence going unchecked.

18. Morigaon, Assam (December 16)

A Shaurya Divas event organised in Morigaon included a speech dismissing the Babri Masjid as “just a structure” where no prayers were ever offered, reducing it to a relic unworthy of recognition. The event also featured a “Trishul Deeksha” ceremony, where participants swore oaths while holding miniature tridents, symbolising a militaristic approach to their ideological goals. These ceremonies are emblematic of efforts to radicalise attendees and normalise aggression under the guise of cultural pride.

December also saw multiple “Trishul Deekha events” being organised across India, a detailed report of which may be read here.

19. Sitamau, Mandsaur, Madhya Pradesh (December 17)

In Sitamau, Bajrang Dal district in-charge delivered an incendiary speech during a Shaurya Yatra rally. He glorified the Babri Masjid demolition, called for the “liberation” of Kashi, Mathura, and Bhojshala, and spread the “love jihad” conspiracy. Explicit threats were made, including a vow to “find all Bangladeshi supporters and give them a beating.” His declaration that “Yes, they should be scared of us” while referring to the Muslims highlights the deliberate cultivation of fear among minorities as a strategy to consolidate communal polarisation.

20. Allipur, Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh (December 20)

Speaker Narendra Hindu delivered an incendiary speech during a Shaurya Yatra, predicting a dystopian future where Hindu women would be captured, cows slaughtered, temples demolished, and Hindus exterminated. His rhetoric framed Muslims as existential threats, stoking communal fear and legitimising divisive and violent actions.

21. Mandsaur, Madhya Pradesh (December 20)

At a Shaurya Yatra, a Bajrang Dal leader glorified the demolition of the Babri Masjid, chanting slogans like “Ek dhakka aur do, Babri dhancha tod do (give another push, break the structure of Babri).” He called for similar actions in Kashi and Mathura mosques, and suggested adopting confrontational strategies to claim religious sites like Bhogshala and Sambhal. This narrative promotes an aggressive and revisionist agenda, seeking to rewrite history through violent reclamations.

22. Chhindwara, Madhya Pradesh (December 20)

During a Shaurya Divas event, Bajrang Dal leader Tarshvee Upadhyay used dehumanising language, referring to Muslims as “illegitimate children of Babur.” He boasted about breaking barricades to demolish the Babri Masjid, framing the act as a triumph over centuries of oppression. Such statements glorify past violence and incite further hostility.

23. Haridwar, Uttarakhand (December 22)

In Haridwar, Sohan Singh Solanki’s speech at a Shaurya Yatra demonised Muslims as terrorists and promoted a slew of conspiracies, including “land jihad.” He described Muslims as “pigs” and framed them as existential threats targeting women, cows, and land. Solanki also blamed Muslims for the caste system and untouchability, distorting historical realities to create a divisive narrative.

An extract from his speech is:

“When they are in the minority, they make idols; alleged when they become the majority, they destroy our idols.”

24. Jabalpur, Madhya Pradesh (December 24)

In Jabalpur, a Shaurya Yatra escalated into a physical altercation between VHP-Bajrang Dal members and police officers, after the police halted the rally for lacking proper permissions. Participants carried lathis and miniature tridents, symbolising their readiness for confrontation. This incident underscores how these events disrupt public order and embolden participants to defy legal authorities.

25. Sitapur, Uttar Pradesh (December 25)

During a Shaurya Diwas event in Sitapur, organised by the VHP and Bajrang Dal, an unidentified far-right leader delivered an incendiary speech portraying Muslims as eternal adversaries to Hindus. The speaker framed Hindus and Muslims as representatives of two fundamentally irreconcilable civilisations, reinforcing a divisive “us vs them” narrative. This rhetoric sought to deepen communal divides, explicitly rejecting the idea of coexistence or fraternity between the two communities. Such speeches amplify societal polarisation, legitimise exclusion, and fuel animosity, contributing to an environment where prejudice and violence against minorities can thrive.

A map showing the Shaurya Yatras held across India may be viewed here.

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The post Shaurya Yatras: Orchestrated mobilisation of hatred appeared first on SabrangIndia.

As per National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) data, Kerala recorded the lowest number of murders in the country between 2018 and 2020, with a rate of 0.08%. In stark contrast, Uttar Pradesh, governed by hard-line Hindutva forces, had the highest murder rate at 15.1%. Kerala’s achievement underscores its status as a “Garden of Peace” amidst the turmoil propagated by states leaning towards communal politics. The success of Kerala’s governance and the peaceful coexistence of its people challenge the divisive ideologies of Hindutva proponents, who seemingly wish to transform Kerala into a jungle of trouble.

A recent controversy further illustrates this antagonism. Maharashtra’s Fisheries and Ports Development Minister, Nitesh Rane, made inflammatory remarks while speaking on the occasion of Shiv Pratap Din, which marks Chhatrapati Shivaji’s historical victory over Afzal Khan. Rane accused those who supported Congress leaders Rahul Gandhi and Priyanka Gandhi Vadra in Kerala’s Wayanad constituency of being anti-national. He claimed that the Indian Union Muslim League, an ally of the Congress, worked against national interests and stated, “Kerala is a part of our country, and if anyone works for Pakistan or commits atrocities against Hindus in Kerala, we will have to speak about it. Kerala is ours, and it will remain ours. In the future, Kerala will become ‘Bhagwadhari,’ I am confident about it.” Rane, facing a backlash thereafter was quick to clarify that ‘Kerala was very much part of India,’ though his slurs against the party in power, CPI-M and people of Kerala continued.

Kerala’s Chief Minister, Pinarayi Vijayan, condemned Rane’s statement, calling it deeply provocative and deplorable. He highlighted how such remarks reflect the Sangh Parivar’s divisive approach towards Kerala. Congress spokesperson Atul Londhe Patil also criticised Rane and demanded his removal from the Maharashtra cabinet, while Kerala’s Leader of the Opposition, V. D. Satheesan, called the statement a new low in Indian politics and demanded Rane’s resignation. Former Finance Minister of Kerala, Thomas Isaac was succinct in his response too. “We are no mini-Pakistan, you hate monger BJP minister. Kerala is proudly secular, lowest in untouchability practices, educated and healthy. Our per capita income 60 % above the national. It is you Sanghi who wants to make India into Hindutva mirror image of Pakistan.”

#WATCH | Pune: Maharashtra Minister and BJP leader Nitesh Rane, says, “Those who supported and worked for Rahul Gandhi and Priyanka Gandhi Vadra in the elections are anti-national. We have this information…All India Muslim League who worked against the nation had worked… pic.twitter.com/MWM7XSaO9m

— ANI (@ANI) December 31, 2024

We are no Mini Pakistan, you hate monger BJP minister.Kerala is proudly secular, lowest in untouchability practices,educated and healthy.Our per capita income 60% above the https://t.co/N0aDy1FXny is you Sanghi who wants to make India into Hindutva mirror image of Pakistan.

— Thomas Isaac (@drthomasisaac) January 1, 2025

Maharashtra Minister #niteshrane‘s comments referring to Kerala as a’mini-Pakistan’ &its people as terrorists is strongly condemned.This really startling statement signals a low point in politics. He has no right to remain in his ministerial position.@RahulGandhi@priyankagandhi

— V D Satheesan (@vdsatheesan) December 30, 2024

https://www.aninews.in/news/national/politics/nitesh-rane-clarifies-mini-pakistan-remark-says-kerala-part-of-india20241230140041/?amp=1

This is not the first instance of Sangh Parivar members targeting Kerala and Rane’s diatribe is not happening in isolation. The controversial film, ‘Kerala Story’, (film maker Vipul Shah, and brazenly promoted by the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) selectively portrayed Islam and Muslims in a malevolent manner. On September 30, 2017, leader of their pack and a career criminal, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief Mohan Bhagwat accused the governments of Kerala and West Bengal of siding with “jihadi elements.” Chief Minister Vijayan responded sharply, stating that Bhagwat’s comments were baseless and stemmed from the RSS’s inability to gain political traction in Kerala. Earlier this year, on April 7, former Maharashtra Deputy Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis alleged that Kerala had become a “hotbed of anti-national forces” due to misgovernance and “minority appeasement.”

The repeated targeting of Kerala by Hindutva leaders reveals their discomfort with its inclusive development model, which starkly contrasts their exclusionary ideology. The Sangh Parivar’s rhetoric often hinges on creating divisions and fostering communal disharmony. Kerala, with its progressive policies and rejection of such divisive narratives, serves as a thorn in their side.

It is evident that organisations like the RSS thrive on minority hatred, sustained by the venom of Hindutva. Their modus operandi resembles the mythical demon Ravana, whose heads multiplied upon being cut off. Each attempt to disrupt Kerala’s harmony only strengthens the resolve of its people to resist communal forces. As Kerala continues to uphold the values of pluralism and progress, it stands as a beacon of hope against the tide of divisive politics sweeping parts of the nation.

Sadly, the Supreme Court’s guidelines on hate speech issued in October 2022, directing the police forces in Delhi, Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, and Uttarakhand to take suo moto action against individuals making hate speeches, irrespective of the religious community they belong to, remain a dead letter. This lack of enforcement perpetuates a climate of impunity and encourages those who seek to sow seeds of division through their hate speech.

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The post From God’s Own Country to a Hindutva Target: Kerala’s Model of Harmony Faces Persistent Threats appeared first on SabrangIndia.

For Cow vigilantes Modi had given a statement that murder in the name of cow is not acceptable, and just a few hours later a Muslim man was done to death on this issue. Apart from the phenomenon which is continuing. “Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Monday said that the significance of love, harmony, and brotherhood is central to the teachings of Lord Christ. He also urged people to strengthen these values.” Just a couple of days later the vigilante groups and even Bajrang Dal groups attacked a person in Ahmedabad who had dressed as Santa Clause and was distributing gifts. A video is going viral where two men dressed as Santa Claus being beaten up by hooligans at the Kankaria Carnival in Ahmedabad. This probably is the first year where people dressed as Santa Clause are being hauled up.

Already we had seen that Carol Singers were beaten up and since BJP came to power Carol singing has been stopped in Rashtrapati Bhavan. Bajrang Dal has also issued warnings to Hindus for their attending Christmas parties. How come these acts at the time of Christmas are seeing a new low currently?

Recently we also saw the claims on mosques that there was such a temple so it must be dug up a la Babri Masjid style. Seeing the spate of such made up claims, RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat himself said that we should not keep looking for Shivling under every mosque. It is amazing that the claim is made, and dispute created in Kashi where a fountain looking structure is claimed to be a Shivling and demand for converting the mosque into a temple boosted. After the Sambhal claims, the violence followed.

Probably shaken by this and the feeling that the Supreme Leader of the supra political outfit felt it will bring loss of face for ‘RSS Combine’ and so he gave a sane looking call, “The Ram Temple was about faith, and Hindus wanted it built. But raising disputes about new sites out of hate is unacceptable,” he said. “Some people think they can become leaders of Hindus by creating new controversies. How is this allowed?”

And lo and behold most of the fringe organizations of Hindutva politics are coming forward to oppose it. One knows that RSS is a strict disciplinarian organization, and its members do not violate the commands of its leader. So who are these Senas, Dharma Sansads springing up by a dozen and going against the appeal of Bhagwat?

To cap it all, RSS’s unofficial mouth piece Organizer itself came forward to articulate the fringe elements’ demands and wrote that “Temple restorations are a quest for our identity! (TOI Dec 27, 2024). It also claims that temple restorations are for our national identity and to seek civilizational justice.

How come the hate is so pervasive that it is crossing the limits set by its own leaders? Is it that the leaders like Prime Minister Modi want the actions leading to hate to continue, as it strengthens their politics? If not then why are the perpetrators of violence are enjoying impunity? Why does the whole system from spreaders of hate speech, to those responsible for maintaining law and order and even to some extent even the judiciary have a soft corner for these criminal elements.

Having enjoyed the impunity for destroying Babri Mosques and lynching in the name of cow/beef or on killings and torture on the charge of ‘love-jihad’, now they know they can get away with their illegal acts. They feel that law may be bent to ensure that they are exonerated.

The phenomenon of Organiser opposing Bhagwat arouses curiosity. Is there a split within RSS on the issue? Bhagawat trying to talk peace and harmony and the managers of Organiser feeling that the path of Hate and violence should be pursued to its fullest depth.

There is another aspect which needs to be understood. When such phenomenon’s are unleashed for political benefits, initially the leaders congratulate themselves for their success in the electoral arena. From top to bottom diverse elements spring up and as Mr. Bhagawat said some of them ape for higher political position and influence. They are the one’s continuing their earlier political roots of which were sown by their leaders. One recalls that previous top RSS leader K. Sudarshan, who later became RSS Chief, was on the stage when Babri mosque was being demolished. This has been a classical case of crime and no punishment.

All the guilty of this dastardly crime of Babri demolition were finally given ‘not guilty’ chit and the judge who did this for the communal politics, got a plum job after his retirement.

As they say, ‘as you sow, so you reap’, the demolition of Babri process as a whole tells us that it was not just a spreading of fake narratives of temple destructions, and many myths against Muslims. The result is there for us to see, where even the Supreme authority of RSS is not being listened to. The anti-Christian campaign is just a continuation of the decade’s old propaganda against Christians that they are converting by force, fraud and allurement.

The likes of Bhagwat and Modi are witnessing right in front of their eyes that the Genie can be unleashed from the bottle, but to put it back is a task, which is close to impossible.

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