Vidya Bhushan Rawat has been engaged in numerous conversations with activists, writers, all over the world. He started it with veteran Ambedkarites who had seen Baba Saheb and many of them had worked with him. That apart, Vidya Bhushan Rawat has been conversing with people across the globe and it is an amazing fiat that include Ambedkarite activists abroad, African American intellectuals, intellectuals and activists from African countries such as South Africa, Kenya, Senegal, Mauritania, Palestine, Bangladesh, Nepal, Philippines etc. Even various nationals of Indian origins who belonged to families of indentured laborers have been interviewed by him.

His two volumes of these conversations have already been out which include interviews with over 45 individuals from different countries. One volume of such conversations also published in Hindi recently under the title ‘Ambedkarwaad : Vichardhara aur Sangharsh” containing 13 interviews with those legendary Ambedkarites who had either worked with Dr Ambedkar or followed him closely. While there are a number of people in north India, who could speak about Dr Ambedkar with a personal ideological standpoint but not so about Periyar. That is why this conversation with S V Rajadurai is so important and different. Well, it is different because this is one conversation with one individual who is a highly respected intellectual activist from Tamilnadu and dedicated to Tamil nationalist movement’s idealism too. Secondly, the conversation also explores, for the first time, Periyar’s visit to various cities in the North. While, it was in the domain that Periyar visited Lucknow but sadly nothing much was known about these visits. This conversation has done an immense amount of work on Periyar’s conversation with people in the Hindi heartland. The result of the entire exploration from the archives particularly the journals and magazines being run by Perriyar and DK. This was often ignored about Periyar’s north Indian visits by those who have written his biographies as well as political actions.

This book has all those questions who as an activist or enthusiast one might have about Periyar’s movement. Comrade S V Rajadurai has worked extremely hard on this book despite his serious health issues. It is a big tribute to his commitment to the cause of Periyarism that this book is out.

In this gossip age, we have been able to bring a very serious material through conversation. This also reflects that conversations can really bring out those things often ignored by the authors and leaders themselves.

On a personal note, I would love it if people take up translating this book in Hindi to make people understand what exactly Periyar stood for as there are numerous misconceptions about him.

Kindly support such an initiative. Read and share. Your encouragement will help us work more on such issues.

This book is now available on Amazon and Flipkart. You may also write to Mr Vivek Sakpal, People’s Literature Publication.

https://www.flipkart.com/periyar-caste-nation-socialism/p/itm8831fd07fb742

First Published on countercurrent.org

The post Periyar: Caste, Nation and Socialism appeared first on SabrangIndia.

On the Buddha Purnima Day, May 12, 2025, Bihar governor, Arif Mohammad Khan visited the holy shrine, waxed eloquent about the greatness of Buddha but remained silent on the issue of the MahaBodhi Vihar being handed over to a Buddhist only management. Buddhist activists have also accused the governor of offering archana to Lord Shiva too, ignoring the sentiments of the Buddhists. Shockingly, while speaking “highly” of Buddha at an event, the governor did not even acknowledge that Buddhists have been protesting through a sit-in –for over two months —asking for a change in the BodhGaya Temple Management Committee.

Prior to Buddha Purnima day, there was a continuous dharana at the site and Buddhists particularly from Maharashtra were thronging the site. Bahujan Vikas Aghadi leader Prakash Ambedkar too visited and expressed his strong solidarity with the movement. BSP leader Ms Mayawati too expressed her solidarity with the movement though she has not yet travelled to Bodh Gaya. Except for these two leaders, no other leader of any recognised party has spoken about it. RJD which is the main opposition party in Bihar has been conspicuously silent on the question. PDA leader Akhilesh Yadav and his party have not bothered to address Buddhist concerns. Rahul Gandhi, the eloquent Leader of the Opposition (LoP in the Lok Sabha) who has made several visits to Bihar and even raised the issue of Dalit opporession has not uttered a word about the Mahabodhi Temple issue. Incidentally, there were prompt greetings to one and all on social media on Buddha Purnima day, but around the MahaBodhi Vihar there has been only silence.

None of the legacy media, newspapers or electronic media –with the exception of some Youtubers and Ambedkarite portals —have interrogated the festering issue. Instead,  reports have come in only from activist cadres and some leaders from Maharashtra and Uttar Pradesh. There is a clash of political ideologies here too and that is natural. For millions of Dalits in India, the road to Buddhism goes via Baba Saheb Ambedkar while for a number of Buddhists in the Himalayan regions like Ladakh, Darjeeling, Himachal or Uttar Pradesh, Buddhism may not have the same political connotation as for the Ambedkarites who look upon it like a liberation theology. That contradiction seems to be emerging here too. Unfortunately therefore a blame game too has begun.

Read: Why the Bodh Gaya temple must be handed over to Buddhists

There was a call for a large gathering at Gaya on Buddha Purnima Day. However, it seems, that except for some dedicated Buddhists from Maharashtra and many from Uttar Pradesh, there was not a significant gathering here. To date, one Akash Lama has been leading the ‘non-political movement’ but suddenly he announced the suspension of the Dharana on Buddha Purnima day resulting in public accusations of his conniving with RSS and the NDA government. It is at this point of time another mendicant, Bhante Vinaya Acharya who seems to have questioned this suspension of Dharna as well as the inactive movement and wanted to launch a bigger movement to liberate the holiest shrines of the Buddhists, has been missing suddenly from the night of May 12.  Unconfirmed reports suggest that he has been arrested by the police though there is no information about his whereabouts. It is also strange that Bhant’s arrest or disappearance has not found its way in the Bihar media. Not much is heard from the political class about him. So, nobody actually knows what is happening as there is not a single official line from among India’s Buddhists, either..

A video has gone viral in which a local vendor is heard responding with ‘Jai Shri Ram’ to calls of ‘Jai Bhim’. Thereafter an altercation follows over why a non-Buddhist or anti Buddhist person has been allowed to be in the location of MahaBodhi Vihar. The issue of Maha Bodhi Vihar has suffered from the absence of enough local Buddhists living in Bodh Gaya. Despite all the sloganeering by national and regional opposition parties –espousing the politics of Pichda Dalit Adivasi (PDA) or the Bahujans – a vast majority of the Bahujan masses actually suffer from their own caste hierarchies. The sole thing that  unites them is the discrimination unleashed by Brahmanical forces. However, they have been unsuccessful so far in launching a movement that could eliminate Brahmanism from among themselves. Many intellectuals claim that it is a conspiracy to speak on these internal contradictions. The irony is that while a majority of the people, communities and castes that live in and around the Mahabodhi Vihar belong to Dalit Bahujan communities, the issue of independent Buddhist management  has not yet galvanised enough local support in a manner that could politically threaten the state government.

Leaders like Chirag Paswan or Jeetan Ram Manjhi have remained absolutely silent on the question. It is clear that the issue has not yet captured the emotion and sentiments of the local Bahujan masses which itself is a failure of its reach. Bihar’s social justice politics actually revolves around a class of agrarian-involved OBCs who have not been delinked from Brahmanical traditions. The cultural affiliation of communities like Dusadh as well as Charmkars too is heavily turned towards the rituals and practices which are often linked to Brahmanism. Unlike the Mahars in Maharashtra and Jatavs and Chamars in Uttar Pradesh, Dalits as well as OBCs in Bihar are culturally inclined to Brahmanical practices and rituals.

Even at the start, the Mahabodhi Mahavihara issue was not one raised by locals. It was the Sri Lankan Bhikkhu Anagarika Dharmapala who internationalised it. The Buddhist movement in India spread afresh among the masses only after Babasaheb Ambedkar revived this with his mass conversion, however, unfortunateky after his ‘Mahaparinirvana’, the movement remained confined to Maharashtra alone and thereafter spread only partly to Western Uttar Pradesh. The movement got revitalised after the ascendancy of BSP in power in the state when Ms Mayawati became chief minister of the state. She promoted Buddhism, created separate districts like Kushinagar, Mahamayanagar and  Panchsheel Nagar etc apart implementing some key policy measures.

However, the issue of Mahabodhi Mahavihara has always haunted the Buddhist community world over — why has their holiest shrine not been handed over to them for independent management. There is no dispute over the authenticity and historicity of the Mahabodhi Mahavihara but it is disturbing to see the deafening silence of all the major political players. Prime Minister Narendra Modi on his foreign tours, speaks about Buddha and Buddhism as India’s cultural heritage but so far he has remained mute on the issue. Bihar government too has not spoken anything of it. The Ambedkarites are also pinning their hopes on the Chief Justice of India Justice B R Gavai but the fact is that the most important influencer in this regard can only be Prime Minister Narendra Modi apart from other Hindu organisations who should peacefully resolve this issue by handing over the Management of the BodhGaya Temple Management Committee to the Buddhists. While Hindu organisations have been seeking a positive response from Muslims in relation to all the religious places that they feel were originally ‘Hindu’ but were ‘demolished’ or appropriated as Mosques. The argument for Ayodhya Ram Temple movement was the same that Muslims should respect the sentiments of Hindus and hand over the temple to Hindus. The Supreme Court order in this regard was more to ‘honour’ the sentiments of Hindus rather than a judgement based on facts and constitutionality. The court used its own power in the good faith so that a political issue which should have been resolved long back, is now settled amicably. It is surprising why the same court cannot ask Hindus to respect the sentiments of Buddhists and ask the government to make due changes in the BodhGaya Temple Management Committee and hand it over to Buddhists. There is no dispute on its historicity and Buddhist background yet neither the court nor the political leaders have spoken about it.

For all political parties, any issue relates to the wider support and the linked political profit or loss in raising it. This is the only reason (motive) for a party with not much stake in Bihar –like the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi –is vocal while those in Bihar are silent only because of the absence of a popular local movement in its supports. Neither Lalu Yadav nor Chirag Paswan have spoken . Rahul Gandhi who has been vocal on the issues of Dalits as well as EBCs, has remained mute. He recently travelled to Darbhanga, addressed the SC students at the Ambedkar Hostel and later saw the film Phule with various activists, academics, students and politicians at a mall in Patna but did not utter a single word about the Buddhists demanding justice at Bodh Gaya.

This clearly indicates that for the political class, an issue only becomes important when it has the mass support. It seems locally there is no support for the movement in and around Bodh Gaya and a majority of the support that the issue has galvanised, is from outside. The Buddhist movement initiated by Baba Saheb Ambedkar has not reached diverse Dalit communities in India. Politically, all Bahujan parties do pay tribute to Lord Buddha and speak about Buddhism’s importance, but on the ground, their politics does not reflect the same commitment. Thirdly, even among the Dalits, it is mostly the Mahars and Jatavs who have embraced Buddhism and rest of the communities and leaders have not shown much inclination to it. For the OBCs, it does not concern much at the moment though exceptions are there but they are too small to impact the majority. Finally, there are also the cultural differences between the Buddhists from other regions and the Ambedkarite approach to it who have been aggressively speaking against the ‘Brahmanical’ onslaught on it. The non Ambedkarite Buddhists approach is through matured political dialogue with the government as it does not necessarily consider Hindus as adversary but for Ambedkarites Buddhists, aggressive critique of Brahmanism is the main theme of Buddhism. There are other issues of leadership of the movement too. People are missing Bhadant Nagarjun Surai Sasai who had once, , decades ago. Today, age has limited his political activism though he remains active in Maharashtra.

Two approaches can resolve the issue. One is if the Supreme Court takes note of it and gives direction to the Bihar government. Second, by Narendra Modi himself, who has been persistently using Buddhism as a symbol of India’s soft power, the world over. He participates in most Buddhist festivals and speaks greatly about Buddhism globally whenever he meets world leaders. Buddha is India’s biggest global influencer and one is sure that the government understands it. The government can call an all-party meeting and resolve the issue. This is not an issue which cannot  be resolved. Unlike Ayodhya, the issue is not really that of the origin and historicity of the temple but about its management which rightfully belongs to Buddhists.

Whether there are political movements or not, the government of India must take notice of this issue and provide a helping hand to the Bihar government, towards a resolution.

Buddha and Buddhism are India’s most powerful symbols of soft power. If the government has positive intent, it can resolve this issue peacefully and democratically. Will this, however, actually happen?

Related:

Bodh Gaya: Why the Mahabodhi Temple must be handed over to Buddhists

Religious Desecration: Who’s responsible for destruction of early Indian, Buddhist places of learning in Odisha?

The post Mahabodhi Vihar, Gaya: a conspiracy of silence across the political spectrum appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In 2013, the government of Bangladesh introduced a policy for the socially and economically disadvantaged communities and categorised them into three types- Dalit, Harijan, and Bede. The policy defines ‘Harijan’ as “people who are known as ‘harijan’ in the society and do not hesitate to introduce themselves as ‘harijan’” (Department of Social Service, 2013)[i]. It is tragic that most of these communities still remain at the margins and government and activists still bear the name which has been widely rejected by the same communities in India.

Immigrants without any identity

The Dalit question in Bangladesh has remained highly unaddressed, just like in Pakistan where the entire issue is considered one related to ‘Hindus’ alone without fair representation in any field except in ‘sanitation work’. Though there is no official data about the exact numbers of Dalits in Bangladesh yet roughly it is estimated to be between 5.5 million to 6.5 million. The Bangladesh Dalit narrative now excludes the native Bangla speaking communities like Namashudras who have been better represented and ‘well off’ relatively to the immigrant Dalits though it is also a fact that Bangladesh too does not have any constitutional safe guard for Dalits on the question of representations in the government services and within politics.

The Dalit movement in Bangladesh is still at its nascent stage. The native Namshudras do not feel part of it. Many Bangladeshi Dalit leaders have accused members of the Namashudra community behaving like caste Hindus and practicing untouchability against them. So, the Dalit movement in this country has emerged out of the basic needs of the ‘migrant’ untouchable communities. It is important to understand that the ‘term’ migrant is being used for non-native Bengalis who were brought in to Bengal by the British in 1870.

The non-Bengali Dalit groups who generally speak in Hindi, Utkal, Deshwali and Telegu had migrated into or were brought in to East Bengal before 1947 from Uttar Pradesh (UP), Andhra Pradesh, Rajasthan, Bihar, Orissa, and Madras. They worked as cleaners, tea gardeners (1853-54), jungle cleaners, and other cleaning jobs in the middle part of British Rule (1838-1850).

To be frank, the British brought in these different groups particularly the Sweepers in to Bengal from not only Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Bihar, Odisha but also from the southern states like Madras Presidency. Unbeknown to many, a number of people living in the slums of Dhaka are Telugu speaking who migrated from Andhra Pradesh, in past part of Madras Presidency. Most of the menial sanitation work was done by these communities hence they faced not only contempt but isolation due to nature of their ‘job’. Interestingly, the Dalit movement too is divided at multiple levels: not merely on the basis of native Dalits and Dalit immigrants but also among the immigrants themselves, wherein those engaged in sanitation work are also categorised as ‘Harijans’.

Sanitation workers or Safai Karmcharis include communities engaged in manual scavenging: Raut, Hela, Hari, Dome, Domar, Telegu, Lalbegi, Banshphor, Dusadh, Chhatraira, Balmiki, and others.

The other Dalit Communities in Bangladesh

Apart from the Sweepers, there are five other categories of Dalits in Bangladesh. They are following:

Tea Plantation Workers: Bangalee, Bauri, Robidas, Tanti, Khodal, Karmokar, Bhumij, Bihari, Nayak, Mridha, Bakti, Chasha, Ghatuar, Goala, Gour, Kumri, Mushohor, and others:

Leather Processing Workers Rabidas, Rishi and others

Pig Rearing Kaiputra or Kwara

Brick Kiln Workers: Kol, Rajbhar and others

It is not that the native Bangla people do not face discrimination but the differences seem to be growing. The Bangali Dalits are those who are native like Namashudras and others, still well represented in the services, jobs and educated in comparison to immigrant ones. Secondly, all of them are actually more organised on community lines and not as a ‘Dalit’ which actually is just a decade old phenomenon.

Non-Bengali Dalits

The non-Bengali Dalit groups who generally speak in Hindi, Utkal, Deshwali and Telegu migrated or brought in to East Bengal before 1947 from Uttar Pradesh (UP), Andhra Pradesh, Rajasthan, Bihar, Orissa, and Madras. They worked as cleaners, tea gardeners (1853-54), jungles cleaners, and other cleaning jobs in the middle of the British Rule (1838-1850).

Telugu’ came from predominantly from Madras Residency and most of them were Mala, Magida, Chakali etc and are known as Madrasi. Most of them live in the slums of Dhaka and tea gardens of Sylhet and other such areas. The number of Telugu speaking Dalits is not less than 40000 in Dhaka.

The other Dalits who migrated from United Province are known as Kanpuri as most of them hailed from Allahabad and Kanpur. Bihari’s are already known as Bihari, a term also used contemptuously: Bihari Muslims were also considered against the liberation movement.

A number of Native Dalits actually migrated after Jogendranath Mandal had openly supported the Muslim League call for a separate nation. In fact, places like Sylhet today are in Bangladesh because of massive campaign carried out by Mandal during the referendum. Interestingly, the Muslim majority areas like Karimganj actually voted for being part of India! In any case, the Bangladesh Dalit and Excluded Rights Movement says, Dalits in Bangladesh can be divided into two groups. A section of Dalits who were brought to the country during the British rule to work as cleaners and forest clearing and tea plantations. And, another section who have been children of this country for thousands of years but are considered as ‘low caste’ in the eyes of the so-called society based on birth and profession. These are the fishermen, barbers, washermen, blacksmiths, cobblers, Kalu, Majhi, Zola, butchers, hunters, gardeners, Bede, Dhuli etc. Dalits are considered upper caste in the mainstream society and untouchable by others. Despite their significant contribution to the country’s economy, environment, and social development, they are the most economically and socially deprived Dalit community.

Is the issue of caste discrimination an internal matter for Hinduism in Bangladesh?

The crisis of Dalits in an Islamic society or where the Muslims are a majority showcases a kind of betrayal of the entire ‘ideology’ of the Dalit-Muslim alliance which the Muslim League actually purported to profess during its Partition movement, to ensure that a preponderant region/areas from both Punjab and Bengal become part of Pakistan.

History thus teaches us this lesson: that Dalits and minorities whether it is Muslims or Hindus, are only safe under a secular constitution. Once the constitution becomes theocratic and appeases majoritarianism, there are scant chances of the minorities getting any success. Dalits in both Bangladesh and Pakistan actually faced a dual (double) victimhood. First, they were a minority and then they were also Dalits. It is not that the Muslims loved them and provided them respect. The sanitation work in Pakistan as well as Bangladesh is purely ‘reserved’ for the Harijan communities. There are pockets where untouchability does not exist while in a majority of the northern areas like Dinajpur, Rajshahi, Khulna etc., they do face untouchability. People from the Harijan community are not allowed to drink tea or eat at the hotels in many places, says 85 year-old, Manek Lal Dom, from Bhola. He adds that they don’t face discrimination of any kind within Bhola because a number of persons now working as sewage cleaners there hail from the Muslim community too.

The Bihari Dalits or Bhojpuri Dalits who migrated to undivided Bengal were actually invited or taken by the British as sweepers, cleaner, tea plantation workers, labour for picking up dead bodies and doing all kinds of menial work. They came here leaving all possessions. The only thing they had with them was their ‘faith’, they had otherwise nothing to own. Most of them came to Bangladesh in 1930s. Manek Lal Dom’s grandfather came here as a sweeper and he was born in Bhola. Now, Bhola is the largest island in Bangladesh in the Bay of Bengal.

Unlike in India and to some extent in Nepal, the Dalit movement in Bangladesh has to function within the periphery of ‘majoritarian politics’.  In Pakistan, most of them are used to portray Hindus as the worst kind of racists as well as by confining injustices s those ‘inside’ Hinduism. Some Pakistani organisations even organize Ambedkar Jayanti events every year and invite Ambedkarites and other human rights scholars to speak. Interestingly, the entire event is not focused at helping the Dalits in Pakistan but becomes a tool of anti-India propaganda resulting in neglect of the local Dalit activists and leaders. In Bangladesh, the situation is slightly bit better as civil society mobilisation in Bangladesh has been far superior to Pakistan. However, the Dalit movement still does not have autonomy as it has in India especially because it lacks the strength to organise resources at their own. There are administrative issues too. The presence of Dalits particularly the Bhojpuri speaking immigrants, Harijans, Rabidasis, inside Bangladeshi Parliament or in various structures of state is almost nil.

Dalits not even a minority

Dalits are not even a minority in any true sense. Minorities have a right to own their language, establish their institutions, and press for an inclusive politics among others. The Bhojpuri minorities in Bangladesh do not even know their native language. The only thing they have is their ‘traditional’ festivals and family events. They speak in Bhojpuri and can sing Bhajans. They have their own temples in certain places and they worship but cannot either read or write Bhojpuri or Hindi. Bangladesh came into being for the language movement, yet it is ironic that it does not care to protect the languages of those who immigrated? Frankly, Dalits are not even considered equal citizens otherwise this question would have always raised that they must have their own language and schooling in their native language schools. A majority of them are thoroughly landless.

Manek Lal Dom’s grandfather migrated from Darbhanga in Bihar to undivided Bengal. He was born in Bhola, Bangladesh’s biggest island on the Bay of Bengal. They were responsible for maintaining the cleanliness in the city. The work was harsh and harder. Since the 1930s, till this day in Bhola, Manek Lal Dom lives in a rented house. This is a government rented house for which they pay about 80 Taka per month. Plus of course, more than a 1000 taka for electricity and 500 taka for water too every month. This from a salary of TK 6000 per month. Imagine, a family that came over more than 100 years ago, but still does not have a house of its own to live. That result is people living in the street or open spaces.

Biggest victim of state sponsored eviction

Actually, ‘Harijans’ in Bangladesh face the threat of eviction as they don’t have any residential papers and live at the ‘mercy’ of the state. The fact of the matter is that during the partition, a large number of refugees including the Dalits came to India from East and West Pakistan but the sanitation workers were not that fortunate as leaders wanted them to be there. If they are not there then who would clean their toilets, is said to be an argument of a ‘great leader’ during the partition movement. The gross failure of the respective governments everywhere is that the city cleaners never got the right to a life with dignity. Rather than honouring their hard work and acknowledging the discrimination they face daily both at the hands of the authorities as well as common people, Hindus and Muslims alike, these Harijans face threat of evictions any time. An eviction happened in Dhaka’s famous Miranzila Harijan colony on June 11, 2024 where they had been living for generations. “Although the authorities claimed they will evict 87 families, they are planning to evict more than 120 families,” said Nirmal Chandra Das, secretary general of Bangladesh Harijan Oikya Parishad.[ii]

As a research paper narrates the story of Dalit ghettoisation within Dhaka. ‘The Dalits have been ghettoised in 27 hubs (12 are prominent) in and around Dhaka. A very few of them could establish their career outside the precincts. They are not unified as they have internecine strife, which is an obstacle before obtaining enough social capital to secure their collective interests. As a result, they could flourish themselves as successful individual entrepreneurs.  The Dalits of Bangladesh (experience) regimented patriarchy. But in Dhaka the women enjoy relatively more freedom. This opens another frontier of dilemma. They become educated, and due to the open media, they know the world faster, but finally, they discover that their world is confined to their precinct. They discover their capability failures and newer types of intersectionality every day.  “It is better to be born an idiot, rather than handicapped conscious beings”- said a Dalit girl to me. Her name was Anuradha. I heard it with a friend and sighed’[iii].

Many people might ask, why can’t these people stay elsewhere? Why do they live in the slums of Dhaka? I have visited these slums in Dhaka and can only say that the circumstances that they live is simply ‘unliveable’. Most of the time, they are surrounded by filthy water where mosquitos and other insect fly around and a heavy stink make things impossible to stay on. I saw the similar conditions in Bhola when I visited Manek Lal Dom’s house. There was no electricity. Dom said that they can’t any house on rent outside as none of the owners want to give them house on rent so most of the people end up staying on the street and roads as they don’t have the capacity to buy a house for themselves.

Imagine a community which was brought to clean human excreta has not got a place to live and frankly live as non-citizens of the country. If even after working for nearly 40 years, the salary is 6000TK then it reflects a highly iniquitous social order. When the issue of Dalit was being used as a Hindu subject then why have the leaders of two independent countries not pushed for a better lot for them? They could have shown, by example, that societies which are Islamic do not recognise birth-based differences and that they would do their best to bring the marginalised to the mainstream, but that never happened.

A report in Bangladesh suggested that many of the ‘Harijans’ are now changing their names as well as surnames so that they are not identified by caste. The report says the Telugus are now using the title, to be seen as a native Bangladesh. I witnessed this in Bhola too where most of the youth had Bengali sounding surnames. The friend who took me various places and son of a Bhojpuri Harijan put down his surname as De. When he came to the hotel to meet me, we were speaking in English and he was speaking with my Bangladeshi friend in Bangla. After some time, I realized that he was not well versed in English. These friends asked me whether I understand Bangla to which I replied that I can understand a bit. After some time, I just casually asked whether he understand Hindi or watch Hindi movies or serials which are popular. I was shocked to hear that this friend told me that he knows Hindi well and his ancestors came from Darbhanga in Bihar!

‘The Global Forum of Communities Discriminated on Work and Descent, report 2023 entitled ‘The Situation of Dalits in Bangladesh: Country Report says that, ‘ The literacy rate among male and female Dalits is 48.3% and 38.7% respectively which is far behind Bangladesh’s national literacy rate of 74.66%. Most of the Dalits live in designated housing settlements built on common land i.e. Khas land and 56% of Dalit households do not have any land.[iv]’

Unprotected and isolated

The biggest crisis for the sweeper or the Harijan community in Bangladesh is that the state has no protection for them. No encouragement to enter services other than sanitation work. The community itself has been pushed into the margins, limiting their struggle to better housing and more sanitary jobs in various government services including municipalities or big city corporations. While the ‘reports’ always try to suggest that it is only the Hindus who discriminate against them, none else. A very similar approach by Pakistani Dalit Rights groups is evident, too, who feel comfortable narrating the Brahmanical history a ‘Dalit’ without ever questioning their own rulers and authorities on the steps taken to combat structural discrimination. In fact, no report in Bangladesh has, so far, spoken about the job reservation for the Dalit community, particularly Harijans, in non-sanitation work. In fact, today, that job too is under attack: similar to various municipalities in India, it has been reported that a number of non-Harijans pay money to get the better paid sweeper’s job in various municipalities and government offices and then sublet the work to the Harijans on petty remuneration. In fact, due to these irregularities Sheikh Hasina government promised to ‘ensure’ 80% reservation in the sanitation work for the Harijan community. This was opposed and the so called ‘revolution’ in Bangladesh actually created more insecurity among Dalits particularly the Harijan community as they are not clear whether there will be a protection for their job in government departments particularly for sweepers as well as sanitation work.

Babul Das (56), a sweeper from Madarbari Shebok Colony in Chittagong, said: “Our children do not get white collar jobs even though they have the qualifications. It would console our heart if even one of us got an official job. But unfortunately, this never happens. Sweeping is the only profession, no matter whether we want to stick to it or not. Our destiny is sweeping, though this too is uncertain nowadays[v].”

Ironically, the stigma, discrimination continues to ‘track’ them despite living in a different society. The issue of Dalits is not merely that of being part of a hierarchical Hindu caste order but those who claim not to have anything to do with the caste system and birth-based discrimination, actually, have to answer more as the conditions under their leadership and society is perhaps worse. Dalits in Islamic Bangladesh and Pakistan, have no voice of their own.

A newspaper report in Bangladesh says, ‘Brought into the Bengal region by the British government from Madras, Kanpur, Hyderabad and some southern areas of what is now India, this sweeper community consists of people who are known as Harijans. They were chosen for the job and brought here as cleaners because of their status as ‘Dalits’ or ‘low class’ Hindus. Although they left their place of origin, the stigma surrounding their identity did not leave them[vi]’.

While I was not able to visit these localities in Dhaka myself, other researchers have found out that ‘Dhaka city has six sweeper colonies where they live a vulnerable life. These are: Ganoktuli, Dayaganj, Dhalpur, Sutrapur, Agargaon and Mohammadpur sweeper colonies[1].In Dhaka city, the Telegu  Sweepers are the large in number, they are concentrated mainly in four ghettos or quarters, known as :(1) Wari or Tikatuli Sweeper quarters; (2) Dhalpur Sweepers quarter, officially named city Palli; (3) Gopibag sweepers quarter, and (4) Muhammadpur Sweeper quarter. All the quarters are located within the perimeter of Dhaka city[vii].

There are few other areas, for example, Wari (Tikatuli), Babu Bazar, Dhalpur, Gopibagh and Mohammadpur, where the Harijan sweepers are largely concentrated. Over one lakh sweepers live in the Ganaktuli Sweeper Colony located on a piece of 20 acres of land by the side of the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) Headquarters at Pilkhana[viii].

It is equally important to know that most of the ‘Harijans’ did not migrate to East Bengal, as it was then called during pre-partition days but were taken there, either by the Mughals in the 16^th century or later by the British in the 19^th century. Motive: to carry out sanitation and sweeping work for their cantonments and other institutions of the Raj.

‘In the nineteenth century, for example, fifty sweepers were brought from Kanpur by the British Government to clean public toilets which were constructed in Dhaka for the city dwellers by the Ordinance No. 7 of 1870. In 1905, however, more sweepers were required with the establishment of Dhaka as the capital of East Bengal. The sweepers used to carry out the task of cleaning the city on daily basis.[ix]’

Absence of concrete data  

Ironically, we don’t have exact figures for manual scavenging in Bangladesh. If you ask activists, most of them will deny its existence but the fact is the entire country does not even have the flush toilet system. If that is the reality, how does the entire sewage system work? We also have not seen any sewage system reports or any of deaths in sewage cleaning operation in Bangladesh. A report published last year by Down to Earth, actually revealed that manual scavenging still persist in many parts and most of those engaged in it are those who were brought in by the British from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar.

‘There are around 800-1,000 Dalits in Lalmonirhat (Rangpur division).They are all involved in activities related to sanitation. Some 50-60 are actively engaged in manual scavenging. Their ancestors were non-Bengalis who were forced to migrate from the northern and southern parts of India (present-day Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Andhra Pradesh) to East Bengal (now Bangladesh) under the pretext of permanent government jobs by the British before the 1947 Partition of the subcontinent’[x].

Sadly, there is no data or monitoring of death in sewage or septic tank as well as number of people engaged in manual scavenging. A research paper reported that ‘Total 136 person died in 5 years from 2014 to 2018 in Septic Tank according Bangladesh institute of labour studies’[xi].

Glossy reports –to the contrary–suggest that Bangladesh became almost open defecation free in 2019.

Bangladesh is almost open defecation free (about 99% achieved). Basic sanitation coverage is 64%, safely managed sanitation is currently 36.4% in rural areas. (Source: Multi Cluster Indicator Survey, MICS, 2019 report by BBS and UNICEF)[xii]. World Bank data too show that there is zero open air defecation in Bangladesh[xiii] but a report published by Daily Star, Dhaka says that while Bangladesh has definitely succeeded in reducing the open-air defecation yet, this has not reached at zero level. Actually, such reports that Bangladesh has succeeded in achieving the target of zero open air defecation have been appearing in the global media since 2016 but the reality is far from this. If NGOs, academics and activists make this a priority concern, a different story could emerge, as evident from the account published by Daily star, Dhaka, which says ‘Over 21 lakh people in Bangladesh engage in open defecation in the absence of public toilets, raising the risk of health hazards via the transmission of a wide range of diseases, says a Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics report. It further says that, the number of people practicing open defecation in Rangpur is 7.35 lakh, while it is 1.24 lakh in Dhaka’[xiv].

Bangladesh Dalits and the Excluded Rights Movement

The Bangladesh Dalit and Excluded Rights Movement is working harder to empower the Dalits and Harijan communities. The effort is not merely movement based but also provides decent alternative to the community engaged in sanitation work. It is working deeply in the communities in different parts of the country and new young leaders are emerging from the community. BDERM also used international solidarity and has presented reports on the conditions of Dalits at the international forums too. However, it needs to be careful and could expand its reach if the movement grows in diversity and autonomy followed by building up a confederation of various organisations working on the issue. Of course, the approach should not confine to merely ‘agitational work’ but also positive work, skill development as well as ensuring their representation in government services, educational institutions and most importantly seeking their involvement and engagement in non-sanitation or non- sweeping occupations. BDERM has been net-working with international solidarity as well as Indian organisations like Safai karmchari Andolan but also building up national solidarity and doing advocacy for the rights of Harijans with the government. BDERM has a network of over 17 NGOs and 2000 individuals and has been working at the international forum along with International Dalit Solidarity Network. They have been demanding a National Dalit Rights Commission but things have not moved much. Bangladesh must also think of enacting an Anti-Untouchability and Anti-Manual scavenging law but that would only be possible if the activists and the government think that the issue is serious and requires this. If they instead all remain in denial mode then, it this becomes difficult. For that to happen, academics, media, NGOs, social movements must focus on gathering data and monitoring violation of cases particularly related to untouchability, manual scavenging, septic tank or sewage deaths and other issues of those working as sweepers in municipalities and other private and government institutions.

The new Dalit movement in Bangladesh is making every effort in the right direction but it needs more strength to build a community leadership. Intellectuals and activists cannot satisfy themselves by dismissing this as a ‘caste system’ and the ‘internal problems’ of Hindus. They are citizens of Bangladesh and need full protection. So far, I found the demand by them was for a dignified housing and government job as Safai Karmcharis, for which the earlier government had fixed a quota of 80% for the Harijan community. Even this is not implemented. The result is non-Harijans are getting jobs which are relatively better paid but keep the children of Harijans as absentee cleaner, a practice very much prevalent in India too.

Moreover, as we demand in India, the government must ensure reservation for children of Harijan communities in the non-sanitation work. They must get equal opportunity to progress and for that their children must get preferential treatment in the form of affirmative action. Most importantly, government must prohibit the use of the term Harijans, which is purely demeaning and also the biggest mental block of the community to think beyond sanitation work. Right now, the threat is to their livelihood through mechanization as well as hijacking of their jobs by others through corrupt practices. All reports suggest they face the biggest threat of eviction and a majority of them despite living there in the third or fourth generation do not have a house of their own.

For long the issue of Dalits has been side tracked but now the situation demands the government focus on their emancipation through constitutional provisions banning untouchability and caste discrimination in all forms and practice. Some positive measures need to be taken including job reservation, education, health, housing and land redistribution. Will the Dhaka government act and respect the sacrifices of the Harijan community people who make Bangladesh clean and yet do not have access to safe and clean drinking water and living conditions? Let us hope that the government of Bangladesh will act positively and provide dignified alternative to one of the most marginalized communities, called Harijans in Bangladesh.

[i] Social Exclusion and Multiple Discriminations of Harijan Community in Rajshahi, Bangladesh by Goelam Mohammad Nur, Md Redwanur Rahman, S M Shaffiuzzman and Kamrun Nohar Sona. https://www.ijcrt.org/papers/IJCRT2309644.pdf

[ii]  No Home for Harijans by Md Abbas, Daily Star, June 11,2024 https://www.thedailystar.net/news/bangladesh/news/no-home-harijans-3631801

[iii] The Dalits in Dhaka: where the society has doubled their marginalization, 24.10.23 – Dhaka, Bangladesh – Pressenza New York,  https://www.pressenza.com/2023/10/the-dalits-in-dhaka-where-the-society-has-doubled-their-marginalization/

[iv] Situation of Dalits in Bangladesh : Country Report 2023

https://globalforumcdwd.org/landmark-report-documents-harsh-reality-of-cdwds-of-bangladesh/

[v] Tanvir Hossain, Daily Star, Dhaka March 19, 2013 https://www.thedailystar.net/news/the-sweepers-a-socially-excluded-community

[vi] Beyond destiny: The new generation at Dayaganj sweeper colony look forward to a different future by Aziz Hakim, August 30, 2022, The Business Standard, Dhaka

https://www.tbsnews.net/features/panorama/beyond-destiny-new-generation-dayaganj-sweeper-colony-look-forward-different

[vii] Human Rights Conditions Of Horizon (Sweeper), Community In Dhaka, Bangladesh, a legal review, 2010

https://www.lawyersnjurists.com/article/human-rights-conditions-of-horizon-sweeper-community-in-dhaka-bangladesh/

[viii] The Harijans of Bangladesh: Living with the injustice of Untouchability, by Prof Dr Md Rahmat Ullah, published by Empowerment of through law of the common people, Dhaka P 14

[ix] Ibid P 55-56

[x] In a corner of Bangladesh, manual scavenging is impacting a treatment plant’s sustainability by Sarim, Down to Earth, 9 January 2024.

https://www.downtoearth.org.in/water/in-a-corner-of-bangladesh-manual-scavenging-is-impacting-a-treatment-plant-s-sustainability-93793

[xi] Septic Tank accidents in Bangladesh are rising: Few facts and thoughts by Safwatul Haque Niloy, WASH Coordinator, OXFAM in Bangladesh, April 2024

379986519_Septic_tank_accidents_in_Bangladesh_are_rising_Few_facts_and_thoughts/link/66252f1cf7d3fc287472e944/download?_tp=eyJjb250ZXh0Ijp7ImZpcnN0UGFnZSI6InB1YmxpY2F0aW9uIiwicGFnZSI6InB1YmxpY2F0aW9uIn19

[xii] People’s Republic of Bangladesh Country Overview 2020

https://www.sanitationandwaterforall.org/sites/default/files/2020-12/2020_Country-Overview_Bangladesh.pdf

[xiii] World Bank Data, Bangladesh

https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SH.STA.ODFC.ZS?locations=BD

[xiv] 21 lakh people in Bangladesh practice open defecation: BBS, Daily Star, Dhaka, November 19, 2022 https://www.thedailystar.net/news/bangladesh/news/bangladesh-lags-behind-sanitation-3173416

The post The ‘Harijans’ of Bangladesh: Victims of constitutional neglect and social isolation appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Dr Biswas was born at a time when there was chaos and sharp communal polarisation of the pre partition era. He was born on February 6, 1946 in Baraichara in district Jessore, now in Bangladesh. He passed his matriculation in first division in 1962 from Bunagati High school, Magura. At the age of sixteen, he had to leave his home and come to Bongaon, now part of 24 Pargana district, West Bengal after traversing about 70 kilometres barefoot to his sister’s home there. There was swelling in the feet of the innocent boy and his sister washed them in hot water and put him with her children. The traumatised young boy taught the children of his sister in Bongaon. He graduated from Thakurnagar, again a place known to be related to the founder of Matua Mahasangha Guru Hari Chand. Later he was teaching in a school and preparing for various state exams and got selected in the West Bengal Civil Services and was appointed as an administrative officer, as Sub Divisional Magistrate. Later, he completed his Masters in Economics from Calcutta University and got selected in the West Bengal Provincial Civil Services and got appointed as Deputy Collector. His friend and senior at Thakurnagar college, Mr Amar Krishna Biswas, who is now retired informs that Dr A K Biswas was a very hard-working person who never shared his hardships with anyone. He was always working harder and aiming high.

In 1973, Mr Atul Krishna Biswas was selected by the UPSC in All India Civil Services examinations and got the Bihar cadre where he served in different capacities throughout his career. As a Member of Indian Administrative Service, he held charge as Sub Divisional Officer, District Magistrate, Divisional Commissioner and rose to the coveted positions of Principal Secretary, Home Secretary, Energy Secretary of Government of Bihar. He was instrumental in formation of university named after Baba Saheb Ambedkar and was appointed as the first Vice-Chancellor, Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar Bihar University, Muzaffarpur.

Interestingly, his zeal and dedication towards education never ended.  He always pursued his interests. Though, there was no need for him to focus on education once he became a civil servant, qualified after his graduation. He actually completed his masters as a private candidate after he joined services and his thirst for knowledge did not end there as he followed it with his Ph.D. later. His dissertation on ‘Inland and Overseas Emigration of Working Classes in the Nineteenth Century from Bihar got him Ph.D awarded by Patna University.

Dr A K Biswas retired from his services in 2007 but started writing extensively on issues he felt extremely important. Though he was not in great health yet his convictions made him write lengthy pieces on the subject which have been either ignored or left out. On matter of Dalit question in Bengal, he was an undisputed authority.

His research articles got published in English and Bengali journals and magazines of repute. The Telegraph, Calcutta, The Hindustan Times, The Times of India, [Patna Edition], Social Scientist, Mainstream, Outlook, Velivada, Countercurrent.org, Frontier, etc.  carried large number of his writings on different occasion. Off late, he continued to write pieces in Mainstream and countercurrents.org.

Dr A K Biswas wrote several books since 1996. Some of his books are following

1. Social and Cultural Vision of India: Facts against Fiction, Pragati Publication, Delhi,1996.
2. Understanding Bihar, Blumoon Books, New Delhi, 1998.
3. The Namasudras of Bengal, Profile of a persecuted people, Blumoon Book, New Delhi, 2000.
4. Sepoy Mutiny and Indian Perfidy [1857-58] (Monograph) (1998)
5. Sati: Saga of a Gory Custom (Monograph) (1999)
6. The Namasudras of Bengal: Profile of a Persecuted People (Monograph) (2000)
7. A Study of Feudalism in Eastern India with special reference to Bihar (Monograph) (waiting for publication)
8. অন্বেষণ (ছদ্মনাম) শিপ্রা বিশ্বাস, কলিকাতা, ১৯৯৬।
9. স্মৃতিকথা [প্রকাশিত হবার মুখে]
10. বঙ্গ জীবনে অপরাধ এবং অপরাধপ্রবণতা—সামাজিক বিন্যাস[প্রকাশিত হবার মুখে]

He was busy writing his autobiography but one does not know whether that work got completed or not. He had been sharing ideas with me and was keen to work together on a conversation with me. I had requested him for a detailed interview which could be used in a book format. He told me that he would be happy to do so but only once his work in Bangla language is completed. In fact, he said that he had already responded to some of my questions that I had put to him. I hope the work that he had initiated with publishers would be out. His writings in Mainstream and countercurrents.org need to be compiled in book format so that people could understand the depth of his knowledge.

He was widely travelled person but most importantly he never lost touch with the ground. His writings reflected the power of his consistently looking for the original texts and documents. It would be important for us to have a relook at some of his writings. Right now, we are witnessing a movement regarding the Mahabodhi Vihar issue in Bihar. Dr Biswas was in a position to give a first-hand answer as he was Home Secretary, Bihar in 2005 when Principal Secretary to the President of India, Dr APJ Abul Kalam wrote a letter asking him to respond some of President’s concern about the rights of the Buddhists in relation to this Buddha Vihar. This is a very informative article which appeared in the mainstream on September 24, 2024 issue.

There is very little understanding about how Dr Baba Saheb Ambedkar was elected to Constituent Assembly from Jessore and Khulna constituency of Bengal. In an interview Dr Biswas told me, ‘Dr. Ambedkar, at that point of time, was a member of the Executive Council of the Governor General of India. With Independence was approaching, they needed to frame the Constitution, or write the Constitution for Independent India. Elections were held all over the country, so that members could draft Constitution for the new nation. The Congress Party was against Ambedkar, and they decided that his entry into the Constituent Assembly had to be stopped, or prevented. Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, in one of his statements, said that we have closed the doors and windows of the Constituent Assembly, and we’ll see how does he enters in this house. He could not get elected from Bombay Presidency, his home province, so he was thinking of getting elected from Bengal, with the help of Anglo-Indian members of the State Assembly of Bengal. Few months before the election, when he came to Calcutta and tried to get their support, he was told that the Anglo-Indian members have decided first to not participate in the election, and second that they will not vote [for] anybody in the election. So, Ambedkar was pretty disappointed and went back to Delhi. At this point of time, Jogendranath Mandal invited Ambedkar to come to Bengal and contest the election. He was the MLC of the Scheduled Castes Federation of India founded by Dr. Ambedkar. And he was the solitary member of the Bengal Assembly. Just 21 days before the election, Ambedkar came to Calcutta, had a meeting with the supporters and volunteers of the Scheduled Castes’ Society here, after which he agreed to contest elections. Mandal proposed his name and Biswas supported or seconded his candidature for the election. Elections are held on the appointed day and as many as seven MLCs voted for Ambedkar. In fact only five MLCs were required for any person to be elected as the member of the Constituent Assembly. When the results of the first round were declared it was found that Ambedkar had secured the best number of votes from Bengal. Incidentally Sarat Chandra Bose, elder brother of Subhas Chandra Bose, got six votes, one less than Dr. Ambedkar. Thus, a new chapter of the history of the Dalit movement and the struggle that Ambedkar undertook all his life was brought closer to the logical conclusion, and that gave him the opportunity to reach Constituent Assembly and fight for the cause of the ‘untouchable’ people of this country.

The details of this issue may be accessed in his article published by Mainstream in its December 24, 2016 issue.

In another analytical piece, ‘A critique of mass education in Bengal: Ishwar Chandra Vidya Sagar and his hypocrisy. Dr Biswas brought out the fact that while Bengal is known for ‘legendary’ social reformers yet none of them were too keen to empower the Dalits and marginalised communities. In fact, a person like Vidyasagar felt that education of these communities could be harmful as they dissociate themselves with their traditional occupations.

A look at what Vidyasagar told Nabin Chandra Sen, a poet, and Deputy Magistrate of Bengal Government may be revealing. The Deputy Magistrate recorded in his autobiography: “It will be a good riddance, should the accursed policy of education get a burial. I have established a school in my village in consequence of which I’ve deserted native place. As soon as children of farmers and labourers learn muttering a few English words, they shun their ancestral occupations. They run amuck for fashionable dresses, shoes, socks, hats, etc. It is due to them that I am unable to go home. As soon as I reach home (Birsingha), I am invaded by parents of those boys. They start pestering me, “Oh! My venerable, Sir, what have you done? My ward is totally unconcerned about my farm. Half a bigha of my land remained untilled in the current season. How shall I meet the requirement of food for the family? Over and above, I have to foot bills for his fashionable dress, hats, etc. Someone says my cattle have died but my son does not care to graze them. I have committed sin for which I am undergoing penance. I have solemnly sworn that I shall never ever establish any other schools in countryside. In this land, nobody, after receiving education, engages himself in pursuit of his ancestral occupation. No sooner than one starts muttering few English words, he shuns profession of his forefathers, nay, even hates his parents.” The complete article may be accessed here.

‘How sitting orthodoxy killed millions’ is a brilliant and analytical article written by Dr A K Biswas based on various first-hand report of incident of Plague that spread across India between 1896-1930 killing 40-50 million lives. Most of those who lost their lives were caste Hindus, Brahmin, Rajputs and Banias while the least affected were Chamars, Valmikis and Muslims. He explains how Brahmanical orthodoxy led by Bal Gangadhar Tilak actually opposed measures taken to control the Plague.

He writes, ‘The measures, e. g., house to house searches, examination of occupants, evacuation of suspected victims of the plague to hospitals and segregation camps, removal and destruction of personal effects of such persons, prevention of plague cases from entering or leaving the city, etc. were adopted for prevention of plague [6] Soon a certain section started voicing acute grievances against these initiatives.’ Bal Gangadhar Tilak vociferously denounced the Plague Commissioner saying that “Her Majesty the Queen, the Secretary of State and his Council, should not have issued the orders for practising tyranny upon the people of India without any special advantage to be gained.” His abomination was that “the government should not have entrusted the execution of this order to a suspicious, sullen and tyrannical officer like Rand.” [7] Did Tilak prejudge the elaborate anti-plague measures in public interests under the leadership of Rand? The British ICS had taken up the charge in March as Plague Commissioner. Within three months in June 1897, he was assassinated. Only prejudice can drive a section against an officer engaged in challenging duties. The time to assess his worth was too limited to kill him. It was pure prejudice against him. The extraordinary situation warrants unprecedented measures also for results. Tantrums of a milch cow, goes a proverb, has to be tolerated.

A conspiracy for assassination targeting Charles Rand was hatched by some hot-headed youth like Damodar Chaupaker, Balkrishna Chaupekar, Vasudev Chaupekar, Mahadeva Ranade and Khando Vishnu Sathe alleging his insensitivity to native orthodoxy. On June 22, 1897, the Diamond Jubilee of the coronation of Queen Victoria was celebrated in Poona. In a bomb attack, The Plague Commissioner Rand was critically injured while his companion Lieutenant Ayerst died on the spot. Bal Krishna and Vasudev also murdered Ganesh Dravid and his brother Ramchandra Dravid on suspicion of being police informers for the murder of Rand and Ayerst. The government offered a reward of Rs 20,000 for apprehension of the assassins. The Dravid brothers were suspected to have acted out of greed for the cash rewards. But they got Rs 10,000 only, which earned the ridicule of popular Marathi journal Kesari that Tilak edited. Rand succumbed to his injuries on July 3, 1897. This was a strange historic event: the benefactors who were fighting plague were done away with by assassins. Damodar, Bal Krishna, Vasudev and Ranade, who absconded, were arrested, prosecuted and hanged. A teenage Khanderao Sathe, a school student, was sentenced to ten years rigorous imprisonment. Bal Gangadhar Tilak hailed the actions of Damodar Chaupekar and his compatriots as patriotic in his journal Kesri for which he was prosecuted for sedition. Sentenced to eighteen months of rigorous imprisonment, Tilak was confined in Mandalay’.

The complete article may be read here.

The death of Dr Atul Kumar Biswas is a huge loss for those who were looking forward for some outstanding articles and books from him. He was determined to write about all important issues that he felt have been historically ignored. His forte was in tracing the important official reports and documents which were powerful instrument of exposing the prejudices of the powerful casteist elite of India.

There was not much information about his sad demise and perhaps the reason for this was that he was not member of any ‘organised’ group of ‘intellectuals’ or ‘activists’. These days, if you are autonomous and independent outside any organised group then the chances of isolation are more. Moreover, their families need to know about their creative activism. It is essential because admirers like me could only get the information of his death, nearly three four days later.

Though Dr A K Biswas wrote extensively about various issues confronting us particularly that belonging to the Dalits, he rarely spoke about himself. It took a lot of effort and time to get the information about his childhood and other struggle. The only people who could organise a tribute to him were his friends and admirers in Patna who organised a condolence meeting on March 1, 2025but this information remained confined to them. It is ironical that we know so much about the writing of the man but not about his own struggle. Of course, it is the greatness of Dr A K Biswas that he did not open up his personal pains and sorrows and moved ahead with his work.

One can only hope that his unpublished work will be out and shared with his friends and admirers. It is a personal loss for me as he would often call me and discuss various issues and his future planning. In the year 2017, I had a conversation with him but that time he was not feeling well or comfortable yet one can see him and remember him through his brilliant masterpieces.

My conversation with Dr A K Biswas may be viewed here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WTVUlECN24w

My sincere condolences to Dr A K Biswas.

Related:

Bodh Gaya: Why the Mahabodhi Temple must be handed over to Buddhists

Dr BR Ambedkar: How the ongoing tussle between the BJP and Congress is both limited & superficial

River Ganga, communities, cultures & livelihood: will Indians preserve its life-sustaining legacy?

The post Learned yet Forgotten: To Dr A K Biswas, a tribute appeared first on SabrangIndia.

It is also a fact that in later years as the Buddhist patrons lost their power to the Sena dynasty of Bengal followed by Mughal rule and invasion, the shrine remained ignored, even assaulted and ultimately got ruined. One of the greatest services to Buddhism in India was actually rendered by great British Surveyor Major General A Cunnigham as well as Indian archaeologist Dr Rajendralal Mitra and many others in the early 19^th century. It was they who were actually responsible for the restoration of the current site and numerous other Buddhist places previously just buried under the rubbles of the ruins.

Nobody has ever doubted that Bodh Gaya is the largest, most significant shrine of the Buddhist world. Several scholars in the past termed have regarded it a fit spot for pilgrimage, as pivotal as Mecca for Muslims, Badri-Kedar for Hindus and Jerusalem for Christians. Almost all the documents and research since the beginning has undoubtedly suggested that this is a Buddhist temple. The Bodhi tree is among the oldest trees of the world right at the sire, despite the fact that it was destroyed and uprooted several times; however it survived.

I am not going far into arguments of authenticity because unlike other religious ‘disputes’ in India, the issue of Mahabodhi Vihar as Buddhist temple has been a settled one. Right from British scholars to the British Indian administrator have treated it as a Buddhist place. The British handled this issue with great care and the negotiations and even at that point there was no questioning the ‘ownership’ of the land as claimed by Shankar Matth today. The Matth’s role was appreciated because it did not convert the shrine into a Hindu temple and also that Buddhists were allowed to worship there. So both the Hindus and Buddhists have been worshipping there in the vicinity of the complex where the Math has built Hindu temple too. Here is what the Bengal District Gazetteer of Gaya, 1906 says about Bodh Gaya and Mahabodhi Vihar.

‘The temple was originally a Buddhist shrine but for a long time past, it has been in the possession of a Hindu Mahanth belonging to an order founded by the bitterest enemies of Buddhism. It has fallen into complete ruin and would have soon disappeared had not government restored it at its own cost, in consequence, they maintain a custodian for the care of the building and to see to its repair. The Mahanth controls the worship and receives the offerings made by the Buddhists and the Hindu pilgrims. Government maintaining an attitude of impartiality on all religious questions affecting the shrine. The Buddhists performs the rites of their religion at the shrine and under the Bodhi tree, just as Buddhists of different countries have done for centuries past and Hindus also make offering under the tree as it is recognized as one of the 45 of places which Hindu visit while performing the religious ceremonies for the salvation of their ancestors which centres around the holy city of Gaya. This Hindu reverence for tree is very old but by the side there is a Hindu cult of a very recent growth, as Hindu worship, which has been pronounced a spurious and unorthodox character, is offered at the shrine itself’[1].

About the historic Bodhi tree, it says,

‘this tree is the oldest historical tree in the world and has an eventful history. It was first cut down by Asoka in his unregenerate days but after he became a believer in the law of Buddha, he lavished an inordinate devotion upon it. His queen jealous of this attachment and grudging the jewel which Asoka offered to the tree, again had it cut down but for second time, it was miraculously, restored to life’[2].

Interestingly, Gurudev Rabindranath Tagore visited Bodh Gaya in January 1922 and was overwhelmed to see this Buddhist shrine. He is recorded to have said,

“I am sure it will be admitted by all Hindus who are true to their own ideals, that it is an intolerable wrong to allow the temple raised on the spot where Lord Buddha attained his enlightenment to remain under the control of a rival sect which can neither have the intimate knowledge of or sympathy for the Buddhist religion and its rites of worship. I consider it to be a sacred duty for all individuals believing in freedom and justice this great historical site to the community of people who still reverently carry on that particular current of history in their own living faith’[3].

While the British Indian government was trying to handle this issue carefully, it was the heroic effort of Anagarika Dharmapala, the Buddhist monk and scholar from Sri Lanka who campaigned for its restoration and internationalised it. Though Chinse travellers and scholars like Hwen Thsang, Faxian had already narrated accounts of the Bodh Gaya shrine centuries ago as well as Burmese Kings, who were already involved in its restoration, it was Anagarika Dharmapala who actually took the issue to United States as well as Japan. British scholars, excavators and archaeologists were already doing their work to maintain and restore various Buddhist sites in India. While Japan was a leading world power at the rime and its involvement really helped as the British authorities to take the issue more seriously. In a typical balancing act symbolic of colonial rule however, the British did not want to ‘hurt’ local sentiments as there was no doubt about the historicity of the site but no local population who could fight for it! Had Dr Baba Saheb Ambedkar been active or involved on the issue at this point of time then things would have been different. Unfortunately, without active local support, a community cannot battle a mighty cause such as this.

The appropriation or occupation of the Buddhist shrines by the Brahmanical elite in India historically happened with the steady decline of Buddhism due to a loss of power of Pala dynasty in the  12^th century as well as rise of Sena dynasty particularly King Sasank, who was a staunch opponent of Buddhism. Subsequently, many stories also make mention of various Mughal rulers and their local chieftains responsible for destruction of these historical places. Both the Indian National Congress and Hindu Mahasabha formed a committee with Babu Rajendra Prasad as its Convenor and passed a resolution on January 21, 1923 that read, “Babu Rajendra Prasad is authorised to investigate the proposal of placing the custody of Bodh Gaya temple in the Buddhist hands and to make report to this committee. Babu Rajendra Prasad is also empowered to coopt suitable persons in the investigations.”[4]

The Hindu Mahasabha of Bihar province too passed the following resolution dated April 6, 1925

‘Lord Buddha is one of the ten avatars of Hindus and the only deity whom the Buddhists worship.  The temple of Bodh Gaya is therefore a sacred place (teerth) for the followers of both the religions. And it is perfectly natural desire therefore, on the part of both the communities to keep this sacred place in their possession. Then at the present day both the communities’ resort to the place for worship and prayer.  People from both the communities’ desire that each one of them should be freely allowed to offer worship and prayer in its own peculiar way, according to its customs and   religious injunctions and that there should not be offered any obstacle in its way of doing so. This conference therefore is of the opinion that the Buddhists of India should be offered due share in the management of the temple and the arrangement of the offering of the worship therein. This conference appoints the following committee to make a report to the Provincial Hindu Sabha within three months as to the steps that should be taken to protect the common rights of both the Hindus and the Buddhists. It also requests the Mahanth of Bodh Gaya to render all possible help to the committee and a due and proper discharge of its duties. This resolution will have nothing to do with the properties attached to the Math of Both Gaya’. [5]

Unfortunately, despite all the noises made by the committee under Babu Rajendra Prasad, finally it concluded that the management of the shrine should be handled by a joint committee of both the Buddhists and Hindus together. There was another issue, which was important, the Hindu Mahasabha had suggested to keep the issue of the ‘ownership’ of the property outside the purview of the management!

The committee recommended based on the suggestion of Hindu Mahasabha ‘that the shrine be managed by both the Hindus and Buddhists and that the Mahant be the ex-officeo member for the ‘time being’. It also made it clear the issue of the property of Math has nothing to do with all this which means the property will remain with the Mahant. Though the Mahant claims to have a farman from Shah Alam but he could not produce anything to the committee. Mahadev Gir was Mahant from 1642 to 1682 and the time period of Shah Alam much later.

After independence the Bihar government brought the Bodh Gaya under the control of special management after passing a law Bodh Gaya Temple Management Act 1949. Under this act, the management of Bodh Gaya temple is defacto in the hands of Brahmins who happened to be a majority. There are four members to be appointed from ‘Hindu’ community and four from the Buddhist Community. The District Magistrate is the ex officio Chairman of the committee. Activist alleged that in most of the ‘temple management committees’, in India, the Brahmins get appointed overwhelmingly everywhere and Bodh Gaya is no exception to it.

UNESCO declared Mahabodhi Vihar as World Heritage site on June 29, 2002. The UNESCO citation says,

Criterion (i): The grand 50m high Mahabodhi Temple of the 5th-6th centuries is of immense importance, being one of the earliest temple constructions existing in the Indian sub-continent. It is one of the few representations of the architectural genius of the Indian people in constructing fully developed brick temples in that era. Criterion (ii) The Mahabodhi Temple, one of the few surviving examples of early brick structures in India, has had significant influence in the development of architecture over the centuries.

Criterion (iii): The site of the Mahabodhi Temple provides exceptional records for the events associated with the life of Buddha and subsequent worship, particularly since Emperor Asoka built the first temple, the balustrades, and the memorial column. Criterion (iv) The present Temple is one of the earliest and most imposing structures built entirely in brick from the late Gupta period. The sculpted stone balustrades are an outstanding early example of sculptural reliefs in stone.

Criterion (vi): The Mahabodhi Temple Complex in Bodh Gaya has direct association with the life of the Lord Buddha, being the place where He attained the supreme and perfect insight.

Now the question before us today is, that when all persons and parties who matter have no doubt about the historicity of Bodh Gaya Maha Vihar, what then is the obstacle in handing over to the Buddhists what is rightfully theirs?

As far as the Hindu Temple or the Matth is concern nobody beyond Bihar knows much about this so called Hindu Mandir at the site. Hindus have important pilgrim centres and temples. Gaya, which is 10 kilometres away from Bodh Gaya is considered to be an important place of Hindu worship and none question that. It was clear since the beginning that the Mahant claimed to have gained a Zagir or Zamindari from the Mughal kings and it was his source of income apart from two other temples.

Historically we also know well, how the Brahmanical lobby scuttled all efforts towards Zamindari Abolition, an issue so dear to then Prime Minister Jawahar Lal Nehru. Zamindari Abolition act came in 1951 and it was mostly challenged in Bihar where Brahmins, Bhumihars, Kayasthas and Rajputs had large Zamindaris (tracts of land). People are misinformed when they believe that it was only Rajputs who owned Zamindaris: in Bihar and Bengal Zamindari was not the sole domain of Rajputs but Brahmin-Bhumihar-Kayasthas too had large Zamindaris in both states.

It was estimated that the Bodh Gaya Matth had over 18000 acres of land (many estimated it over 30,000 acres) and it was the main source of the Mahant’s ‘power’ which he wielded on the poor landless people, a majority of them Dalits particularly Mushahars, Doms, Bhuiyna and other backward communities. Jaya Prakash Narayan addressed a historic gathering of landless peasants and other political activists here on April 18, 1975. The Bodh Gaya land movement continued until 1987 when the Bihar government distributed 18000-acre land among 11000 landless farmers, a majority of them landless women and Dalits. Gaya, Bhojpur, Ara, Jahanabad remained the hotbed for the movement for land rights of the landless communities, mostly mobilised by the far left groups. One needs to understand why the religious-political nexus has always opposed land reforms and found different ways to circumvent land ceiling laws by forming various religious trusts.

At the beginning of 19^th and 20^th century, we did not have enough support for the cause of Buddhism except for that which came from the outside. Japan, China, Thailand, Burma and other countries were interested in Buddhism in the land of its birth and its shrines. All shades of political leaders have felt proud of India’s historical Buddhist past. Prime Minister Jawahar Lal Nehru believed in Panchsheel. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has been speaking about Lord Buddha with great reverence and even participates in Buddhist festivals and events. His government claims a ‘look east policy’ and most of our eastern neighbours are Buddhist countries that have great respect for India as it is truly the land of Buddha.  There will not be a political party which will oppose handing over the greatest shrines of Buddhist world over to the Buddhist community to manage and maintain it.

Before, I conclude, I wish to add this thought-provoking letter of Swami Sachchidananda Saraswati on February 1, 1926 as appeared in the Mahabodhi journal. One may agree or disagree with many of the observations but what is important to understand is his ultimate aim.

‘It is a great shame for all Hindus that they should allow an individual Saivite Mahant to control the greatest Buddhist shrine. Is it just and right? It is great surprise that some Hindus do not raise objection against the forcible occupation by an individual sectarian non-Buddhist Mahant of a temple erected in the memory of Lord Buddha, the only teacher of and revered by the whole Buddhists world of 500 million Buddhists. No Hindu can control any Christian or Muslim shrine by such an undesirable mean. This is a great injustice to Buddha, Buddhism and one third of the World Population which follows Buddha and Buddhism. So long as the Hindus, not to say of an individual non-Buddhist Mahant will keep control of the greatest Buddhist temple, the whole Buddhist world will look down upon Hindus and say that there is a great injustice in India. Therefore, I pray each member of the Indian National Congress and Hindu Mahasabha should take keen interest in the matter and do justice to Buddha and Buddhists. When the Indian National Congress demand complete swaraj from the British government which is due to the Indians Why should not the Congress too do justice by giving the transfer of the Buddhist temple to the Buddhists. We find in our Hindu scriptures that India was a great fount of justice and truth but at present I see with regret the groundless obstacles placed in the sincere and just attempt over the complete management of this greatest Buddhist shrine to its legitimate custodians. If anyone want justice from the others the former should first deal justice with others. In the Khilafat movement days, the Hindus helped Khilafatis, in the Akali movement days they helped the Akalis, why shouldn’t the Hindus help Buddhists to regain their holiest shrine?

The question is one of pure justice. If the Hindu Mahasabha will fail to do justice with the Buddhists. There is no doubt that the Buddhists will be morally affected and be far and far away from it. If it be the aim of All India Hindu Mahasabha, that all the people of different religion should give equal treatment to one another and live amicably with one another then it should give justice and equal treatment to Buddhism and Buddhists also and allow the latter to have the full management of their holiest shrine.

Therefore, let us, the Hindus, with our usual sincere and justice loving heart assure Buddhists of our unanimous opinion that we will give complete transfer of Buddhist temple to them. Let us be also assured that they will allow the Hindus to worship Buddha freely as they should do to Buddha and that neither the Buddhists nor the Hindus should offer fish or meat before the Buddhist statues. I further appeal to all the sincere Hindus that they should criticize the report and support impartially the Buddhists claim for the complete management of the Buddhist temple which is justly due to the Buddhists.

Swami Sachchidananda Saraswati,

Calcutta, February 1, 1926’[6]

A few years ago, when I met venerable Bhante Nagarjun Surai Sasai, a Japanese by birth but an Indian in action now and asked him about Bodh Gaya, he told me that it is the birth place of Lord Buddha. I was surprised and shocked when he said that. He explained this to me: Lumbini is the birth place of prince Siddhartha but it is Gaya that gave birth to Buddha hence Bodh Gaya Mahabodhi Vihar is the most sacred shrine for the Buddhists all over the world. Every Indian should be proud of this rich cultural heritage which the world acknowledges.

It is time for the government of Bihar to take a simple decision. The state government can call an all- party meeting and listen to their views. You can tell them the history of this movement and the archaeological findings. For too long has the far right Hindutva leadership asked Muslims to ‘respect’ Hindu sentiments? The Buddhist are asking the same from the Hindus. Will the Hindutva leadership, Congress as well as the Samajwadis learn a few lessons from their own past and correct them? All their top leadership has accepted and supported the Buddhist claim on the Maha Bodhi Vihar, Gaya. The Ambedkarite fraternity in India is already fighting for a peaceful solution through a democratic and law-abiding struggle. All the political parties and organizations that claim to represent Ambedkarite thoughts and people stand in complete solidarity with the Bodh Gaya Maha Bodhi Vihar movement. Will the Bihar government wake up and listen to the voices and reread its history to handover this shrine to the Buddhists.

Nitish Kumar hails from the JP movement and so does Lalu Prasad Yadav. Bihar’s landless people owe a lot to that historic Bodh Gaya Land movement which ultimately paved the way towards redistribution of the thousands of acres of land to landless people illegally occupied by the Matth. Buddhists have been wronged. Buddha and Buddhist past are India’s glorious heritage which makes us proud. Dalits and Ambedkarites were not before a strong force nor and Buddhism was in physical decline in India but Baba Saheb Ambedkar’s historic Deeksha ceremony on October 14, 1956 and subsequent efforts of the Ambedkarites actually revived Buddhism in India and today the number of Buddhists is increasing in both India and abroad.

Today, the Buddhists in India are ready to take this battle to its end. Buddha was a man of peace and non-violence hence the longer this struggle stretches the more bitter would become the relations between the Hindus and Buddhists. The government must ensure that such a bitterness is not allowed to spread widely and it will only be possible if the shrine’s management is handed over to Buddhists of India.

[1] Bengal District Gazetteers, Gaya by L S S O’Malley, ICS, Calcutta, The Bengal Secretariate Book Depot, 1906,  P 50-51

[2] ibid P-52

[3] https://www.telegraphindia.com/culture/books/rabindranath-tagore-a-poem-that-defined-the-buddha-and-sujata-stupa/cid/1818901

[4]    Mahabodhi and the United Buddhist World Volume 34, January 1926 No 1, P 2,

[5] Ibid P 4

[6] Mahabodhi : March 1926 Volume XXXIV     Volume III, Mahabodhi and the United Buddhist World Volume 34 P 165-166

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

Related:

Religious Desecration: Who’s responsible for destruction of early Indian, Buddhist places of learning in Odisha?

Land to the Dalit Tiller, not to Tycoons is our Mission: Jignesh Mevani

The post Bodh Gaya: Why the Mahabodhi Temple must be handed over to Buddhists appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Besides, Dalits and Ambedkarites do not set much store by gods and goddesses. The entire premise of Dr Ambedkar’s philosophy was that ‘religion should revolve around the concern for human beings’ and not for the ‘happiness’ of the ‘god’. As Buddha said, human philosophy should concern the welfare of human beings and that was the principle that the Charvakhas had, too. So, Baba Saheb’s real fight was not against either the Congress or BJP but against the Brahmanical Social Order (BSO). It is crucial to understand that there were people who stood firm against privileged caste domination and manipulation and those who supported the BSO within all parties.

In the midst of these pulls and pressures, movements and counter-moves during the struggle for independence, the Constitution making process was itself the single largest effort towards the reconciliation of Indian society with all its contradictions. Babasaheb Ambedkar understood this well, as did the Congress leadership of the time, particularly Nehru.

We all need to understand that Dr Ambedkar and the Congress Party had different paths and opinion but to rebuild India they joined hands. Interestingly Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee, the leader of Bhartiya Jan Sangh (BJS) was also part of this. They had, amongst them, serious differences but none were so adversarial as to dub each other as anti-national or inferior. They debated issues in Parliament and agreed to frame the Constitution which emerged as one of the finest documents in the modern world, a document moreover that signalled India as one.

Unfortunately, the process of the selective quoting and referencing of events has harmed our polity today. This practice functions in the vacuous public sphere of overall ignorance and lack of grounding of sound democratic principles. How many of those speak today have understood the rich cadences of the Indian national movement?

It is crucial for all us, all of us, not use the events and differences of the time for our political purposes. Congress was an umbrella organisation for all those who fought for India’s freedom. After independence, many of these organisations that were part of the Congress originally, actually formed their own parties and groups. Naturally, they emerged as political rivals too. This should be seen as a healthy development as India, now a free nation needed different checks and balances that came from those in and out of power, those who had varying world views and perspectives. Both Dr Ambedkar and Syama Prasad Mookerjee were part of Jawahar Lal Nehru’s cabinet. Even when Gandhiji was murdered in cold blood on January 30, 1948, Syama Prasad Mookerjee dissociated himself with the Hindu Maha Sabha and remained in the Indian cabinet. None asked him to resign. His resignation came in 1951 after he became President of Bhartiya Jan Sangh (BJS). The resignation was based on the Nehru Liaquat Pact. Nehru, Ambedkar and Mookerjee were members of the same Constituent Assembly and cabinet and I am sure, despite their political differences they must have been acquaintances if not good friends, with a healthy respect for each other. Those were different times.

There are a whole lot of issues which need comprehensive analysis and not selective usage of symbols and facts. Babasaheb was unhappy on the issue of Nehru’s inability to get through the Hindu Code Bill in the Parliament but he knew well that it was not easy for him as many bigwigs from both within the Congress and Jan Sangh were opposed to Hindu Code Bill. The prominent among those who were deadly opposed to the Hindu code bill were Dr Rajendra Prasad, Pattabhi Sitarammaiya, K M Munshi, Purushottam Das Tondon, Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee and various leaders of Jan Sangh, Hindu Mahasabha etc. Sardar Patel though in the middle, leaned towards those who opposed it. So, in terms of ideological unity, it was only Nehru and Ambedkar who wanted this progressive legislation to be passed.

As I said before, all these leaders were both highly knowledgeable and deeply respectful to each other. None questioned the integrity of others but they put forth their political points very powerfully. While Nehru’s credentials as a secular modern progressive nationalist was not ever questioned, Ambedkar and Mookerjee actually were raising the issues of safety of Hindus and other minorities in Pakistan which was not out of the box and was real.

Dr Baba Saheh Ambedkar fought his Lok Sabha elections from North Bombay and Bhandara on two different occasions and lost. That the Congress ensured his defeat is without doubt. As I said, they were political rivals. Who was responsible for making Babasaheb’s secretary stand in elections against him? Nehru? Perhaps, Praful Patel can provide an answer as his father was a powerful leader of the Congress. Perhaps, too many Aambedkarites can provide details about his work. Secondly, in the North Bombay seat, it was not merely the Congress but both the Communist Party of India as well as the Jan Sangh or Hindu Mahasabha that had also actually fielded rival candidates.

There is no doubt that Congress’s history in the subsequent years was in continual denial of Dr Ambedkar’s legacy. One needs also remember that Babasaheb used to call Congress the original Brahmanical party of India but what would he have had to say about the RSS-BJP in today? That the BJP has now replaced the Congress and is the perhaps the main Brahmin Bania party of India? This is the reality.

Now, the remains on who loves Dr Ambedkar and who does not. Who awarded him the Bharat Ratna? Certainly not the BJP. Nor the Congress. The man at the helm who accorded this honour, the Bharat Ratna to Dr Ambedkar was V P Singh, another hero who has been vilified by the Congress and Sanghis together. It is VP Singh who provided the reservation to Neo Buddhists too and got who also installed the prominent portrait of Babasaheb in parliament, got Ambedkar’s books published through the union’s Ambedkar Foundation, declared Babasaheb Jayanti as a national holiday and took several other steps.

Unfortunately, for both the Congress and the BJP –which was then supporting the National Front government headed by VP Singh from outside—decried these measures. Recently, an arrogant Brahmin spokesperson of BJP actually abused VP Singh, terming him Samanti or feudal. Frankly, the only other person who was active those days and did his work on spreading saheb’s thoughts was one of VP’s most trusted colleagues, the late Ram Vilas Paswan.

Let us not debate how big a memorial is now being built for Dr Ambedkar or how much you worship him. My simple question for the political leadership today is this. If you really believe in Dr Ambedkar’s ideology then please implement the Constitution in true spirit. Please undertake land reforms, redistribute land to the most marginalised, ensure free health services, right to education for all, stop the privatisation of our natural resources, implement reservations in true spirit and everywhere.

It is equally important to understand not to confine Dr Ambedkar to merely Constitution making alone because that way you actually see his historical role in critiquing Brahmanical Hinduism. Yes, he critiqued all Brahmanical text, gods and everything. That apart, if we believe his philosophy, then let us respect what he asked his followers at the historical Deekshabhoomi grounds in Nagpur on October 14, 1956, Dhammachakra Pravartan Diwas, in his 22 vows to follow the path of humanism, as defined by Lord Buddha.

In a true sense, if we really care for, value, Dr Ambedkar’s principles, then please stop telling us how you respect Samvidhan or how much land you have allocated to make his statue rather than redistribute land to landless people which has now been forgotten. Ensure free quality education for all and equally free qualitative health care for all.

We need an inclusive governance structure which reflects our diversity where each one of us can express our opinion without any fear or intimidation. Dr Ambedkar’s India will not, simply cannot be the model where regressive religious pontiffs lead us to the path of destruction. It must ensure the path for progressive humanist leaders to take us to the path of enlightenment.

It is time the state ensured welfare measures for the millions of oppressed Dalits, Adivasis Backward classes, from all ethnicities and religious identities and make this integral to our decision-making process.

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia

Related:

Sangh Parivar’s tortured bid to appropriate Dr Ambedkar

Iconoclast: Path breaking biography of BR Ambedkar projects his human essence

Ambedkar varsity ‘on brink of collapse’, 32 faculty members resign, 22 embroiled in legal battles

The post Dr BR Ambedkar: How the ongoing tussle between the BJP and Congress is both limited & superficial appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Nehru says,

‘My desire to have a handful of my ashes thrown into the Ganga at Allahabad has no religious significance, so far as I am concerned. I have no religious sentiment in the matter. I have been attached to the Ganga and Januna [Jumna] Rivers in Allahabad ever since my childhood and, as I have grown older, this attachment has also grown. I have watched their varying moods as the seasons changed, and have often thought of the history and myth and tradition and song and story that have become attached to them through the long ages and become part of their flowing waters. The Ganga, especially, is the river of India, beloved by her people, round which are intertwined her racial memories, her hopes and fears, her songs of triumph, her victories and her defeats. She has been a symbol of India’s age‐long culture and civilizatiton, ever changing, ever flowing, and yet ever the same Ganga. She reminds me of the snow‐covered peaks and the deep valleys of the Himalayas, which I have loved so much, and of the rich and vast plains below, where my life and work have been cast’.

My cultural association with Ganga

I was born in a place which is the confluence of two small rivers, tributaries of the Ganga (Ganges), and from where river Kho, begins its journey which is a tributary of Ram Ganga river. The first time I saw Ganga at Muni-ki-Reti and Lakshman Jhula near Rishikesh was when I was just a seven year-old child. The first sight of the Ganga mesmerised me. Then I realised how the Ganga is part and parcel of life of people in Uttarakhand.

I was perplexed to see that movement to protect Ganga did not get any public sympathy in Uttarakhand. I did not understand why a state where the Ganga is so deeply rooted in our psyche remain untouched to the atrocities being committed on it in the name of ‘development’. Was there a disconnect between people and ‘intellectuals’ or ‘experts’ as usually happens everywhere? The result of this questioning is this journey. I have tried to cover every part, every confluence that Ganga had with its tributaries and distributaries.

The Ganga in the Himalayas

I started the journey in September 2021 trekking from Gangotri to Bhojwasa on the way to Gaumukh. I traversed on my path almost all the major rivers of Uttarakhand including Yamuna, Tons, Gauriganga, Kali-Sharda etc. Prior to that, I travelled to all the Prayags and the valleys of the beautiful Dhauli Ganga, Mandakini, Nandakini, Pinder, Alaknanda and Bhagirathi. That made this journey unique. It took nearly four years and this was truly not merely a journey touching some spots only to return but an attempt to understand the crisis faced by the Ganga and its tributaries.

From Gangotri till Bay of Bengal, I saw a massive civilizational crisis emerging. If that is not addressed, we will –all–be in deep trouble. Ganga is the largest river of India and its plain is the most fertile land where farmers have flourished and millions of people depending on water, gained life and livelihood. The bio diversity of the river Ganga remains unparalleled.

Chipko Movement

In Uttarakhand, the Ganga and its tributaries face threat from various hydropower projects because they snatch the beauty of the river, control its water and impact the rich bio-diversity of the river.

A travel to Niti Valley and Lata and Raini villages,  the epicenters of the Chipko movement, gave me the idea of what is wrong with those who romanticise a movement without understanding it’s nature. The Chipko movement was the cry of the native communities for their access to forest produce which they used to enjoy prior to the Indo-China war 1962 when people had access to the Tibetan market and vice versa. There was a huge market for domestic products, forest produce etc. A large number of villagers got dislocated and all the passes to Tibet were closed. The other side of the story is that government continued with the British policy of auctioning the forests. So every year, the Symonds company would obtain the forest produce, chop the trees mercilessly and take them out of the state. Gaura Devi and her Saathis protested against this in Raini and threw the contractors out. This was welcomed by all in Uttarakhand and the movement gained prominence. H.N Bahuguna, the chief minister, called some of the ‘activists’, mostly the Brahmanical elite, to Lucknow for a conversation. The auctioning to ‘privates’ was stopped by a new entity (boss) was created which was the ‘Uttar Pradesh Van Nigam’. This made the lives of the people even more miserable. While many people got name and fame internationally, the native (indigenous) people fighting had to resort to ‘Chheeno Jhapto’ movement to gain the access to forest. H N Bahuguna therefore emerged as the biggest villain of the piece who actually looked down upon this movement and tried to sabotage it.

The problem with the intellectuals and their devotees in the media is that they ignored that the essence of the movement that was essentially led by Adivasis-janjati people. The history of the Chipko movement is that of those people, the Bhutiyas and others but their issues and role were conspicuously obliterated from the popular discourse. The movement was superficially romanticised as a ‘protection of trees and ‘environment’. World over, it is the indigenous communities who are dependant on forests and it is they who nurture it. No community would ever nurture mountains and rivers without using the resources. This needs to be understood. That the relationship between native communities and nature is their interdependence; this issue was grossly ignored and underestimated by the environmental elite.

Ganga and its various tributaries shine through Uttarakhand. The confluences of different rivers are unparalleled and stunning. Sadly however this will all disappear once different barrages and dams that are proposed actually start functioning. There was a beautiful Sangam of Bhilangana with Bhagirathi at Tehri which is not visible now. There is a beautiful Sangam of river Gori with Kali at Joljibi in Pithoragarh. If the Pancheswar dams comes through, then some of these beautiful places and confluences will disappear. The Sangam of Rupin and Supin river at Netwar in Uttarakhand which start the journey of Tons is supremely beautiful but a dam near the confluence is bound to finish them off. Nobody can deny the importance of energy but we also need to think that the Himalayas and its rivers are not merely our ‘resource’ but also our heritage, our identity particularly for the people living in these regions. So, my simple point to the power elite is stop destroying our identity. A destruction of the Himalayas will bring unprecedented crisis to Gangetic plains in India and so, we must not do anything that escalates the crisis we already facing.

The crisis in the Gangetic plains of Uttar Pradesh

The Gangetic plains of Uttar Pradesh will suffer in future with acute desertification. The Ganga loses its shine once it enters Balawali, Bijnor district. Travel to this region and onward during the summer, and you will realise how the Ganga water has drastically reduced and agricultural land and green pastures have been converted into a desert. Already. Water at Garhmukteshwar remain merely for the rituals and the pollution is increasing exponentially. By the time, it reaches Kannauj and has its first confluence with Ramganga, you can walk through the river Ramganga. Reaching the confluence has been difficult because of changing embankment of the river. A local farmer told me at the confluence that it is not the ‘kheti (farming) but ‘reti’ (sand mining) which is rampant and ‘source’ of earning for even the farmers. This reflects the sad state of the crisis.

A few kilometers onwards, we are at historic place Bithoor which is now more known as a ‘religious’ place and to ensure that magnetism of religion. Suddenly, you really feel wonderful to see ‘water’ in the river. A couple of boats are visible and again we see the beauty of the river Ganga but our fear are confirmed. About seven kilometers from Bithoor is the Ganga Barrage on the Kanpur Unnao border. While there is enough water to quench your religious thirst at Bithoor, at Kanpur the river looks dry with huge sand beds on both banks. You won’t be able to recognise the river from the original embankments. Moreover, Kanpur which is called the Manchester of the East, is actually, contributing a huge quantity of ‘sewage’ water to Ganga making it look like the Sewage tributary of the Ganga. The river stinks on the ghats. It is very disturbing to see that ‘Ghats’ that have been constructed with money from the ‘Namami Gange’ project but no efforts are visible to improve the plight of the holy river. All it reflects that we want to worship the river from a nice built-up place of concrete but don’t really care about the existential crisis that the river is facing.

The patch between Allahabad and Varanasi via Vindhyanchal is beautiful and water less contaminated perhaps because of the Yamuna which is bigger in Allahabad and carries more water from Chambal in it which is definitely an unpolluted river. At Varanasi, however, we see the devastating pollution in the river. We are told that two ‘rivers’ flow into Ganga in Varanasi, the Assi Ganga and Varuna.  A visit to the ‘confluence’ of them only reveals the pathetic hypocrisy of those who call them ‘rivers. They have been turned into absolute sewage ‘rivers’, and further pollute the Ganga.

Ganga at Varanasi

At Varanasi the Mahaarti has been commercialised. It has become a ‘light and sound show’ with no real spiritual power which it used to emit once upon a time. Big moneyed people use the trawlers and cruise to watch the spectacle while the normal, common humans have to pay huge sum to watch it from the back. It was definitely a sad scenario.

Between Varanasi to the Gomti Ganga Sangam is again a pathetic sight. There is no water in the Gomti and it is much polluted river. There are lots of birds on the island zones in the Sangam. Ganga’s entry into Bihar is via Buxar and just a few kilometers before the city is Chausa, a historic town where Sher Shah Suri’s forces had defeated Humanyun. The so-called memorial is nothing but a ‘selfie park’. All memorial and historical places are carefully being converted into amusement parks everywhere and mythological characters are being re-created as historical figures and events. Again, the Karmnasha-Ganga confluence shows the terrible state of agriculture in the region. I was there during the deadly heat of June and the Karmnasha looked like a dry stream flowing into Ganga. Agricultural land showed sign of ‘cracks’ even when we would see numerous birds chirping near the confluence. Sewage continues to flow into the river in Buxar too.

Massive sand mining in Bihar

But the biggest challenge, I saw on our rivers was at a historic place called Chirand in Saran district where the Ghadhra and Son[1] rivers flow into the Ganga. The confluence zone has shifted a few kilometers again. From Revelganj to Chirand, on the National High way, a huge smoke of dust welcomes you apart from huge lane of big trucks used for carrying Sand. On the banks of river Ghaghara, which local call Saryu, you can see hundreds of cargo streamers used for carrying sand from the river. Any person who is not habitual of staying in these zones, would just collapse as breathing become impossible. The Red Sand from river Son is the most popular. It is also a fact that Sand mafia has political protection. It is time for sensitization of people as well as stricter environmental norms imposed otherwise this region too wait for a catastrophe. Similar conditions can be seen around Hariharpur Sonpur area where Ganga and Narayani Gandaki conflate. Sonepur was famous for the cattle fair but that is a thing of past now. It is merely a fair which is more as a recreational ‘time pass’ for the locals and others who visit the famous shrine at Hariharpur.

The river Ganga in Patna looks polluted. Patna itself is a polluted city. From there until Munger, we can see the Ganga splitting at various places and huge sandy river beds everywhere. The summer in these regions are extremely difficult with massive dust in the air. Most of the agricultural land is turning barren. Water level in the river is reducing drastically resulting in the extension of its breadth and creation of the sandy patches or islands in between. You can see huge bridges across Ganga but the river looks tiny. The only time it does look like a river is in the monsoon season. Mokama, Begusarai and Khagaria present an abysmal picture but the biggest shock was at Kosi Ganga Sangam which is difficult to reach due to the river bed turning sandy. To reach to the area is difficult. On a normal winter or summer day, the water at the confluence is extremely low and the river looks dirty too. Again, the breadth of the river increases. However, from Manihari in Katihar to Sahebganj, a trip on a cargo Ship is a worthwhile memory to stack away though it is difficult to cruise because of low water levels. But this will work till the bridge connecting Sahebganj and Manihari is completed.

Historical Rajmahal

However, the most fascinating part of the river Ganga (Ganges) in Bihar is in South Bihar. From Munger –which itself is a historical place—the old fort area is totally encroached upon and you will see no effort to preserve the historical architecture and buildings. The river from Munger to Bhagalpur and Kahalganon is phenomenal. It is a breathless treat to watch. It looks less polluted and is called ‘Uttar Vahini’ at Sultanganj where the historical Ajgaibinath temple is located. Bhagalpur is an extremely important location where enough evidence exits of our Buddhist, Adivasi and Jain past. There are historical places. The most beautiful region is Kahalgaon and Vikramshila. It has been reported that the entire area from Sultanganj to Kahalgaon, has been declared by the Bihar government as a ‘Dolphine Sanctury’. The fisherfolks are protesting against it as they lose their right to fishing. The Ganga Mukti Abhiyan started from this place fighting against the Zamindari on water and finally Lalu Prasad Yadav as chief minister of Bihar ended that cruel system imposed during the British period that looted the fisher communities of the region but the lives of the fish workers are not safe. Zamindari has gone but Rangdari has started. People still live in fear.

Sahebganj is the only Ganga district in Jharkhand. The Ganga here as a massive presence between Manihari to Sahebganj. There is an international port and a domestic one, possibly one that is under-utilised. The water level is still not that much which can ensure an easy passage. Secondly, the Ganga splits more in Jharkhand. Various streams split up and join again. The most important place of Ganga journey in Jharkhand is Raj Mahal, a very historical place, former capital of undivided Bengal under the Mughal King Akbar era. Raja Man Singh was made the Viceroy of Bengal and it is he who established Rajmahal as the capital of the state. It still has few landmarks like Jami Mosque, Baradari and many other places which still need deep care as they remind of our rich historical legacies.

Between Raj Mahal and Farakka, the Gumani river rising from the Raj Mahal hills ultimately merges with the Ganga and then moves towards Farakka. The link road between Rajmahal and Farakka is in extremely bad shape in the last 10 kilometers perhaps because it is the area of coal mining and thermal power plant. Again, the air is filled with dust and smoke most of the time in nearly 10 kilometers area. One can just imagine the lives of people during the summers here.

The one point on which the fisherfolk from three states, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand unit is on the issue of Farakka Barrage. They want this barrage de-commissioned as it has damaged the fish diversity in the river above Farakka. Hilsa is not available to fisherfolk in UP, Bihar and Jharkhand. After Farakka, fisherfolk claim that they do manage to harvest the fish but due to the closure of gates at the barrage, Hilsa and other fish can’t move back. Many farmers too reflected that due to the existence of a barrage, a large part of land in Jharkhand and Bengal face flooding in monsoon. The impact of Monsoon floods is tremendous in Bihar and Bengal and governments have so far not been able to reach to any particular conclusion or solution so that human lives or agricultural land is not lost. Every year, the soil erosion has already engulfed thousands of acres of land and made people landless. It is time for a serious think over –and concerted response to–these issues and protect our communities, farmers, fish workers and others living nearby the river.

Ganga in Bengal: Rise of Bhagirathi

The journey of the mighty Ganges (Ganga) in Bengal is extremely important to understand the issue of climate change. The split in the rivers become the norm. Right from Nimtitta town, the Ganges becomes wider and splits into two parts. The river flows towards Bangladesh and is known as Padma there while the second part of the river again splits at Giria and is known as Bhagirathi which then travels to different districts from Murshidabad, Plassey, Nabadweep where again Jalangi meet it and the new river is now known as the Hooghly. The interesting part is that there are towns on both sides of the Hooghly. There is history. Nabadweep is the birth place of Chaitnya Mahaprabhu. After passing through many places the Hooghly ultimately flows into Bay of Bengal in the Sundarban region. The place where it merges into the sea is known as Ganga Sagar but Sagar Dweep itself has numerous issues of climate crisis. Many villages have disappeared and many might disappear in future as the water level of the sea is rising regularly.

To conclude, I would say, preserving Ganga is extremely important for the health of India as it emerges from Himalayas and finally flows into the Bay of Bengal near the Sundarban. Both the Himalayas and Sundarban are world heritage sites. The impact of climate change is acutely visible in both these places. The question is whether the so-called climate change is a natural process or a human-made disaster. The number of commercial activities in the Himalayas as well as in Sundarban are bound to impact all of us.

We need to think out of the box but certainly not to convert the entire issue of Ganga and climate change to one merely concerning ‘experts. It is time, we engage and involve the local communities, fishermen, farmers and other native communities who are inter-dependant on the river and its surroundings as without their active participation in any debate or decision-making processes, we won’t be able to achieve anything meaningful.

‘Save the Ganga’ slogan means protecting and preserving Himalayas and Sundarbans apart from all the big and small rivers and large riverine area that makes up the mighty Ganga.

(This is the text of the talk delivered at Jawahar Bhawan, New Delhi, on November 18, 2024, was organised by Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studies)

[1] Ghaghra and Son are the tributaries of river Ganga. Ghaghara is a 1080 km long river that originates from Mapchachungo Glacier in Tibet. It flows through Tibet, Nepal, and India where it joins river Ganga near Chhapra, Bihar.

Related:

VECL consistently flouting environmental laws: Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti

Vapi Industries Association wants Gujarat Pollution Board to relax environmental clearance norms

The post River Ganga, communities, cultures & livelihood: will Indians preserve its life-sustaining legacy? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Gradually, as the party tried to shift, slowly, the (soft) Hindutva line, it lost disastrously to the BJP whenever it tried to outdo the saffron juggernaut. The reason behind things not going well for the Congress, among many reasons, a key one is the role of state leaders considered as ‘kshatraps’ who are unable to look beyond their families and jaatis. None of these khsatraps can be termed as inclusive. Some went overboard on their ‘inclusiveness’ that they lost base of their own communities like Harish Rawat in Uttarakhand. However, people like Bhupesh Baghel, Ashok Gehlot, Kamalnath and now Bhupinder Singh Hooda became tired outdone leaders who gained everything from the Congress but could not (did not) go beyond their own family interests and therefore damaged the party. All this at a time when people were looking to the Congress Party as an alternative to the ruling BJP.  Let’s not forget the fact that Siddharamaiyya was defeated in Karnataka despite his good work by caste identities as both Vokalingas and Lingayats never wanted an OBC of the marginalised section to lead the state. D K Shivakumar continues to challenge the chief minister and the powerful Vokalinga lobby is desperate to have him chief minister likes the Jats of north India. Both the Jats as well as Vokalingas-Lingayats are actually powerful landed savarna castes but over the years the Bahujan narrative-setters –for the sake of their vote politics– have added them to the OBC category. The same Bahujan narrative setters are unable to respond or just keep silent when violence against Dalits occurs in those states dominate by these Bahujan politics. BSP Chief Ms Mayawati herself said that though Dalit votes shifted to other parties, the same did not happen in return as Jats did not vote for Dalit candidates and that is a reality. The Bahujan narrative-setters need to look beyond their jaati interest and see the diverse contradictions among various communities at the ground level. There is no one community which can be blamed as being ‘jaatiwadi’ or casteist as almost everyone falls foul of this category. The only thing is that all of us are looking at someone below us and are in awe of someone above us as Baba Saheb had explained. Unfortunately, communities and leaders who need to stitch this broad based participatory alliance with diverse communities are unable to go beyond their jaati interests and trapped in their constructed image of a particular community leader.

We must also discuss about the conduct of the Election Commission of India (ECI) transparency, vote dumping and EVM-related and other administrative issues. These are serious issues and Election Commission; political parties and the highest court have failed collectively to assure us as why shouldn’t the number of vote polled be equal to that of the VVPAT slips. Why has there been a huge mismatch in votes polled and votes counted. Why have the objections not been taken seriously by any of the agency or body accountable for free and fair polls? Why has the Opposition not raised the issue systematically and consistently?

It is important to understand that narrative making is important but it does not really work if you don’t have the cadres and leaders representing those communities at the ground. You won’t get cadres and leaders of the communities if there is a narrative of ‘dominance’ of one particular community in the party organization and structure.

In Haryana, Congress went into the fray with a sense of over confidence convinced that it is returning to power after ten years of anti-incumbency and incompetent government led by the non Jats. It wanted to exploit the rising Jat sentiment of returning to the power but ignored the vital factor that it was only possible if the Jat leadership was ready to play the role of a facilitator ensuring the participation of all those communities particularly Dalits are feeling threatened.  Dalits who constitute about 21% of the total Haryana population cannot even imagine of having a chief minister of their own because 27% Jats would not like them to be so.

The first decade rule under Bhupinder Singh Hooda has brought the Jat Dalit hostilities into lime light where Hooda had no interest to work as conscious keeper of the constitution and provide justice to Dalits. I was witness to various movements led by Dalits for justice including Bhagana and Mirchpur where Dalits became victims of Jat hegemony in Haryana and Hooda was silent, did nothing. In fact, the Congress High command at the time could not even persuade Hooda to act against Jats who were the accused on both the cases. Hence, promoting Hooda at the time when Haryana was witnessing a massive anti Jat incumbency was nothing but playing in the hands of BJP. Even if the party wanted to ensure that it remain in command with powerful Jat votes, it was important to play an inclusive game. The humiliation meted out to Ms Selja, an extremely loyal leader from the Dalit community of Haryana did not go down well with the Dalits in the state. If even after so many years, a woman of substance who had devoted her life and energy to build the party, Selja cannot expect to lead the party or be in its platform as leader of the party, this reflects the highhandedness of Hooda family.

The BJP used this insult to boost their own campaign and the BSP too raised the issue. The anti-Dalit characteristic of Hooda as well as dominant Jats in the region has not in any way diffused and whether real or not, this was the narrative that carried the day. The Congress party must understand that their leaders were made to believe that ‘Kisan’, Pahalwan and ‘Jawan’ were against BJP, as if cutting across the community line there is a broad anger against the government. Frankly speaking, this slogan of Kisan, Pahalwan and Jawan only addresses the Jat voters of Haryana. Congress did not bother to reach out Dalits and Rajput votes.

Through 2024, even when we all know that there was a Rajput desperation to break out of the BJP and ally with any or all other groups who were sympathetic to its issues, the Congress leadership refused to accept the fact that they too exist. Similarly, despite Rahul Gandhi’s loud claims of Social Justice, no collective effort was made in Haryana to reach out to Dalits. The last moment entry of Ashok Tanwar could not bring back the Dalit votes in the party and the reason is clear.

The Congress must understand that a political party is not like a social justice movement. A movement can run on one particular agenda targeting one section of the people but mass politics has to be inclusive and ensure engagement with all communities. Right now, India’s poor and marginalised want a share in the power structure and that happens through their political representation at different levels. While job reservation is an important issue, parties will have to prepare them to take a categorical stand on the issues. BJP succeeded because it has an open stand on various issues unlike Congress which is unable to take a stand. The Dalit vote cast in Haryana was not one sided. The Jatav-Chamar votes who are over 50% of the total Dalit votes in Haryana actually went along with BSP because of the absence of Congress clear stand on sub categorization. The Balmikis who are about 30% of total voters among the Dalits, voted mostly for BJP because it supported the demand for categorisation. So Dalit votes whether pro or anti, went along with other parties and not to the Congress because of its refusal to take a stand.

At a public meeting Yogendra Yadav recently said that an effort is being made against to convert the elections into a Jat verses non Jats and added that the BJP is expert in spinning such a narrative. The party did the same in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar where it pitched other communities against Yadavas. The BJP might have been doing things as per its own political strategy but in Uttar Pradesh, the Samajwadi Party and Congress are also doing the same which is blaming Rajputs or Thakurs for everything wrong there. Yogendra Yadav has not acknowledged this in a single sentence anywhere mentioning that it is the same Thakurs who actually voted against BJP in Uttar Pradesh and ensured the defeat of many of the Hindutva leaning candidates. Unfortunately, today opposition parties are targeting Rajputs in order to take Yogi Adityanath head on. This may boomerang as the community has no presence in the judiciary, media, industry and bureaucracy in comparison to other powerful communities of Uttar Pradesh. Haryana’s Jat verses non Jat narrative would not have succeeded if Bhupinder Singh Hooda and others had the humility of extending their outreach to other marginalised communities particularly the Dalits in Haryana.

There are about 8% Yadav votes in Haryana and many areas adjoining Uttar Pradesh impact that. A combined campaign with Akhilesh Yadav would have worked here but the local leadership of the party refused to ally with either the AAP or Samajwadi Party. In politics, many a time, even when it is known that an ally does not have a base in the state, to keep them in good humour,  we do share one or two seats so that, through such a strategy goes out to communities that they represent. It sends a signal about the intent of the party. An alliance with the Samajwadi Party and a joint campaign would have served the purpose but Bhupinder Singh Hooda was not interested in that. It would have served better than allying with AAP. The Congress AAP alliance failed because of over ambitious project of AAP and BJP wanted to use it. The BJP works at multiple levels and fronts to achieve its goal. So, Ram Rahim of Dera Sacha Sauda got released on parole and Arvind Kejriwal getting bail from the highest court during the same period could have equally contributed to foiling Congress chances in the state.

That apart, it is also visible that a number of candidates who were not given tickets from the Congress party even contested as independent candidate and got extremely handsome share of votes caused the defeat of the party. Though this happen in any party; here it is also undeniable that that Hooda dominated everything as he was sure he would be in power and he wanted to ensure that after the victory, he become chief minister without any interference of the party High Command. Bhupinder Hooda and his dream to rule Haryana has not just ended, the ambition has also dealt the Congress a severe blow. Congress party now needs to rebuild the party and bring all stakeholders together. Bring the issues that compliment issues being re-calibrated; when Rahul Gandhi raises the Caste Census and reservation issue, it is time, it is done without offending anyone. There is a big difference between political parties and civil society or intellectuals as a political party will have to cater the mass while intellectuals and civil society leaders/influencers are mostly single issue driven. They may speak out of conviction but may bypass ground realities. Political parties cannot afford to behave like charitable organisations or a civil society watchdog group. Congress also needs to be careful of the ‘loyal’ YouTubers who had no other agenda then getting “likes”. The party got carried away with the agenda setters on social media. They remain far from ground realities and were just talking of their ‘man ki baat’. Congress needs to transform into a e party of all and not of one jaati or a couple of jaatis but for that it will have to weave a narrative where every stakeholder feels part of the committed whole.. For this to happen, the party needs to rebuild the party organisation in all the states with new blood.

Though Congress’s defeat in Haryana is shocking for the party, it may be a boon for Rahul Gandhi and others. Bhupinder Singh Hooda would have behaved like other leaders such as Ashok Gehlot, Kamalnath or Amrinder Singh etc. once in power. He never followed the party line when Dalits were being attacked in Haryana. The Congress High Command appears today helpless because regional kshatraps can damage party if not benefit it and therefore it was unable to act against them but Hooda now join the company of Ashok Gehlot, Kamalnath, Bhupesh Bhagel and Harish Rawat. Time has come for the party to move on and build up the grand old party by bringing young leaders from different communities that reflect the ground realities of the state.

All this is not to discount the unfair means which the ruling party adopted, the disappointing role of Election Commission, the issues of fairness and transparency and the manipulated EVMs. They remain vital and important for the health of democracy but we also know the fact that despite that parties have won elections. If the party and many others feel that EVMs have been manipulated and hacked then they must launch a sustained campaign in all seriousness. Administrative issues of fair play are extremely important. However the Congress other committed blunders and that cannot be ignored.

Therefore, Congress would do well, to conduct a caste census of the party structure so that it understands what ails the party, who are the leaders dominant in the party structure yet unable to fetch votes to the party. Get a complete figure of communities within the organisation and link it with the state figures. A complete overhaul of Congress party is not possible without a jaati-janganana’ or caste censuses of the entire party structure. Rahul Gandhi who is advocating the caste census and social justice issues with rigour needs to start putting his home base in order as his social justice agenda will remain unimplementable if there are no takers within the party. Will the party ever listen?

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

Related:

Haryana Police body complains to Election Commissioner over votes stolen from them

Disgust and dismay at INC nominating Lal Singh as candidate in J & K elections: CCG

Assembly Polls: SKM to Campaign for BJP’s Defeat in Haryana, Jammu & Kashmir

The post Congress needs a caste census of its party, then build new leaderships from the margins appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Left politics in India has been active at the grassroots for years but unfortunately rigidity at different levels forced its demise in numerous places. The traditional parties were being replaced by others who were able to understand the quest for representation among the most marginalized. The futile intellectual debate of ‘class-caste’ only proved the point of their opponent that the party is the biggest protector of the Brahmanical caste interests. Parties like CPI(ML) were spreading their base in Bihar and Jharkhand just because they understood this identity aspiration of the most marginalized and provided space to the communities. It is also a fact that you can’t really blame one individual for the policies of the party particularly in the left parties where their state units are more powerful in many states than the central secretariat of the party. Even with all criticism, left parties are not a one man show and there is more democracy and discussion among them in comparison to any other political party claiming to represent the marginalized. There is still no messiah cult in the left politics, a need and demand for the colonial democracy that we are in.

Sitaram Yechury was definitely not a mass leader but his impact on political opinion making was enormous. The power of the left despite shrinking still remain in our social cultural lives apart from various trade unions, academia and the political sphere. In the last one decade, efforts have been made by not only the ruling party but many vilifying the left activists and leaders. As I said, there might be differences of opinion, their failure to include people from the margin in their decision-making bodies as well as failure of West Bengal model, democratic left was still the need of the hour. Sitaram Yechury’s writings were sharp and well explained. Frankly speaking, he was the face of the left politics in the last two decade who was articulate and much more comfortable in the north Indian politics of social justice in particular. Even when he hailed from the South, the ease with which he spoke Hindi was remarkable. While it is not my point that one must learn Hindi, the thing is, for a party leader who plans to work in the Hindi heartland, it is always great to be bilingual. That way, Yechury had command like Comrade A B Bardhan in Hindi which made his writing and speeches understood by a very large audience in the Hindi heartland.

Whatever may be differences about individual opinion but Sitaram Yechury proved that he did not have many faces who private beliefs were the same as his political ideology unlike most of the Indian political as well as ‘intellectual’ class who are ‘revolutionary’ in public life but ‘reactionary’ and rigid in their private lives. He was the President of Jawaharlal Nehru University three times and one is sure that whenever the history of student movement and truly democratic characteristics of student politics would ever be discussed in India, Yechury’s contribution to student politics can never be omitted or discounted.

One of the most vilified things in today’s India by the right-wing trolls on social media as well as Bania channels is the interfaith marriages. Yechury spoke about his personal life for the first time in his last speech in Parliament in 2017, which could simply be termed as one of the finest speeches.

‘I was born in the Madras General hospital now called Chennai General Hospital to a Telugu speaking Brahmin family. My grandfather being a judge, after the state reorganization the Andhra Bench of the state High Court went to Guntur (formation of Andhra Pradesh), so we shifted there in 1954, I was born in 1952. Shift to Hyderabad in 1956. My school education is in an Islamic culture that was prevalent in Hyderabad under Nizam rule in the early days of independence in 1956. I got my education there then come to Delhi, study here. I married to a person whose father is a Sufi of the Islamic order whose surname is a Chistie, whose mother is a Mysorian Rajput who migrated there in the 8^th century AD. We are now in the 21^st century. She is the daughter of these two, father and mother. A South Indian Brahmin born family married to this lady what will my son be known as sir. What is he? Is he a Brahmin? Is he a Muslim? Is he a Hindu? What? There is nothing that can describe my son rather than being an Indian.’

These last sentences in the Parliament actually relate to those who are victimized and vilified simply because they are challenging the traditional system of marriages, moving beyond their castes and faiths and building up their dream based purely on the idealism of Baba Saheb Ambedkar, Periyar and Bhagat Singh. Unfortunately, anti-caste movement would have promoted this kind of idealism but today in the age of deepening caste identities any alliance beyond your community might not be a politically fertile idea for all. Yes, for some, it might fetch bumper crops but not for all particularly when one partner is a Muslim. You suffer on a daily basis but Sitaram Yechury spoke from the heart and for those who have made their dreams as per this idealism.

It is important to understand that whether it is Marxism or Ambedkarism or any other idealism, dogmas take you nowhere. Ultimately, it is your way of life which matters more than anything. Even when we criticize Marxists in India for being Brahmanical in nature, by his own behaviour and life that he lived, Sitaram Yechury actually was following the anti-caste idealism of Dr Ambedkar or Periyar. Frankly speaking, inter-caste marriages are still rare among Ambedkarites who should have been in the forefront of carrying out the mission of Baba Saheb. That way, Sitaram Yechury might not have brought votes and seats to his party but he definitely enriched our political idealism as well as civic spaces. Such voices are always required to remind us of our moral duties. It is also true that political activism is not always for power politics but also meant to exert pressure on the ruling elite. Sometimes, you need the conscious keepers for our society, otherwise the so called representatives of the people would act on the whims and fancies of the powerful corporate to protect their business interests.

As a true comrade dedicated to scientific rational thinking who lived a secular way of life. He donated his body for medical research. Again, despite all political differences, left leaders lived a life dedicated to scientific temperament and relatively simple and honest than most of the political parties in today’s time. Sitaram Yechury’s last wish was honoured by his wife Seema Chistie and daughter which need kudos and appreciation. Most of the time, the families decide against the wishes of the deceased and place their own personal values in dealing with the dead body which end up in exactly the opposite to the idealism of the individual passed away. It happened to many people because after the death their families performed all religious rituals, they stood against all through their lives. At least, in his death, Sitaram Yechury as well as his family did not allow the death of his idealism dedicated to secularism, rationalist scientific thinking and humanist values.

The post A life dedicated to idealism of inclusive anti caste India appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Presently, he serves as the editor-in-chief of the YouTube channel DMAindia online and is pursuing a PhD in journalism.

Having a background in law and coming from the most historically underprivileged segments of society, Valmikis, Sanjeev’s perspectives are of significant relevance. He has been part of the Ambedkar movement for years, advocating for the empowerment of the entire Dalit community through his writings.

Sanjeev expresses disappointment that, despite his support for the Supreme Court’s decision regarding the classification of Scheduled Castes, he has faced backlash. This topic was thoroughly discussed during a conversation with me, where Sanjeev elaborated on the struggles and social issues stemming from this classification debate:

You’ve been actively engaged in the Ambedkarite movement, advocating for Baba Saheb’s mission and rallying for Dalit unity. However, you now face criticism for supporting the Supreme Court’s verdict on reservations for the most marginalized Dalits. Can you describe the nature of this criticism and its source?

Sanjeev: My support is directed towards those Dalits who remain significantly disadvantaged and economically backward—often referred to as Mahadalits or extremely backward Dalits—who have not yet benefited from government resources or welfare initiatives. As a thinker and intellectual, it’s crucial for me to uphold my views and promote dialogue between both forward and backward Dalit groups to address the root causes of this backwardness. It’s undeniable that many Dalit communities are still grappling with these issues. However, I find myself labeled as foolish or accused of being an agent of the RSS or BJP, particularly by individuals with whom I have previously worked closely in various movements. This is disheartening, as they seem unwilling to engage with or understand my perspective.

After years of activism, do you believe that our leaders and intellectuals have failed to transcend their caste frames? 

Sanjeev: The events surrounding the Bharat Bandh on August 21 highlighted that the Dalit movement is often centered around the interests of specific castes, rather than embracing the wider Dalit community. At many Ambedkar Jayanti celebrations, for instance, the leadership is dominated by members of a single caste, controlling the distribution of government funds, leaving others sidelined while lamenting a purported division among Dalits. This same insularity is evident in Buddha Vihars nationwide, which have become strongholds for caste panchayats rather than spaces for unity and advocacy.

You have referred to Buddha Vihars as strongholds of caste panchayats. Can you elaborate on that?

Sanjeev: Buddha Vihars should embody Dr. Ambedkar’s vision of caste eradication and inclusive representation. Unfortunately, they have often become exclusive spaces that restrict access and perpetuate divisions based on caste identity. You can often discern the caste affiliations merely by looking at the Budh Vihar, which starkly contradicts the original purpose of these spaces.

In light of the criticism you’ve received, do you still stand by the questions you’ve raised?

Sanjeev: Yes, upon reflection, I believe that my inquiries are justified. The stand I take is corrective and necessary for a more inclusive dialogue within our community.

What is your perspective on the Supreme Court’s ruling regarding caste classification?

Sanjeev: The Supreme Court addressed two main elements: the “creamy layer” and classification. While I oppose the concept of a creamy layer as it detracts from the core issues of caste discrimination and untouchability, I view classification positively. Coming from a historically marginalized caste like Domar, I observe that sanitation workers, including Valmiki, are still trapped in adverse working conditions and have not received equitable job opportunities according to their demographics. The classification of reservations stands to benefit the most backward within the Scheduled Castes, although some powerful Dalit groups are claiming that such measures will fracture Dalit unity—echoing sentiments from upper castes during the time of Baba Saheb Ambedkar when faced with the Communal Award.

It appears that the Dalit and Ambedkarite movements are currently fragmented over this ruling. Critics allege that accusations of caste appropriation are unfounded; however, ignoring the unique identities of our other brothers and sisters seems unwise. Have the marginalized members of Scheduled Castes been overlooked in Ambedkarite philosophy, leading to their exclusion from political dialogues? 

Sanjeev: It is indeed shortsighted to claim that rights are being violated or that someone is encroaching upon one’s entitlements. However, the persistent backwardness of certain groups is undeniable. Just as the untouchable castes progressed after the introduction of reservations, so too can backward untouchables advance with tailored reservations.

Many accuse the Swachhkar Samaj of not aligning with Baba Saheb Ambedkar. Critics claim that by identifying as Hindus and supporting the BJP, they should be removed from Scheduled Caste reservations and categorized under the EWS. How would you respond?

Sanjeev: Such statements stem from a lack of understanding of Ambedkar’s teachings. The societal dynamics were influenced by figures like Ramratan Janorkar and Advocate Bhagwan Das, who worked alongside Baba Saheb from the beginning. If individuals face discrimination or humiliation, they naturally seek refuge with those who show them respect. The RSS has attempted to engage with these communities, while upper Dalits have largely failed to extend help beyond opposition. The protests against the backward Dalits on the 21st only exacerbated existing tensions.

After your long association with the Ambedkarite movement, do you think intellectuals squandered the chance for unity across the entire Dalit society? 

Sanjeev: Absolutely. Upper-Dalit intellectuals have squandered a critical opportunity. Following the Supreme Court’s verdict, they should have initiated dialogues with representatives from backward Dalit groups instead of missing the chance to unify and address issues collaboratively. The level of vitriol directed toward marginalized Dalit castes on social media today is shocking—often surpassing even that from upper castes. The abuse faced by individuals like Ramesh Bhangi, for simply expressing their views, exemplifies this injustice.

Has the discourse on social media contributed to deepening animosities between communities, rather than fostering dialogue?

Sanjeev: Indeed, upper caste society has capitalized on this discourse to exacerbate tensions, with some upper Dalits actively contributing to the animosity.

Your life story also reflects overcoming significant hardships. Can you share more about your background? 

Sanjeev: My family has faced caste-based discrimination for generations, which instilled in me a profound understanding of poverty and social injustice. Education has been my pathway to progress, inspired largely by Dr. Ambedkar’s teachings, helping me discern the distinction between exploiters and allies.

What led you to Ambedkarism? 

Sanjeev: My maternal uncle, Pramod Khurshil ji, was closely associated with Kanshiram Saheb, and it was he who introduced me to a biography of Dr. Ambedkar when I was around 10-12 years old. His profound influence and the realization of what Ambedkar had achieved for our community ignited my passion for education and social justice.

In our current climate, with rising inter-community distances, how can we foster unity? Who will spearhead this initiative?

Sanjeev: The only way forward is through conversation. Dialogue is essential. Upper caste Dalits have a responsibility to recognize and address the issues faced by backward Dalits while setting aside their own self-interests.

Looking back, do you ever feel misplaced in the Ambedkarite movement when confronted with caste interests?

Sanjeev: I must concur that, in the face of significant opportunities for solidarity, many so-called Ambedkarite upper caste Dalits have instead resorted to censure of backward Dalits due to conflicting caste interests. This is contrary to the core principles of Ambedkarism and the Constitution, which advocate for the rights and resources for the most marginalized.

Is the classification of reservations leading to new divisions among castes? 

Sanjeev: I disagree with that assertion. Dr. Ambedkar himself classified castes into Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, and Backward Classes. This classification does not equate to division; rather, it highlights areas needing targeted assistance. A society comfortable in its progress should support this classification, not fear it. To dismiss it is to dismiss Ambedkar’s foundational principles.

What message would you like to convey to fellow comrades of the Ambedkarite movement, especially intellectuals and writers?

Sanjeev: I urge my fellow intellectuals and authors within the Ambedkarite movement not to abandon one another during these challenging times. Instead of resorting to insults, it’s vital that we strive to comprehend the issues faced by deprived Dalits and offer our support. While differing opinions may exist, let’s maintain mutual respect. Recent events, such as the altercation involving the Bhim Army and members of the Valmiki community surrounding the Supreme Court’s order, highlight the pressing need for unity among Ambedkarites to mitigate these conflicts.

Author is Human rights defender. Facebook:  https://www.facebook.com/vbrawat;  Twitter @freetohumanity

The post Importance of classifying Scheduled Castes for reservation: Sanjeev Khudshah, Dalit writer appeared first on SabrangIndia.