Nehru says,

‘My desire to have a handful of my ashes thrown into the Ganga at Allahabad has no religious significance, so far as I am concerned. I have no religious sentiment in the matter. I have been attached to the Ganga and Januna [Jumna] Rivers in Allahabad ever since my childhood and, as I have grown older, this attachment has also grown. I have watched their varying moods as the seasons changed, and have often thought of the history and myth and tradition and song and story that have become attached to them through the long ages and become part of their flowing waters. The Ganga, especially, is the river of India, beloved by her people, round which are intertwined her racial memories, her hopes and fears, her songs of triumph, her victories and her defeats. She has been a symbol of India’s age‐long culture and civilizatiton, ever changing, ever flowing, and yet ever the same Ganga. She reminds me of the snow‐covered peaks and the deep valleys of the Himalayas, which I have loved so much, and of the rich and vast plains below, where my life and work have been cast’.

My cultural association with Ganga

I was born in a place which is the confluence of two small rivers, tributaries of the Ganga (Ganges), and from where river Kho, begins its journey which is a tributary of Ram Ganga river. The first time I saw Ganga at Muni-ki-Reti and Lakshman Jhula near Rishikesh was when I was just a seven year-old child. The first sight of the Ganga mesmerised me. Then I realised how the Ganga is part and parcel of life of people in Uttarakhand.

I was perplexed to see that movement to protect Ganga did not get any public sympathy in Uttarakhand. I did not understand why a state where the Ganga is so deeply rooted in our psyche remain untouched to the atrocities being committed on it in the name of ‘development’. Was there a disconnect between people and ‘intellectuals’ or ‘experts’ as usually happens everywhere? The result of this questioning is this journey. I have tried to cover every part, every confluence that Ganga had with its tributaries and distributaries.

The Ganga in the Himalayas

I started the journey in September 2021 trekking from Gangotri to Bhojwasa on the way to Gaumukh. I traversed on my path almost all the major rivers of Uttarakhand including Yamuna, Tons, Gauriganga, Kali-Sharda etc. Prior to that, I travelled to all the Prayags and the valleys of the beautiful Dhauli Ganga, Mandakini, Nandakini, Pinder, Alaknanda and Bhagirathi. That made this journey unique. It took nearly four years and this was truly not merely a journey touching some spots only to return but an attempt to understand the crisis faced by the Ganga and its tributaries.

From Gangotri till Bay of Bengal, I saw a massive civilizational crisis emerging. If that is not addressed, we will –all–be in deep trouble. Ganga is the largest river of India and its plain is the most fertile land where farmers have flourished and millions of people depending on water, gained life and livelihood. The bio diversity of the river Ganga remains unparalleled.

Chipko Movement

In Uttarakhand, the Ganga and its tributaries face threat from various hydropower projects because they snatch the beauty of the river, control its water and impact the rich bio-diversity of the river.

A travel to Niti Valley and Lata and Raini villages,  the epicenters of the Chipko movement, gave me the idea of what is wrong with those who romanticise a movement without understanding it’s nature. The Chipko movement was the cry of the native communities for their access to forest produce which they used to enjoy prior to the Indo-China war 1962 when people had access to the Tibetan market and vice versa. There was a huge market for domestic products, forest produce etc. A large number of villagers got dislocated and all the passes to Tibet were closed. The other side of the story is that government continued with the British policy of auctioning the forests. So every year, the Symonds company would obtain the forest produce, chop the trees mercilessly and take them out of the state. Gaura Devi and her Saathis protested against this in Raini and threw the contractors out. This was welcomed by all in Uttarakhand and the movement gained prominence. H.N Bahuguna, the chief minister, called some of the ‘activists’, mostly the Brahmanical elite, to Lucknow for a conversation. The auctioning to ‘privates’ was stopped by a new entity (boss) was created which was the ‘Uttar Pradesh Van Nigam’. This made the lives of the people even more miserable. While many people got name and fame internationally, the native (indigenous) people fighting had to resort to ‘Chheeno Jhapto’ movement to gain the access to forest. H N Bahuguna therefore emerged as the biggest villain of the piece who actually looked down upon this movement and tried to sabotage it.

The problem with the intellectuals and their devotees in the media is that they ignored that the essence of the movement that was essentially led by Adivasis-janjati people. The history of the Chipko movement is that of those people, the Bhutiyas and others but their issues and role were conspicuously obliterated from the popular discourse. The movement was superficially romanticised as a ‘protection of trees and ‘environment’. World over, it is the indigenous communities who are dependant on forests and it is they who nurture it. No community would ever nurture mountains and rivers without using the resources. This needs to be understood. That the relationship between native communities and nature is their interdependence; this issue was grossly ignored and underestimated by the environmental elite.

Ganga and its various tributaries shine through Uttarakhand. The confluences of different rivers are unparalleled and stunning. Sadly however this will all disappear once different barrages and dams that are proposed actually start functioning. There was a beautiful Sangam of Bhilangana with Bhagirathi at Tehri which is not visible now. There is a beautiful Sangam of river Gori with Kali at Joljibi in Pithoragarh. If the Pancheswar dams comes through, then some of these beautiful places and confluences will disappear. The Sangam of Rupin and Supin river at Netwar in Uttarakhand which start the journey of Tons is supremely beautiful but a dam near the confluence is bound to finish them off. Nobody can deny the importance of energy but we also need to think that the Himalayas and its rivers are not merely our ‘resource’ but also our heritage, our identity particularly for the people living in these regions. So, my simple point to the power elite is stop destroying our identity. A destruction of the Himalayas will bring unprecedented crisis to Gangetic plains in India and so, we must not do anything that escalates the crisis we already facing.

The crisis in the Gangetic plains of Uttar Pradesh

The Gangetic plains of Uttar Pradesh will suffer in future with acute desertification. The Ganga loses its shine once it enters Balawali, Bijnor district. Travel to this region and onward during the summer, and you will realise how the Ganga water has drastically reduced and agricultural land and green pastures have been converted into a desert. Already. Water at Garhmukteshwar remain merely for the rituals and the pollution is increasing exponentially. By the time, it reaches Kannauj and has its first confluence with Ramganga, you can walk through the river Ramganga. Reaching the confluence has been difficult because of changing embankment of the river. A local farmer told me at the confluence that it is not the ‘kheti (farming) but ‘reti’ (sand mining) which is rampant and ‘source’ of earning for even the farmers. This reflects the sad state of the crisis.

A few kilometers onwards, we are at historic place Bithoor which is now more known as a ‘religious’ place and to ensure that magnetism of religion. Suddenly, you really feel wonderful to see ‘water’ in the river. A couple of boats are visible and again we see the beauty of the river Ganga but our fear are confirmed. About seven kilometers from Bithoor is the Ganga Barrage on the Kanpur Unnao border. While there is enough water to quench your religious thirst at Bithoor, at Kanpur the river looks dry with huge sand beds on both banks. You won’t be able to recognise the river from the original embankments. Moreover, Kanpur which is called the Manchester of the East, is actually, contributing a huge quantity of ‘sewage’ water to Ganga making it look like the Sewage tributary of the Ganga. The river stinks on the ghats. It is very disturbing to see that ‘Ghats’ that have been constructed with money from the ‘Namami Gange’ project but no efforts are visible to improve the plight of the holy river. All it reflects that we want to worship the river from a nice built-up place of concrete but don’t really care about the existential crisis that the river is facing.

The patch between Allahabad and Varanasi via Vindhyanchal is beautiful and water less contaminated perhaps because of the Yamuna which is bigger in Allahabad and carries more water from Chambal in it which is definitely an unpolluted river. At Varanasi, however, we see the devastating pollution in the river. We are told that two ‘rivers’ flow into Ganga in Varanasi, the Assi Ganga and Varuna.  A visit to the ‘confluence’ of them only reveals the pathetic hypocrisy of those who call them ‘rivers. They have been turned into absolute sewage ‘rivers’, and further pollute the Ganga.

Ganga at Varanasi

At Varanasi the Mahaarti has been commercialised. It has become a ‘light and sound show’ with no real spiritual power which it used to emit once upon a time. Big moneyed people use the trawlers and cruise to watch the spectacle while the normal, common humans have to pay huge sum to watch it from the back. It was definitely a sad scenario.

Between Varanasi to the Gomti Ganga Sangam is again a pathetic sight. There is no water in the Gomti and it is much polluted river. There are lots of birds on the island zones in the Sangam. Ganga’s entry into Bihar is via Buxar and just a few kilometers before the city is Chausa, a historic town where Sher Shah Suri’s forces had defeated Humanyun. The so-called memorial is nothing but a ‘selfie park’. All memorial and historical places are carefully being converted into amusement parks everywhere and mythological characters are being re-created as historical figures and events. Again, the Karmnasha-Ganga confluence shows the terrible state of agriculture in the region. I was there during the deadly heat of June and the Karmnasha looked like a dry stream flowing into Ganga. Agricultural land showed sign of ‘cracks’ even when we would see numerous birds chirping near the confluence. Sewage continues to flow into the river in Buxar too.

Massive sand mining in Bihar

But the biggest challenge, I saw on our rivers was at a historic place called Chirand in Saran district where the Ghadhra and Son[1] rivers flow into the Ganga. The confluence zone has shifted a few kilometers again. From Revelganj to Chirand, on the National High way, a huge smoke of dust welcomes you apart from huge lane of big trucks used for carrying Sand. On the banks of river Ghaghara, which local call Saryu, you can see hundreds of cargo streamers used for carrying sand from the river. Any person who is not habitual of staying in these zones, would just collapse as breathing become impossible. The Red Sand from river Son is the most popular. It is also a fact that Sand mafia has political protection. It is time for sensitization of people as well as stricter environmental norms imposed otherwise this region too wait for a catastrophe. Similar conditions can be seen around Hariharpur Sonpur area where Ganga and Narayani Gandaki conflate. Sonepur was famous for the cattle fair but that is a thing of past now. It is merely a fair which is more as a recreational ‘time pass’ for the locals and others who visit the famous shrine at Hariharpur.

The river Ganga in Patna looks polluted. Patna itself is a polluted city. From there until Munger, we can see the Ganga splitting at various places and huge sandy river beds everywhere. The summer in these regions are extremely difficult with massive dust in the air. Most of the agricultural land is turning barren. Water level in the river is reducing drastically resulting in the extension of its breadth and creation of the sandy patches or islands in between. You can see huge bridges across Ganga but the river looks tiny. The only time it does look like a river is in the monsoon season. Mokama, Begusarai and Khagaria present an abysmal picture but the biggest shock was at Kosi Ganga Sangam which is difficult to reach due to the river bed turning sandy. To reach to the area is difficult. On a normal winter or summer day, the water at the confluence is extremely low and the river looks dirty too. Again, the breadth of the river increases. However, from Manihari in Katihar to Sahebganj, a trip on a cargo Ship is a worthwhile memory to stack away though it is difficult to cruise because of low water levels. But this will work till the bridge connecting Sahebganj and Manihari is completed.

Historical Rajmahal

However, the most fascinating part of the river Ganga (Ganges) in Bihar is in South Bihar. From Munger –which itself is a historical place—the old fort area is totally encroached upon and you will see no effort to preserve the historical architecture and buildings. The river from Munger to Bhagalpur and Kahalganon is phenomenal. It is a breathless treat to watch. It looks less polluted and is called ‘Uttar Vahini’ at Sultanganj where the historical Ajgaibinath temple is located. Bhagalpur is an extremely important location where enough evidence exits of our Buddhist, Adivasi and Jain past. There are historical places. The most beautiful region is Kahalgaon and Vikramshila. It has been reported that the entire area from Sultanganj to Kahalgaon, has been declared by the Bihar government as a ‘Dolphine Sanctury’. The fisherfolks are protesting against it as they lose their right to fishing. The Ganga Mukti Abhiyan started from this place fighting against the Zamindari on water and finally Lalu Prasad Yadav as chief minister of Bihar ended that cruel system imposed during the British period that looted the fisher communities of the region but the lives of the fish workers are not safe. Zamindari has gone but Rangdari has started. People still live in fear.

Sahebganj is the only Ganga district in Jharkhand. The Ganga here as a massive presence between Manihari to Sahebganj. There is an international port and a domestic one, possibly one that is under-utilised. The water level is still not that much which can ensure an easy passage. Secondly, the Ganga splits more in Jharkhand. Various streams split up and join again. The most important place of Ganga journey in Jharkhand is Raj Mahal, a very historical place, former capital of undivided Bengal under the Mughal King Akbar era. Raja Man Singh was made the Viceroy of Bengal and it is he who established Rajmahal as the capital of the state. It still has few landmarks like Jami Mosque, Baradari and many other places which still need deep care as they remind of our rich historical legacies.

Between Raj Mahal and Farakka, the Gumani river rising from the Raj Mahal hills ultimately merges with the Ganga and then moves towards Farakka. The link road between Rajmahal and Farakka is in extremely bad shape in the last 10 kilometers perhaps because it is the area of coal mining and thermal power plant. Again, the air is filled with dust and smoke most of the time in nearly 10 kilometers area. One can just imagine the lives of people during the summers here.

The one point on which the fisherfolk from three states, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand unit is on the issue of Farakka Barrage. They want this barrage de-commissioned as it has damaged the fish diversity in the river above Farakka. Hilsa is not available to fisherfolk in UP, Bihar and Jharkhand. After Farakka, fisherfolk claim that they do manage to harvest the fish but due to the closure of gates at the barrage, Hilsa and other fish can’t move back. Many farmers too reflected that due to the existence of a barrage, a large part of land in Jharkhand and Bengal face flooding in monsoon. The impact of Monsoon floods is tremendous in Bihar and Bengal and governments have so far not been able to reach to any particular conclusion or solution so that human lives or agricultural land is not lost. Every year, the soil erosion has already engulfed thousands of acres of land and made people landless. It is time for a serious think over –and concerted response to–these issues and protect our communities, farmers, fish workers and others living nearby the river.

Ganga in Bengal: Rise of Bhagirathi

The journey of the mighty Ganges (Ganga) in Bengal is extremely important to understand the issue of climate change. The split in the rivers become the norm. Right from Nimtitta town, the Ganges becomes wider and splits into two parts. The river flows towards Bangladesh and is known as Padma there while the second part of the river again splits at Giria and is known as Bhagirathi which then travels to different districts from Murshidabad, Plassey, Nabadweep where again Jalangi meet it and the new river is now known as the Hooghly. The interesting part is that there are towns on both sides of the Hooghly. There is history. Nabadweep is the birth place of Chaitnya Mahaprabhu. After passing through many places the Hooghly ultimately flows into Bay of Bengal in the Sundarban region. The place where it merges into the sea is known as Ganga Sagar but Sagar Dweep itself has numerous issues of climate crisis. Many villages have disappeared and many might disappear in future as the water level of the sea is rising regularly.

To conclude, I would say, preserving Ganga is extremely important for the health of India as it emerges from Himalayas and finally flows into the Bay of Bengal near the Sundarban. Both the Himalayas and Sundarban are world heritage sites. The impact of climate change is acutely visible in both these places. The question is whether the so-called climate change is a natural process or a human-made disaster. The number of commercial activities in the Himalayas as well as in Sundarban are bound to impact all of us.

We need to think out of the box but certainly not to convert the entire issue of Ganga and climate change to one merely concerning ‘experts. It is time, we engage and involve the local communities, fishermen, farmers and other native communities who are inter-dependant on the river and its surroundings as without their active participation in any debate or decision-making processes, we won’t be able to achieve anything meaningful.

‘Save the Ganga’ slogan means protecting and preserving Himalayas and Sundarbans apart from all the big and small rivers and large riverine area that makes up the mighty Ganga.

(This is the text of the talk delivered at Jawahar Bhawan, New Delhi, on November 18, 2024, was organised by Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studies)

[1] Ghaghra and Son are the tributaries of river Ganga. Ghaghara is a 1080 km long river that originates from Mapchachungo Glacier in Tibet. It flows through Tibet, Nepal, and India where it joins river Ganga near Chhapra, Bihar.

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Gradually, as the party tried to shift, slowly, the (soft) Hindutva line, it lost disastrously to the BJP whenever it tried to outdo the saffron juggernaut. The reason behind things not going well for the Congress, among many reasons, a key one is the role of state leaders considered as ‘kshatraps’ who are unable to look beyond their families and jaatis. None of these khsatraps can be termed as inclusive. Some went overboard on their ‘inclusiveness’ that they lost base of their own communities like Harish Rawat in Uttarakhand. However, people like Bhupesh Baghel, Ashok Gehlot, Kamalnath and now Bhupinder Singh Hooda became tired outdone leaders who gained everything from the Congress but could not (did not) go beyond their own family interests and therefore damaged the party. All this at a time when people were looking to the Congress Party as an alternative to the ruling BJP.  Let’s not forget the fact that Siddharamaiyya was defeated in Karnataka despite his good work by caste identities as both Vokalingas and Lingayats never wanted an OBC of the marginalised section to lead the state. D K Shivakumar continues to challenge the chief minister and the powerful Vokalinga lobby is desperate to have him chief minister likes the Jats of north India. Both the Jats as well as Vokalingas-Lingayats are actually powerful landed savarna castes but over the years the Bahujan narrative-setters –for the sake of their vote politics– have added them to the OBC category. The same Bahujan narrative setters are unable to respond or just keep silent when violence against Dalits occurs in those states dominate by these Bahujan politics. BSP Chief Ms Mayawati herself said that though Dalit votes shifted to other parties, the same did not happen in return as Jats did not vote for Dalit candidates and that is a reality. The Bahujan narrative-setters need to look beyond their jaati interest and see the diverse contradictions among various communities at the ground level. There is no one community which can be blamed as being ‘jaatiwadi’ or casteist as almost everyone falls foul of this category. The only thing is that all of us are looking at someone below us and are in awe of someone above us as Baba Saheb had explained. Unfortunately, communities and leaders who need to stitch this broad based participatory alliance with diverse communities are unable to go beyond their jaati interests and trapped in their constructed image of a particular community leader.

We must also discuss about the conduct of the Election Commission of India (ECI) transparency, vote dumping and EVM-related and other administrative issues. These are serious issues and Election Commission; political parties and the highest court have failed collectively to assure us as why shouldn’t the number of vote polled be equal to that of the VVPAT slips. Why has there been a huge mismatch in votes polled and votes counted. Why have the objections not been taken seriously by any of the agency or body accountable for free and fair polls? Why has the Opposition not raised the issue systematically and consistently?

It is important to understand that narrative making is important but it does not really work if you don’t have the cadres and leaders representing those communities at the ground. You won’t get cadres and leaders of the communities if there is a narrative of ‘dominance’ of one particular community in the party organization and structure.

In Haryana, Congress went into the fray with a sense of over confidence convinced that it is returning to power after ten years of anti-incumbency and incompetent government led by the non Jats. It wanted to exploit the rising Jat sentiment of returning to the power but ignored the vital factor that it was only possible if the Jat leadership was ready to play the role of a facilitator ensuring the participation of all those communities particularly Dalits are feeling threatened.  Dalits who constitute about 21% of the total Haryana population cannot even imagine of having a chief minister of their own because 27% Jats would not like them to be so.

The first decade rule under Bhupinder Singh Hooda has brought the Jat Dalit hostilities into lime light where Hooda had no interest to work as conscious keeper of the constitution and provide justice to Dalits. I was witness to various movements led by Dalits for justice including Bhagana and Mirchpur where Dalits became victims of Jat hegemony in Haryana and Hooda was silent, did nothing. In fact, the Congress High command at the time could not even persuade Hooda to act against Jats who were the accused on both the cases. Hence, promoting Hooda at the time when Haryana was witnessing a massive anti Jat incumbency was nothing but playing in the hands of BJP. Even if the party wanted to ensure that it remain in command with powerful Jat votes, it was important to play an inclusive game. The humiliation meted out to Ms Selja, an extremely loyal leader from the Dalit community of Haryana did not go down well with the Dalits in the state. If even after so many years, a woman of substance who had devoted her life and energy to build the party, Selja cannot expect to lead the party or be in its platform as leader of the party, this reflects the highhandedness of Hooda family.

The BJP used this insult to boost their own campaign and the BSP too raised the issue. The anti-Dalit characteristic of Hooda as well as dominant Jats in the region has not in any way diffused and whether real or not, this was the narrative that carried the day. The Congress party must understand that their leaders were made to believe that ‘Kisan’, Pahalwan and ‘Jawan’ were against BJP, as if cutting across the community line there is a broad anger against the government. Frankly speaking, this slogan of Kisan, Pahalwan and Jawan only addresses the Jat voters of Haryana. Congress did not bother to reach out Dalits and Rajput votes.

Through 2024, even when we all know that there was a Rajput desperation to break out of the BJP and ally with any or all other groups who were sympathetic to its issues, the Congress leadership refused to accept the fact that they too exist. Similarly, despite Rahul Gandhi’s loud claims of Social Justice, no collective effort was made in Haryana to reach out to Dalits. The last moment entry of Ashok Tanwar could not bring back the Dalit votes in the party and the reason is clear.

The Congress must understand that a political party is not like a social justice movement. A movement can run on one particular agenda targeting one section of the people but mass politics has to be inclusive and ensure engagement with all communities. Right now, India’s poor and marginalised want a share in the power structure and that happens through their political representation at different levels. While job reservation is an important issue, parties will have to prepare them to take a categorical stand on the issues. BJP succeeded because it has an open stand on various issues unlike Congress which is unable to take a stand. The Dalit vote cast in Haryana was not one sided. The Jatav-Chamar votes who are over 50% of the total Dalit votes in Haryana actually went along with BSP because of the absence of Congress clear stand on sub categorization. The Balmikis who are about 30% of total voters among the Dalits, voted mostly for BJP because it supported the demand for categorisation. So Dalit votes whether pro or anti, went along with other parties and not to the Congress because of its refusal to take a stand.

At a public meeting Yogendra Yadav recently said that an effort is being made against to convert the elections into a Jat verses non Jats and added that the BJP is expert in spinning such a narrative. The party did the same in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar where it pitched other communities against Yadavas. The BJP might have been doing things as per its own political strategy but in Uttar Pradesh, the Samajwadi Party and Congress are also doing the same which is blaming Rajputs or Thakurs for everything wrong there. Yogendra Yadav has not acknowledged this in a single sentence anywhere mentioning that it is the same Thakurs who actually voted against BJP in Uttar Pradesh and ensured the defeat of many of the Hindutva leaning candidates. Unfortunately, today opposition parties are targeting Rajputs in order to take Yogi Adityanath head on. This may boomerang as the community has no presence in the judiciary, media, industry and bureaucracy in comparison to other powerful communities of Uttar Pradesh. Haryana’s Jat verses non Jat narrative would not have succeeded if Bhupinder Singh Hooda and others had the humility of extending their outreach to other marginalised communities particularly the Dalits in Haryana.

There are about 8% Yadav votes in Haryana and many areas adjoining Uttar Pradesh impact that. A combined campaign with Akhilesh Yadav would have worked here but the local leadership of the party refused to ally with either the AAP or Samajwadi Party. In politics, many a time, even when it is known that an ally does not have a base in the state, to keep them in good humour,  we do share one or two seats so that, through such a strategy goes out to communities that they represent. It sends a signal about the intent of the party. An alliance with the Samajwadi Party and a joint campaign would have served the purpose but Bhupinder Singh Hooda was not interested in that. It would have served better than allying with AAP. The Congress AAP alliance failed because of over ambitious project of AAP and BJP wanted to use it. The BJP works at multiple levels and fronts to achieve its goal. So, Ram Rahim of Dera Sacha Sauda got released on parole and Arvind Kejriwal getting bail from the highest court during the same period could have equally contributed to foiling Congress chances in the state.

That apart, it is also visible that a number of candidates who were not given tickets from the Congress party even contested as independent candidate and got extremely handsome share of votes caused the defeat of the party. Though this happen in any party; here it is also undeniable that that Hooda dominated everything as he was sure he would be in power and he wanted to ensure that after the victory, he become chief minister without any interference of the party High Command. Bhupinder Hooda and his dream to rule Haryana has not just ended, the ambition has also dealt the Congress a severe blow. Congress party now needs to rebuild the party and bring all stakeholders together. Bring the issues that compliment issues being re-calibrated; when Rahul Gandhi raises the Caste Census and reservation issue, it is time, it is done without offending anyone. There is a big difference between political parties and civil society or intellectuals as a political party will have to cater the mass while intellectuals and civil society leaders/influencers are mostly single issue driven. They may speak out of conviction but may bypass ground realities. Political parties cannot afford to behave like charitable organisations or a civil society watchdog group. Congress also needs to be careful of the ‘loyal’ YouTubers who had no other agenda then getting “likes”. The party got carried away with the agenda setters on social media. They remain far from ground realities and were just talking of their ‘man ki baat’. Congress needs to transform into a e party of all and not of one jaati or a couple of jaatis but for that it will have to weave a narrative where every stakeholder feels part of the committed whole.. For this to happen, the party needs to rebuild the party organisation in all the states with new blood.

Though Congress’s defeat in Haryana is shocking for the party, it may be a boon for Rahul Gandhi and others. Bhupinder Singh Hooda would have behaved like other leaders such as Ashok Gehlot, Kamalnath or Amrinder Singh etc. once in power. He never followed the party line when Dalits were being attacked in Haryana. The Congress High Command appears today helpless because regional kshatraps can damage party if not benefit it and therefore it was unable to act against them but Hooda now join the company of Ashok Gehlot, Kamalnath, Bhupesh Bhagel and Harish Rawat. Time has come for the party to move on and build up the grand old party by bringing young leaders from different communities that reflect the ground realities of the state.

All this is not to discount the unfair means which the ruling party adopted, the disappointing role of Election Commission, the issues of fairness and transparency and the manipulated EVMs. They remain vital and important for the health of democracy but we also know the fact that despite that parties have won elections. If the party and many others feel that EVMs have been manipulated and hacked then they must launch a sustained campaign in all seriousness. Administrative issues of fair play are extremely important. However the Congress other committed blunders and that cannot be ignored.

Therefore, Congress would do well, to conduct a caste census of the party structure so that it understands what ails the party, who are the leaders dominant in the party structure yet unable to fetch votes to the party. Get a complete figure of communities within the organisation and link it with the state figures. A complete overhaul of Congress party is not possible without a jaati-janganana’ or caste censuses of the entire party structure. Rahul Gandhi who is advocating the caste census and social justice issues with rigour needs to start putting his home base in order as his social justice agenda will remain unimplementable if there are no takers within the party. Will the party ever listen?

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

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Left politics in India has been active at the grassroots for years but unfortunately rigidity at different levels forced its demise in numerous places. The traditional parties were being replaced by others who were able to understand the quest for representation among the most marginalized. The futile intellectual debate of ‘class-caste’ only proved the point of their opponent that the party is the biggest protector of the Brahmanical caste interests. Parties like CPI(ML) were spreading their base in Bihar and Jharkhand just because they understood this identity aspiration of the most marginalized and provided space to the communities. It is also a fact that you can’t really blame one individual for the policies of the party particularly in the left parties where their state units are more powerful in many states than the central secretariat of the party. Even with all criticism, left parties are not a one man show and there is more democracy and discussion among them in comparison to any other political party claiming to represent the marginalized. There is still no messiah cult in the left politics, a need and demand for the colonial democracy that we are in.

Sitaram Yechury was definitely not a mass leader but his impact on political opinion making was enormous. The power of the left despite shrinking still remain in our social cultural lives apart from various trade unions, academia and the political sphere. In the last one decade, efforts have been made by not only the ruling party but many vilifying the left activists and leaders. As I said, there might be differences of opinion, their failure to include people from the margin in their decision-making bodies as well as failure of West Bengal model, democratic left was still the need of the hour. Sitaram Yechury’s writings were sharp and well explained. Frankly speaking, he was the face of the left politics in the last two decade who was articulate and much more comfortable in the north Indian politics of social justice in particular. Even when he hailed from the South, the ease with which he spoke Hindi was remarkable. While it is not my point that one must learn Hindi, the thing is, for a party leader who plans to work in the Hindi heartland, it is always great to be bilingual. That way, Yechury had command like Comrade A B Bardhan in Hindi which made his writing and speeches understood by a very large audience in the Hindi heartland.

Whatever may be differences about individual opinion but Sitaram Yechury proved that he did not have many faces who private beliefs were the same as his political ideology unlike most of the Indian political as well as ‘intellectual’ class who are ‘revolutionary’ in public life but ‘reactionary’ and rigid in their private lives. He was the President of Jawaharlal Nehru University three times and one is sure that whenever the history of student movement and truly democratic characteristics of student politics would ever be discussed in India, Yechury’s contribution to student politics can never be omitted or discounted.

One of the most vilified things in today’s India by the right-wing trolls on social media as well as Bania channels is the interfaith marriages. Yechury spoke about his personal life for the first time in his last speech in Parliament in 2017, which could simply be termed as one of the finest speeches.

‘I was born in the Madras General hospital now called Chennai General Hospital to a Telugu speaking Brahmin family. My grandfather being a judge, after the state reorganization the Andhra Bench of the state High Court went to Guntur (formation of Andhra Pradesh), so we shifted there in 1954, I was born in 1952. Shift to Hyderabad in 1956. My school education is in an Islamic culture that was prevalent in Hyderabad under Nizam rule in the early days of independence in 1956. I got my education there then come to Delhi, study here. I married to a person whose father is a Sufi of the Islamic order whose surname is a Chistie, whose mother is a Mysorian Rajput who migrated there in the 8^th century AD. We are now in the 21^st century. She is the daughter of these two, father and mother. A South Indian Brahmin born family married to this lady what will my son be known as sir. What is he? Is he a Brahmin? Is he a Muslim? Is he a Hindu? What? There is nothing that can describe my son rather than being an Indian.’

These last sentences in the Parliament actually relate to those who are victimized and vilified simply because they are challenging the traditional system of marriages, moving beyond their castes and faiths and building up their dream based purely on the idealism of Baba Saheb Ambedkar, Periyar and Bhagat Singh. Unfortunately, anti-caste movement would have promoted this kind of idealism but today in the age of deepening caste identities any alliance beyond your community might not be a politically fertile idea for all. Yes, for some, it might fetch bumper crops but not for all particularly when one partner is a Muslim. You suffer on a daily basis but Sitaram Yechury spoke from the heart and for those who have made their dreams as per this idealism.

It is important to understand that whether it is Marxism or Ambedkarism or any other idealism, dogmas take you nowhere. Ultimately, it is your way of life which matters more than anything. Even when we criticize Marxists in India for being Brahmanical in nature, by his own behaviour and life that he lived, Sitaram Yechury actually was following the anti-caste idealism of Dr Ambedkar or Periyar. Frankly speaking, inter-caste marriages are still rare among Ambedkarites who should have been in the forefront of carrying out the mission of Baba Saheb. That way, Sitaram Yechury might not have brought votes and seats to his party but he definitely enriched our political idealism as well as civic spaces. Such voices are always required to remind us of our moral duties. It is also true that political activism is not always for power politics but also meant to exert pressure on the ruling elite. Sometimes, you need the conscious keepers for our society, otherwise the so called representatives of the people would act on the whims and fancies of the powerful corporate to protect their business interests.

As a true comrade dedicated to scientific rational thinking who lived a secular way of life. He donated his body for medical research. Again, despite all political differences, left leaders lived a life dedicated to scientific temperament and relatively simple and honest than most of the political parties in today’s time. Sitaram Yechury’s last wish was honoured by his wife Seema Chistie and daughter which need kudos and appreciation. Most of the time, the families decide against the wishes of the deceased and place their own personal values in dealing with the dead body which end up in exactly the opposite to the idealism of the individual passed away. It happened to many people because after the death their families performed all religious rituals, they stood against all through their lives. At least, in his death, Sitaram Yechury as well as his family did not allow the death of his idealism dedicated to secularism, rationalist scientific thinking and humanist values.

The post A life dedicated to idealism of inclusive anti caste India appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Presently, he serves as the editor-in-chief of the YouTube channel DMAindia online and is pursuing a PhD in journalism.

Having a background in law and coming from the most historically underprivileged segments of society, Valmikis, Sanjeev’s perspectives are of significant relevance. He has been part of the Ambedkar movement for years, advocating for the empowerment of the entire Dalit community through his writings.

Sanjeev expresses disappointment that, despite his support for the Supreme Court’s decision regarding the classification of Scheduled Castes, he has faced backlash. This topic was thoroughly discussed during a conversation with me, where Sanjeev elaborated on the struggles and social issues stemming from this classification debate:

You’ve been actively engaged in the Ambedkarite movement, advocating for Baba Saheb’s mission and rallying for Dalit unity. However, you now face criticism for supporting the Supreme Court’s verdict on reservations for the most marginalized Dalits. Can you describe the nature of this criticism and its source?

Sanjeev: My support is directed towards those Dalits who remain significantly disadvantaged and economically backward—often referred to as Mahadalits or extremely backward Dalits—who have not yet benefited from government resources or welfare initiatives. As a thinker and intellectual, it’s crucial for me to uphold my views and promote dialogue between both forward and backward Dalit groups to address the root causes of this backwardness. It’s undeniable that many Dalit communities are still grappling with these issues. However, I find myself labeled as foolish or accused of being an agent of the RSS or BJP, particularly by individuals with whom I have previously worked closely in various movements. This is disheartening, as they seem unwilling to engage with or understand my perspective.

After years of activism, do you believe that our leaders and intellectuals have failed to transcend their caste frames? 

Sanjeev: The events surrounding the Bharat Bandh on August 21 highlighted that the Dalit movement is often centered around the interests of specific castes, rather than embracing the wider Dalit community. At many Ambedkar Jayanti celebrations, for instance, the leadership is dominated by members of a single caste, controlling the distribution of government funds, leaving others sidelined while lamenting a purported division among Dalits. This same insularity is evident in Buddha Vihars nationwide, which have become strongholds for caste panchayats rather than spaces for unity and advocacy.

You have referred to Buddha Vihars as strongholds of caste panchayats. Can you elaborate on that?

Sanjeev: Buddha Vihars should embody Dr. Ambedkar’s vision of caste eradication and inclusive representation. Unfortunately, they have often become exclusive spaces that restrict access and perpetuate divisions based on caste identity. You can often discern the caste affiliations merely by looking at the Budh Vihar, which starkly contradicts the original purpose of these spaces.

In light of the criticism you’ve received, do you still stand by the questions you’ve raised?

Sanjeev: Yes, upon reflection, I believe that my inquiries are justified. The stand I take is corrective and necessary for a more inclusive dialogue within our community.

What is your perspective on the Supreme Court’s ruling regarding caste classification?

Sanjeev: The Supreme Court addressed two main elements: the “creamy layer” and classification. While I oppose the concept of a creamy layer as it detracts from the core issues of caste discrimination and untouchability, I view classification positively. Coming from a historically marginalized caste like Domar, I observe that sanitation workers, including Valmiki, are still trapped in adverse working conditions and have not received equitable job opportunities according to their demographics. The classification of reservations stands to benefit the most backward within the Scheduled Castes, although some powerful Dalit groups are claiming that such measures will fracture Dalit unity—echoing sentiments from upper castes during the time of Baba Saheb Ambedkar when faced with the Communal Award.

It appears that the Dalit and Ambedkarite movements are currently fragmented over this ruling. Critics allege that accusations of caste appropriation are unfounded; however, ignoring the unique identities of our other brothers and sisters seems unwise. Have the marginalized members of Scheduled Castes been overlooked in Ambedkarite philosophy, leading to their exclusion from political dialogues? 

Sanjeev: It is indeed shortsighted to claim that rights are being violated or that someone is encroaching upon one’s entitlements. However, the persistent backwardness of certain groups is undeniable. Just as the untouchable castes progressed after the introduction of reservations, so too can backward untouchables advance with tailored reservations.

Many accuse the Swachhkar Samaj of not aligning with Baba Saheb Ambedkar. Critics claim that by identifying as Hindus and supporting the BJP, they should be removed from Scheduled Caste reservations and categorized under the EWS. How would you respond?

Sanjeev: Such statements stem from a lack of understanding of Ambedkar’s teachings. The societal dynamics were influenced by figures like Ramratan Janorkar and Advocate Bhagwan Das, who worked alongside Baba Saheb from the beginning. If individuals face discrimination or humiliation, they naturally seek refuge with those who show them respect. The RSS has attempted to engage with these communities, while upper Dalits have largely failed to extend help beyond opposition. The protests against the backward Dalits on the 21st only exacerbated existing tensions.

After your long association with the Ambedkarite movement, do you think intellectuals squandered the chance for unity across the entire Dalit society? 

Sanjeev: Absolutely. Upper-Dalit intellectuals have squandered a critical opportunity. Following the Supreme Court’s verdict, they should have initiated dialogues with representatives from backward Dalit groups instead of missing the chance to unify and address issues collaboratively. The level of vitriol directed toward marginalized Dalit castes on social media today is shocking—often surpassing even that from upper castes. The abuse faced by individuals like Ramesh Bhangi, for simply expressing their views, exemplifies this injustice.

Has the discourse on social media contributed to deepening animosities between communities, rather than fostering dialogue?

Sanjeev: Indeed, upper caste society has capitalized on this discourse to exacerbate tensions, with some upper Dalits actively contributing to the animosity.

Your life story also reflects overcoming significant hardships. Can you share more about your background? 

Sanjeev: My family has faced caste-based discrimination for generations, which instilled in me a profound understanding of poverty and social injustice. Education has been my pathway to progress, inspired largely by Dr. Ambedkar’s teachings, helping me discern the distinction between exploiters and allies.

What led you to Ambedkarism? 

Sanjeev: My maternal uncle, Pramod Khurshil ji, was closely associated with Kanshiram Saheb, and it was he who introduced me to a biography of Dr. Ambedkar when I was around 10-12 years old. His profound influence and the realization of what Ambedkar had achieved for our community ignited my passion for education and social justice.

In our current climate, with rising inter-community distances, how can we foster unity? Who will spearhead this initiative?

Sanjeev: The only way forward is through conversation. Dialogue is essential. Upper caste Dalits have a responsibility to recognize and address the issues faced by backward Dalits while setting aside their own self-interests.

Looking back, do you ever feel misplaced in the Ambedkarite movement when confronted with caste interests?

Sanjeev: I must concur that, in the face of significant opportunities for solidarity, many so-called Ambedkarite upper caste Dalits have instead resorted to censure of backward Dalits due to conflicting caste interests. This is contrary to the core principles of Ambedkarism and the Constitution, which advocate for the rights and resources for the most marginalized.

Is the classification of reservations leading to new divisions among castes? 

Sanjeev: I disagree with that assertion. Dr. Ambedkar himself classified castes into Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, and Backward Classes. This classification does not equate to division; rather, it highlights areas needing targeted assistance. A society comfortable in its progress should support this classification, not fear it. To dismiss it is to dismiss Ambedkar’s foundational principles.

What message would you like to convey to fellow comrades of the Ambedkarite movement, especially intellectuals and writers?

Sanjeev: I urge my fellow intellectuals and authors within the Ambedkarite movement not to abandon one another during these challenging times. Instead of resorting to insults, it’s vital that we strive to comprehend the issues faced by deprived Dalits and offer our support. While differing opinions may exist, let’s maintain mutual respect. Recent events, such as the altercation involving the Bhim Army and members of the Valmiki community surrounding the Supreme Court’s order, highlight the pressing need for unity among Ambedkarites to mitigate these conflicts.

Author is Human rights defender. Facebook:  https://www.facebook.com/vbrawat;  Twitter @freetohumanity

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The previously controversial reservation system was revoked by the government and later enforced by a High Court ruling, which was ultimately scaled back to a mere 5% by the Supreme Court.

I’ve often stated that while chaos may attract media attention and intrigue experts, it ultimately takes a toll on the nation, with ordinary citizens bearing the brunt of the consequences. The protests currently taking place are often romanticized on social media, but once mass gatherings occur, these movements can be commandeered for other agendas.

We have witnessed this in various instances, including the protests in Egypt’s Tahrir Square, the unrest in Sri Lanka and Pakistan, and now in Bangladesh. The situation is far more complex than it appears.

Is the recent violence and looting in Bangladesh truly an organic student-led movement? This appears to be a coordinated effort, as evidenced by the Prime Minister being forced to flee in just 45 minutes. Instead of rejoicing, we see crowds vandalizing symbols of Bangladesh’s hard-won independence and attacking Hindu minorities and their temples — an unnecessary and troubling development.

It’s clear that Sheikh Hasina lost touch with the reality on the ground and became increasingly unpopular due to her economic policies and heavy-handed governance. This is a recurring issue in our part of the world: a powerful leader can become isolated and above the law, leading to external forces exploiting public dissatisfaction.

We cannot overlook the American approach to regime change — while they may not have succeeded in Russia, they’re striving hard elsewhere. Terms like “democracy,” “rule of law,” and “human rights” come into play.

The issue is not whether we should embrace these ideals but rather how we ensure a true democratic process, one that respects opposition and fosters economic improvement.

Bangladesh has enjoyed impressive economic growth, yet it has largely benefited industries, leaving the youth feeling increasingly suffocated by dwindling job opportunities. In this region, government jobs are highly coveted, and any attempt at implementing quotas or reservations will inevitably please some while alienating many.

In an era of social media, governments must tread carefully; while social media can be a powerful tool, it can also incite chaos when mainstream media is under the control of elites disconnected from the realities faced by the people. One cannot combat an ideological opponent solely with administrative power and policing.

When the public rises up, even law enforcement is likely to disengage, and we’ve seen this in Dhaka, where Sheikh Hasina’s official residence was attacked and looted in a matter of minutes. Is this the transformation we envision? Why was there such a lack of security?

Sheikh Hasina was fortunate to escape the crisis relatively unscathed, and she — or her advisors — should have anticipated the unfolding events. It is crucial for Bangladesh’s political leaders, military, and student community to prevent the current crisis from becoming a permanent rift.

Bangladesh is blessed with intellectuals, political leaders, and social activists dedicated to the country’s welfare. After battling oppression, now is the time to unite in restoring law and order. Honor the sacrifices of those who fought against tyranny and maintained their dignity in the face of adversity. While it is easy to criticize Sheikh Hasina as a despot, attacking symbols of your liberation movement or degrading the legacy of your founding leaders is counterproductive.

I sincerely hope the people of Bangladesh will come together to protect their nation and its rich heritage of peaceful coexistence, resisting the urge to let forces of intolerance and hatred exploit the current crisis. There is an opportunity to reclaim and collectively build your country, preserving its secular and pluralistic legacy.

May peace and stability be restored to Bangladesh, allowing it to thrive once more in tranquility, harmony, and economic prosperity.

Author is Human rights defender

Courtesy: CounterView

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The outcome of result might sound music to many who might dance on hearing the word ‘labour’ as in most of the world, the term is almost deleted in the ‘vocabulary’ of political discourse. In the United States, there is no Labour. There is the fight between two parties of white ruling elite dominated by the corporate interest with little interest for the common person. Now, Labour party returned to power after 14 years and with massive majority but are the Conservatives decimated in UK?  Has the Labour anything to do with the left politics? What brought Labour to power in UK?

The fact is that the historical route of Conservative Party does not indicate the growth of ‘left wing’ political forces in Britain. The fact is this landslide to Labour party is more to do with the faulty electoral system that UK has been following termed as First Past the Post System which result in huge gap between the vote share and the number of seat got. FPTP can be useful if there are only two to three parties as well as a high voter turnout. In the absence of it, the mandate can always be haunting though at the end of the day, it does not matter, how much is the vote share, it is the number of seats that matter.

The fact of the matter is that out of 650 seats, Labour Party has won 412 seats which is almost 65% of seats though the vote share was merely 34%. Its rival Conservative Party with 24% vote share acquired 121 seats. Liberals got 71 seats with 12% votes. Another right wing under the name Reformist Party, though, only got 4 seats but with 14% vote share. Led by Nigel Farage, Reformists are being blamed for the route of the Tory government. Conservative, Liberals and Reformists mostly hail from the same variety of political ideology of right wing. Their combine vote share is much powerful than that of Labour. The left leaning groups are mostly independent and Green Party.  Interestingly, Labour could only increase its vote share of about 2% from 2019 when it fought under the leadership of Jeremy Corbyn who contested as an independent candidate and won from Islington North constituency by over 7,000 votes defeating the nearest Labour Party rival. Corbyn has been representing this constituency since 1983 and has won for a record 11 times.

Many people might be happy to see return of a ‘Labour’ government after one and a half decade but is it really so. Leave aside the ‘vote share and seat got’ issue, the fact is most of the western electoral system particularly influence by British and American models are already captured by the right-wing capitalist forces. The quality of the ‘western democratic model’ is in its propaganda and comparison with the Russian and Chinese system despite the fact that both the countries are today a power house and rising high economically. Look at the rise of other powerful groups in UK like Liberal Democrats and Reformists both ideologically close to Conservatives but is ‘Labour’ truly dedicated to left or the working classes. The problem with the ‘liberal democracies’ in the world is their hypocrisy on human rights issues. If Labour Party was truly dedicated to the idea as its name suggest then how come powerful leaders like Jeremy Corbyn thrown away from the party. Is it because he was considered more radical and a threat to the Empire and its elite. How is the current leadership of Labour different than the Conservative? The brazen shamelessness of Kier Stramer in refusing to condemn the Israeli brutalities and assault on Gaza shocked all those who filled the Streets of United Kingdom demanding a complete ceasefire in Gaza. It was Kier responsible for humiliating and ousting Jeremy Corbyn and other left leaning leaders from Labour Party. Most of these leaders fought independently won with a handsome margin and defeated their nearest Labour rivals. The poll result suggest that British electorate are swinging between different conservative forces and Labour got acceptability because it threw away radical left forces led by Jeremy Corbyn. So essentially, British political system is highly dominated and controlled by the Conservatives who may not be Conservative Party but also Labour, Liberal and Reformists.

The Crisis of Electoral System

The British model of electoral system or simply FPTP is not reflective of the real verdict of the people. It is basically manipulative of the power elite and therefore most of the time legitimize a ‘minority’ government as ‘majority. All the colonies of the ‘Empire’ has this system which is used by the power elite of those countries using or misusing the contradiction among different groups. The difference between vote share and seat won is too high. The Labour got nearly 34% of total vote polled out of 60% votes that were polled during these elections. Which simply mean 40% people did not vote during the election. Now, in terms of seat, the party got 412 seats out of 650 which is nearly 64%. Under the Proportional Electorate System, Labour with 34% vote share would have just got 221 seats much below the majority mark. Conservatives with 21% vote share would have got 156 instead of 121 which they have at the moment. Liberal with 12% vote share got 71 seats while Reformists with 14% vote share got just 4 seats. Under the Proportionate system, Liberals could have got 78 and Reformists 91. Even a 4 seat Green Party with 7% vote would have got nearly 46 seats.

How credible is the electoral system where party getting 34% votes which also mean 66% votes that were polled did vote against you. Interestingly, a party with 14% vote share get just 4seat while that with 12% vote share 71 seats. Now, how can such a system be justified as ‘democratic’. We all have the same crisis and the result is that the ruling parties and government actually rarely listen to people’s’ voices. The amount of massive street protests that London witnessed in support of Palestine was always looked down upon by the power elite and the media. The governments these days speak through the power elite and opposition leader spoke the language of the prime minister when he openly supported the previous government’s stand on Palestine.

No change in Foreign Policy

Actually, western democracies are liberal to the large extent related to individual freedom, right to faith, criticism of the government and allowing protests in the streets but at the same point of time we need to understand why a leader like Jeremy Corbyn was ousted from Labour? Why he has been a persona non grata for the ‘liberal’ circles. A similar thing happened in United States where Bernie Sanders is despised by the ruling elite. The liberal democracies can’t accept Julian Assange and felt him the biggest threat. It needs to be understood why these democracies do not listen to the voices of protests in the streets.

Broadly, the western democracy will remain pro capitalist and market driven and nothing much is expected to change on the foreign policy matters though the new Prime Minister as already rescinded the Rwanda policy for refugees which is a great step in right direction. The Tory government wanted to privatise the prestigious National Health Services but could not do so. The railway network is already in distress. Will the new government take initiatives to strengthen these services or will it be the same government that was headed by Tony Blair?

The issue of minorities and immigrants are extremely important and resulted in victory of four independent candidates who defeated Labour candidates. The party has to see whether it will follow the ‘right tilt of Tony Blair or really work differently particularly on the issue of Palestine. It needs to understand that the combine vote share of the right-wing parties is much higher than it and if it ignore wider concern of minorities and immigrants then it might loses the support of progressive forces as well as ethnic minorities then Britain might see rise of radical left forces in the coming years. Unlike the United States, Britain still has got space for minorities and immigrants in the political structure. Will Jeremy Corbyn and other leaders emerge more powerful in the coming years or the pressure of capitalist?

Lesson for India

A democracy is successful when its institutions are robust. Britain has a powerful legacy in that regard. The election process is extremely simple and voting opens at 7 am and continue till 10 pm. The parliament still is responsible and debates there are worth watching. Prime Minister’s Question hour with leader of opposition is extremely fascinating but then we can’t have that in India.

The New Parliament has 23 Muslim members (A big country like India has just 24) and over 60% of the members belong to ethnic minorities reflecting Britain’s diversity. One thing need to be clarified. A criticism of the British system does not mean we are better than them. They have a robust system and more over basic curtsies among the political class there remain far superior than us. The swiftness with which the new government took charge with in a day remain remarkable. Everything was done without any chest thumping or ‘victory’ speeches. It is also important to understand the difference of ‘right wing’ or Conservatives in Britain, Europe and India. The Conservatives or Right Wing there are mostly against immigration policies of the government but none of them have ventured inside the personal lives of people. Right wing in India and its neighbours are basically religious fanatics who have issues with your personal choices whether food, faith or marriage. There are no hate speeches and diversity of representation is always a plus point for political parties.

Britain’s elections have big lessons for us and our political class. That elections in vibrant democracies today is on ballot paper and not through EVMs is a reality. Secondly, we did not hear any complaints of electoral malfunctioning or fraud. The counting and declaration process was simple and Prepoll surveys or Exit polls were not hyped. The prime minister did not take time in vacating his official bungalow and gone to submit his resignation to the King when results were just coming in and he conceded his defeat gracefully. The transfer of power was so swift and meticulous that there was no time for any confusion and uncertainty.  Yes, electoral system has issues of representation\ and vibrant democracies find their own solution. Britain will certainly have to look into it as this might become a major issue in the coming days.

Let us hope new government will fulfil the aspirations of the people but expecting a different perspective on Ukraine and Israel will be next to impossible as foreign policy matters in these countries are mostly static and fixed with United States. A change in its Ukraine or Palestine policy will need Jeremy Corbyn at the helm of affair which does not seem a possibility in the near future.

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

The post The crisis of British model of Democracy: A landslide without majority vote share appeared first on SabrangIndia.

During the second week of May, I travelled in the foot hills as well as the High Mountain regions of Kumaon in Uttarakhand state. There was a massive fire in the foothills near Nainital. Travelling to the famous Jim Corbett Park, we found numerous patches of forest fire all through our route. It was a sad spectacle. The forest fire reached Nainital in the third week of April and endangered the High Court colony area forcing the authorities to seek army help. An MI 17 helicopter was pressed into service taking water from Nainital Lake and sprinkling it over the forest.

‘The hilly state has reported as many as 31 pine forest fires in various areas since Friday. Bhumiadhar, Jyolikot, Narayan Nagar, Bhawali, Ramgarh and Mukteshwar areas of the district have been affected, officials were quoted saying by news agency PTI.’[ii]

The sad part was that the foot hills of Tarai region were as warm as the plains of Uttar Pradesh. A journey from Kathgodam to Bhimtal in Nainital during May reflected like the crisis of Delhi during post Diwali period. The air was polluted and visibility lower than elsewhere. The government claimed that the crisis was over and shortly there were rains in Bageshwar and Pithauragarh regions too. Due to poor visibility in the Munsiyari-Pithauragarh region the air services had to be postponed for several days.

It rained for a couple of days resulting in dousing of the fire. At a village near Baitalghat, I asked a local person as what was the reason for the fire and the answer he gave was shocking. It was not natural he mentioned. People cause these fires so that the green leaves grow and their cattle have enough fodder for food. During the summer, the dry leaves of Chir and Pines cover the entire forest area which the cattle don’t eat. It also makes the entire region slippery. Many a time, villagers burn these dry leaves so that the forest grow greener fast(er) and the cattle can have enough fodder. What used to be a quick method has turn out to be disastrous for the Himalayan state. However, this cannot be the sole region. Fire causes are natural as well as deliberate mischief too. Attempt were made to create a ‘communal divide’ on social media blaming it on Muslims but that was nothing but purely mischievous. There were two individuals from Bihar who claimed to have deliberately caused this, and prompt action by the Uttarakhand police ensured their arrests and foiled their propaganda.

So far, a staggering  over 1213 Forest fire incidents have been reported in the state since November 1, 2023 until June 14, 2024. ‘Of 1653 hectares of forest land damaged in forest fires this year, 687 hectares have been damaged in Garhwal region, 833 hectares in Kumaon region and 132 hectares in wildlife administrative regions.’[iii]

Forest fire incidents are not new and we have seen these from childhood but both the forest department and people would work hard to douse them. What needs to be grappled with, and understood, is, that there are more people who enter as tourists into Uttarakhand’s hills than the entire population. In 2011, the population of the state was one crore i.e. 10 million and 2.3 crore (20.3 millions) tourists travelled the state.[iv] After the disaster of 2013, the number of tourists have grown and it is the government too, that has made all efforts to increase the numbers. For any state to grow, tourism is a good industry but the risk for Uttarakhand is that it is religious tourism that has increased multifold and to promote it the government is exceeding limits. The question is there has to be a limit to the exploiting of natural resources. How much can the Himalayas can bear or tolerate?

It is in this context that the various natural calamities taking place in the Himalayas need to be understood. With more pressure on natural resources, more visits by outsiders, growing tension between locals and outsiders might increase. Young boys and girls in the plain areas are looking for secluded areas to enjoy their privacy. In these zones, anybody can play mischief or pranks which can ultimately bring about a disaster. There can be various reasons apart from only possible mischief. Sometimes, villages self-impose protective measures to protect themselves from wild animals or protect their crop from them. So, it is not that people are only lighting fires to preserve the fodder for their cattle. At a road side tea shop about 50 kilometres ahead of Munsiyari, a local villager informed me that at many places people have lit fires to protect themselves from wild animals particularly tigers, leopard, boars and elephants. The human nature conflict in Uttarakhand has been on the rise resulting in the killing of innocent people. With more national parks, wild life sanctuaries, Tiger zones, Elephant corridors, wider highways, railway network, resorts and so many other things in the name of ‘development’, it is the innocent citizens in the hills who face this attack from the wild animals. Wild animals, who are subject to this brute nature of wild life tourism are also victims. ‘According to the Uttarakhand forest department, 71, 82 and 66 deaths due to wild animal attacks were recorded in 2021, 2022 and 2023, respectively. Of these, two deaths in 2021, 16 in 2022 and 17 in 2023 were due to tiger attacks.’ [v]

The focus on protecting ‘wildlife’ and forest is important but why are local communities and their livelihood not included in future planning? Numbers of wild life is increasing but human lives are endangered and leaving. ‘Tiger population in Uttarakhand increased by 314% between 2006 and 2022. The state has two big tiger reserves — Corbett and Rajaji. From 269 in 2018, the number of tigers in these reserves has increased to 314 in 2022. There were 173 tigers in locations outside the tiger reserves in the state in 2018. This has increased to 246 in 2022.’[vi]

Similarly, the Rajaji Corridor for elephants too is witnessing the huge animal human conflict. In the villages of Bhabar in the Shivalik foothills, the increasing number of elephants are now entering into market and homes of the people. They can be seen frequently entering into market areas, railway tracks and on the river banks resulting in accidents. There is little effort to protect human lives resulting in people becoming suspicious of the forest department. For them, all this is being encouraged and promoted for tourism in the state without caring for the local people.

‘Tiger population in Uttarakhand increased by 314% between 2006 and 2022. The state has two big tiger reserves — Corbett and Rajaji. From 269 in 2018, the number of tigers in these reserves has increased to 314 in 2022. There were 173 tigers in locations outside the tiger reserves in the state in 2018. This has increased to 246 in 2022.’[vii]

Uttarakhand’s hill regions have significant forest cover and the Forest department has more authority than the revenue department.  The high handedness of the Forest department has resulted in migration of people from their homes. For every activity people have the fear of forest department. They cannot act if the wild bores destroy their crops. They remain helpless to the attack by Guldar, Tiger or leopard. Most of the families from the hills have migrated to the plain regions such as Dehradun, Kotdwar, Haldwani, Rudrapur for better facilities. Those older people who live alone in their homes have to suffer the threat emerging from the wild animals. Using fire to protect themselves from the wild animals has been an old practice among the native people world over. Unfortunately, the Forest department has not been able to involve communities and win over them. Forest settlements in the Himalayas started during the British period actually resulted in denying native people right to access the forest produce while allowing private timber companies from outside the regions to exploit the huge natural resources. Uttarakhand’s crisis actually is not involvement of the local communities in managing the vast natural resources of the state while handing over this heritage of the Himalayas to cronies from outside the state in the name of development.

The massive influx of religious tourists during the Chardham yatra is posing a great risk to the fragile Himalayas. The number of the visitors is growing extraordinarily and in the first 15 days alone there were over fifteen lakh tourists travelled to various shrines in the state.  Out of 15,67,095 tourists who visited the state as on May 10, over 6,27,613 visited Kedarnath shrine while 3,79,041 visited Badrinath Dham as per a report by ETV.[viii]

While the government and business groups are happy and hope the Yatra ‘breaks all records’, the crisis is severe. The Himalayas do not have required infrastructure to handle this much of crowd. Most of the crowd is unmindful of the sentiments of the locals as well as the sensitivity of Himalayas. They come for a religious purpose and are unmindful of the huge health risk. Coming from the low line regions to an altitude of nearly 4500 meters above the sea level and attempting to do things which is against your body’s’ strength has resulted in serious health hazards. Equally important to understand is that our body takes time to acclimatise when we go from areas where temperature is high, between 45 to 50 degrees to area where it is a reduced 1 degree or zero degrees. Most of the time, the pilgrims are not educated about these possible risks due to temperature difference, yet they insist on going forward to complete the yatra.

‘’Of the total 116 pilgrims who lost their lives during the one-month-long yatra, 80 per cent died of heart attack, officials said on Thursday. State Health Secretary Dr. R Rajesh Kumar stated, “Our biggest dilemma arises when a pilgrim insists on embarking on the journey to the Dhams despite adverse health check-up results. Although counselling is provided to make them understand, in cases of non-compliance, they are required to sign an undertaking. In specific circumstances, elderly and medically vulnerable pilgrims are also advised to return.”[ix]

The yatra has become the best PR exercise for the government and state police which is working overtime to look after the interest of the yatris from different parts of the country. With state police and SDRF focusing more on the ‘teerth-yatris’ like ‘freedom fighters’, it is clearly visible that government lacked human resource to handle the forest fire issues. A small state like Uttarakhand need to put its priorities accordingly as per the basic needs of the local people and not to ‘impress’ the outsiders least bothered about the sensibilities of Himalayas and its communities.

When I travelled to Munsiyari located at the height of about 2,500 meters above the sea level, it rained during the night bringing down the temperature to below 10 degrees Celsius. The uninterrupted rains in both Almora, Bageshwar and Pithauragarh district resulted in dousing the forest fire. At the Nanda Devi Temple in Munisyari, I saw big trees burnt. It was sad to see our forest zones and important trees burnt to ashes.

The issue of forest fire in Uttarakhand has to be seen in the broader context of our natural heritage which is being treated as ‘resource’ purely for-profit motives.  The authorities consider it purely from the ‘management’ of ‘Pirul’, which means dry pine leaves which covers the entire forest region during the summer and are highly ‘inflammable. Experts suggest that Pirul can be used for not only production of biogas but also for paper products but the most important part in the entire exercise is the involvement of local communities and addressing to the issues related to their insecurities and uncertainties of life. Equally important, it is to understand the ‘disaster management’ methodology of the department which was using the primitive methods to douse the flame. Government should not only think of pressing enough helicopter services to sprinkle water on the disaster zones but will need to work on putting enough water resources, pipes and build the State Disaster Management Teams to handle Forest Fire issues too efficiently and it need to equip them with proper tools.

Uttarakhand has 71% of its total land mass under forest which is among the highest in the country. This has resulted in enormous crisis for the people. The locals feel that the government want everything for ‘tourism’ and ‘publicity’ without engaging and involving the local communities, a practice that has evolved since the auctions of forest areas started resulting in mass protest movement known world over as Chipko. Uttarakhand’s main crisis is governments over dependence on insensitive bureaucracy that want to lord over the local communities making them unwanted and vulnerable to exploitation in their own land.

Lack of access to basic amenities, job market crisis, frequent attack of wild animals and undue dominance of Forest Department on revenue issues compel people to migrate to cities like Dehradun and Kotdwara. There are not even a single family in many of these villages now known as ‘Bhutaha gaaon’ or simply ‘ghost villages’. ‘There are officially 1,564 ghost villages that are uninhibited, and 650 others with less than 50 per cent population.’[x] The crisis of negative growth rate in the population in the hill regions and fear of dominance of ‘outsiders’ and ‘low line’ people continue to haunt the local communities in the Himalayas. Uttarakhand has its border with China and Nepal. It is the only border state which send a huge number of youths for Indian armed forces but at the same point of time has got impacted with the New Agniveer Scheme which has created a crisis of uncertain future for them.

Local people have been opposing the new land laws and want to protect their ancestral land. The feeling has embedded deep in the heart of the people that government is only encouraging ‘investors’ basically ‘outsiders’ and the local people will ultimately become depended on the big fat moneyed business wheeler-dealers from the plain areas.

The new delimitation exercise which is meant to redefine and redesign the number of parliamentary and assembly constituencies, a state can have, is bound to create huge unrest in the hills of Uttarakhand as the hilly regions are bound to lose their seats while there will be an increase in the number of seats from the plain region or low line areas. There is an enormous income gap between the hills and the plains. In terms of resources too, the hilly people do not have land and most of them will be counted as landless if compare to the plain regions which have large land holdings. If not handled sensitively, the mass unrest in the Himalayas can be potentially dangerous. Government needs to speak with the people and assure them full protection.

The crisis is not the ‘promise’ of ‘development’ but what kind of ‘development’ and the involvement of local people. Uttarakhand people are not ready for a development that affects their own ‘pahadi identity’. The mountains and the rivers are the soul of the state and no pahadi can grow if they are damaged. Our identity as hill people is that of the rivers and mountains and the government must understand that it can’t handle these issues with mere rhetoric but it must be seen as serious in addressing these sensitivities of Himalayas and its people.

It is sad that that the government has projected the state as ‘devbhumi’ or ‘Land of gods’ but except promoting religious tourism heavily, there is nothing which can be said, are being done, to protect the sanctity of Himalayas and its native population.  It is not that people don’t want ‘development’ but they have also seen how the state resources have been misused and handed over to outsiders. For people of Uttarakhand, each of its river is Ganga and they have a relationship with rivers and mountains. It is a relationship based on nurturing them and considering them their ‘deities’.

The four lane Char Dham Highway project has been imposed on the state ignoring the issue of fragile nature of terrain which has resulted in heavy landslides. It is not that landslide and cloudbursts were unheard of in the past but the four-lane project has not stopped them. Landslides, accidents continue to happen. Nobody denies the importance of road network but equally emphatic importance should have been given to the issues raised by environmentalists related to sensitive nature of Himalayan zone.

The Himalayan state faced some of the most traumatic moments since 2013 when the devastating Himalayan Tsunami killed more than 5000 pilgrims. It seems little lessons have been learned from the same. The big devastation at Dhauli Ganga Rishiganga confluence in Raini village in February 2021 was in fact not a natural disaster but man-made disaster. Raini village, the epicentre of Chipko movement was being relocated because the land mass was fragile and slipping. In fact, the High Court of Uttarakhand imposed penalty on social activist Atul Sati and other villagers who had filed cases in the court. Later, the crisis of sinking of historical town of Joshimath near Badrinath was watched by the entire country. Except for the government agencies, all other people felt that what has happened in Joshimath was purely the crisis created by various power projects and uninterrupted tunnels and excavation of the fragile mountains. The crisis is not over and the blame will be laid on someone else. The Silkyara Tunnel crisis of Uttarakhand was internationally reported and though the lives of so many miners was ultimately saved yet it has not stopped anything further. Uttarakhand is the source of not only source of Ganges, Yamuna, Kali and other smaller rivers but they are its lifeline and identity. Today, all of them face serious crisis. Surely you cannot do away with the severity of the crisis by merely suggesting that rivers ‘must be worshipped’ or stating that ‘they look beautiful.’ They are indeed a source of great joy and spiritual solace but the real question is as what have we done to maintain their sanctity and dignity?

Hence the issue of forest fires in Uttarakhand cannot and should not be seen in isolation but an issue of our natural heritage, its protection, management and the role of local communities. You cannot manage the Himalayas through planning experts in ‘Delhi’ and ’infrastructure’ being brought by big corporate and their experts from outside. There is a dire need to control huge influx of people in the region in the name of tourism.

Yes, religious sentiments are there but local people too have right to life and protect their natural heritage. Unlike greedy corporate and cronies who are looking the entire region purely from their ‘profit’ motives, for the native, it is not the natural resources for their profit but natural heritage and identity they live with. It would be much healthier for the government and other agencies to initiate a dialogue on its development model with the local people and seek their opinion on the issues otherwise the tiny Himalayan state would find it  difficult to bear the ‘burden’ of ‘development’ which will only inflict wound and bring pains for the people Uttarakhand.

[i] Praying for rain in Uttarakhand by S Saurabh, The Hindu, May 20, 2024
https://www.thehindu.com/sci-tech/energy-and-environment/uttarakhand-relying-on-rain-forest-fires-engulf-state/article68178427.ece#:~:text=Forest%20fires%20in%20Uttarakhand%20have,the%20situation%20is%20under%20control.

[ii] Nainital forest fires: 31 fires destroy over 33.34 hectares of forest land in Uttarakhand , Mint, April 27,2024.  https://www.livemint.com/news/india/nainital-pine-forest-fires-uttarakhand-bambi-bucket-operation-iaf-mi-17-helicopter-pushkar-singh-dhami-11714207619303.html

[iii] Fire in Uttarakhand’s Binsar Wild life Sanctuary kills 4 forest dept staffers, 4 injured, by Neeraj Santoshi, Hindustan Times, June 13, 2004

https://www.hindustantimes.com/cities/dehradun-news/fire-in-uttarakhand-s-binsar-wildlife-sanctuary-kills-4-forest-dept-staffers-4-injured-101718295445173.html

[iv] Recipe for disaster in Uttarakhand: 1 crore population, 2.5  crore tourists, Subodh Verma, Times of India, June 23, 2013
https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/recipe-for-disaster-in-uttarakhand-1-crore-population-2-5-crore-tourists/articleshow/20721226.cms

[v] Tiger burning bright in the forests of Uttarakhand, but women cannot wait or shirk duty
By Varsha Singh, 101 reporters, April 3^rd, 2024
https://101reporters.com/article/environment/Tiger_burning_bright_in_the_forests_of_Uttarakhand_but_women_cannot_wait_or_shirk_duty

vi]  –do-

[vii] Elephant-enters-court-premises-in-haridwar-why-such-incidents-have-been-rising off late in Uttarakhand by Namita Singh, News Nine. December 29^th, 2023
https://www.news9live.com/india/elephant-enters-court-premises-in-haridwar-why-such-incidents-have-been-rising-of-late-in-uttarakhand-2390390

viii]  More Than 15 Lakhs Visited Chardham in Uttarakhand till June 2, ETV Bharat English Team, June 2, 2024
https://www.etvbharat.com/en/!bharat/more-than-15-lakhs-visited-chardham-in-uttarakhand-till-june-2-enn24060205601

[ix] Rising-death-toll-among-char-dham-pilgrims-sparks-government-concern, by Narendra Sethi, The New Indian Express, 13 June 2024

https://www.newindianexpress.com/nation/2024/Jun/13/rising-death-toll-among-char-dham-pilgrims-sparks-government-concern

[x] In Uttarakhand’s Ghost Village, An 82-Year-Old Lonely ‘Dadi’ by Ashwani Sharma, Outlook, February 18,2022

https://www.outlookindia.com/national/in-uttarakhand-s-ghost-village-an-82-year-old-lonely-dadi–news-182967

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One needs to thank the people of Tamil Nadu for decisively throwing BJP out. It is also the result of political arithmetic, and MK Stalin needs kudos for his rainbow coalition. He is an example for all other political forces as how to run a coalition. The Congress needs to learn, particularly where it is the main power by giving space to smaller parties.

Maharashtra was supposed to give a big jolt to the BJP and the NDA, and people have done that. Unfortunately, Karnataka and Telangana could not sustain much for the Congress. The party needs to evaluate as why it is unable to hold on to its domain area even for a year. The Congress must understand how Bhupesh Baghel was over-hyped in Chhattishgarh. The party could win merely a seat of Korba.

Madhya Pradesh has remained in the grip of Hindutva for long and the Congress will have to work from ground level and look for committed cadres and leaders for that. Someone like Kamal Nath will not benefit the party and must be allowed only to the confines of Chhindwara.

The Congress party in Karnataka and Telangana must ponder over as what went wrong. Is the powerful Voklinga-Lingayat lobby still unable to digest Siddharamaiyya?

Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Uttarakhand and Himachal Pradesh remain in the tight grip of Brahmin-Bania-Rajput Hindutva politics. The absence of a powerful Ambedkarite or backward class movement or caste consciousness has resulted in Hindutva lobby gaining.

UP and Bihar have common factors largely unacknowledged by powerful parties. Lalu Prasad Yadav and RJD need to come out of family politics. Nitish Kumar, despite his diminishing aura, remained acceptable to Mahadalits.

While Akhilesh Yadav in Uttar Pradesh accommodated of non-Yadav OBCs and other Dalit communities, Lalu’s resistance in accepting these cost RJD a lot.  Kanhaiya Kumar would have made a big difference in Bihar than in East Delhi.

Be that as it may, the fact is, in Uttar Pradesh the Ambedkarite movement and awakening is much more powerful than in Bihar, and that makes a huge difference.

One cannot also forget the brave battle of the Punjab farmers, youth resistance and the anger among Muslims, who were blamed for every evil that India has today. There were efforts to divide the unity of Dalits and OBCs by invoking the Muslim reservation issue, but they remained calm and politically mature.

Long ago Kanshiram said that we don’t need a mazboot (strong) government but a majbur (vulnerable) government in Delhi, as it works better for thepeople. With a majbur sarkar in the horizon, one hopes it gets into work and breathes in fresh air.

India remains indebted our Constitution, Baba Saheb Ambedkar, and of course Jawaharlal Nehru. Nehru remains an icon of India, our best address to the world when we speak about our prime ministers. Being Nehru means much more than merely winning elections.

People have said categorically that they need humble mortal leaders to lead, and not those who call themselves emissaries of God. They ask for an account of five years and don’t want for a 1000 year ‘vision’. One hopes the majbur sarkar will work better for the people of India, also respect and protect our Constitution and institutions.

Author is Human rights defender

Courtesy: CounterView

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Given the nature of resistance and resentment against the policies of governments in different states, it is the political leaders who are betraying the people, because all of them now appear to feel that, whatever happens on the ground, BJP can’t be defeated. All those who cross over, and there are many fence sitters who suffer from the feeling that BJP leaders are least bothered about farmers’ and other protests, think that BJP can’t be defeated. This is dangerous for the future  of democracy.

In Uttar Pradesh, MLAs belonging to the Samajwadi Party cross voted. In Himachal Pradesh, a  large chunk of Congress MLAs voted for BJP. It means that the party’s vote management did not work. DK Shivakumar in Karnataka personally supervised the entire thing, and ensured that Congress won all the three seats. Opposition parties  must understand that their leaders are on the radar.

In Uttar Pradesh savarna (higher caste) MLAs of Samajwadi Party shifted to BJP. In Bihar the same thing happened with the Rashtriya Janata Dal. Many of the leaders in these parties are now crying foul and blaming Akhilesh Yadav and other leaders for over-pampering savarna leaders. Facts are not that simple. There is no doubt that this is Amrit Kal of Brahmanical savarna leaders, who are now more loyal to BJP. Except a few committed leaders, most of them have realised that their domain will only be possible under this Amrit Kal.

The Samajwadi Party has to think about this before it says anything. Why does it need Jaya Bachchan in Parliament? What is her contribution? Why can’t young and articulate voices of the Samajwadi Party get a chance to serve in the Rajya Sabha? The same is true with regard to Manoj Jha, who got elected again from RJD. The question is, are there no other Dalit or backward leaders in these parties who can articulate things?

The probelm is, the leadership understands the Brahmanical link of these leaders with media and other connections in power. But as  long as they are given plum positions, they will remain with the party; otherwise they will choose other greener pastures. The Samajwadi Party, Bahujan Samaj Party, RJD and the Congress need to think that it is not just that upper caste people are leaving for BJP. The question is why Nitish Kumar, Om Prakash Rajbhar and so many others too are aligning with BJP.

The problem is, we have surrendered our rights to the leaders, and they compromise. We need ideologically-committed political leaders like they were in the Communist parties, or dedicated workers of BSP and the Ambedkarite movement, who remained committed to their ideologies, whether their party wins or not.

The INDIA alliance must sit together and campaign together in many places, particularly Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat. It is important to understand that efforts are being made to create the impression of invincibility of BJP. But, clearly, things are not over and can change if tickets are given to right candidates and parties fight the elections with sincerity and seriousness.

Author is Human rights defender 

Courtesy: CounterView

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D R Balli was born in a village near Phillor in Punjab on April 12^th, 1953. His father Sant Ram used to do leather work in Punjab and did not have enough land to feed the family hence he migrated to England in the late fifties or early sixties and started working in a foundry along with his elder brother. When Bali Saheb was in his 9^th standard, his father called him to England in 1968. On December 27^th, 1975 he got married to Balbir Kaur who had arrived in the UK from Punjab. She flew from Delhi to London via Frankfurt all alone during her maiden journey out of India. Her father was an army person and wanted to educate his children but since the school of Balbir Kaur was not in her village, she had to abandon her studies after 9^th Standard. Those were the days when the families would not risk the safety of their daughters if they were going outside their village for studies. The result was that Balbir had to leave her education. It was this time that her father engaged her with Daulata Ram Balley, who too belonged to Jalandhar and was working in a foundry in England. As young Daulata was unable to come to Jalandhar for marriage, Balbir travelled on her own to London and they got married there. He started working the foundry which was extremely hard. It was more manual work and because of his strong body structure he was always given tough work. Most of the time it was 12 hours work for seven days and he used to get BP 4.50 a week which was considered to be a fairly good amount. His brother used to get around 9 Pound a week. Once a person was confirmed in the job then he would get 8.50 pound a week.

Their hard work paid when all the three members, his father, brother and he got the job. They would go together and come back home. Things were damn cheap that time. On weekends they would go to the pub to have beer and also go to watch movies. The labour work was mainly confined in the midland areas such as Birmingham, Wolverhampton, Coventry and Derby. ‘He says, ‘the work given to us was mostly heavy iron work which was done mostly by the Punjabis and because they all worked heavily over time too they became economically ‘well off’’. ‘All the Indians loved heavy work because it had more money’ says Balley.  He was part of the labour movement but he felt that the labour organisations rarely spoke about the caste discrimination. After work, they would come and go to have beer as it was cheaper than water. They were a close family and took care of their three sisters. Two of them are no more now.

He also invested in business with a friend and started a general store for nearly 10 years. With steady income, he was able to get a good house for him in Birmingham nearly 35 years ago. In 1969, he thought of embracing Buddhism but did not get an opportunity but in 1974 he took ‘Deeksha’ at a special ceremony organised in his house by well-known Bhikhu of that time H. Sadatissa who was a close associate of Baba Saheb and had come from Sri Lanka. He says, ‘my brother opposed my decision. He was respectful to Baba Saheb but not keen on Buddhism. All my relatives opposed my decision and stopped speaking with me’. Many of the Ravidasis opposed me and actually offered me to become General Secretary of the Ravidas Mahasabha’’. When everything failed then one day he was attacked with ox but he survived.’ The fact of the matter is that a person faced the biggest challenge from his own community and relatives when an act is considered as a challenge to traditional values and the hierarchical system with in the community or family.

Actually, his father was fond of veteran Ambedkarite and founder editor of Bhim Patrika, Shri L R Balley and hence Ambedkarism was part of their upbringing for long but most of the family was not inclined to embrace Buddhism. This is a normal difference which happened in the Ambedkarite families as many went to Buddhism while a number of others felt no need to convert and retained their original identity as Ravidasis.

He remembers many veteran Ambedkarite of his period in England who contributed immensely for the growth of the movement there. The most important among them was Khush Ram Jhummat, who had passed his M A from DAV College Lahore and was the most educated among his peers at that point of time. The other such eminent persons were Sansari Lal, Malook Chand, Keru Ram, Darshan Ram Sarhare who were responsible for Buddhist Society of Birmingham since 1960s and they used to organise Buddha Purnima and other celebrations here every year.  In June 1973, he went to the town hall for the conversion ceremony in which over 500 people participated. There was a lot of discussion regarding it. It was the first conversion in UK of the Ambedkarites into Buddhism and those who made it possible were Mr Bishan Das Mahay, Ratan Lal Sampla, Paramjeet Rattu alias Pahalwan, Deburam Mahay, Surjeet Singh Mahay, Gurmukh Anand and Fakir Chand Chauhan. Buddhist Society people also helped.  The first programme that he attended was in 1968 in Glasgow organised by Ratan Lal Sampla.  And the second was organised in Birmingham. Eminent Ambedkarite Mr Bhagwan Das came here in 1975 and stayed here for over a month and spoke at various functions in Birmingham, Bedford and Wolverhampton.

Many people came here, he informs me adding that the most prominent among them were Mr B P Maurya, RPI leader, Dr Gurusharan Singh Punjab, Veteran Ambedkarite Dr Suresh Anjat came twice. Waman Rao Godbole, Prakash Ambedkar and Kanshiram also came there. L. R Balley has been a very popular figure here. During emergency time he was here.  Indian workers association and Ambedkarites protested against Indira Gandhi when she came to Birmingham in 1975.

I ask him the most important question which always comes to our mind about the situation in England and whether there was discrimination in society. Whether he has your ever-faced caste discrimination personally?

‘We had a mixed team of both the upper caste Sikhs as well as Hindus. There was a good relation among them but caste minds too were there. During the Kabaddi game they used to call me Chamar and yet I used to call my Sikh friend Bhai Saheb but I got offended with his statement and decided to be put off from the team. I told my brother that I can’t do it. I wanted to resign and leave the foundry but the manager did not accept his resignation. Balley informs that the upper caste Sikhs used to tease him in the village. He was a hockey player and a Jat Sikh pushed him with his bamboo stick meant to lash at the cattle, he retaliated with his Hockey. He never accepted any caste slur and responded in the same language.

Balley ji says that he is upset that people don’t follow Ambedkarism with culture and continue to keep their women subjugated. He says that when he was getting married, he was asked to follow a tradition of Punjab where the veil of the wife is lifted by the elderly people of the family like father in law and brother in law. Balley says he refused to accept this practice despite a number of his relatives getting highly upset with his decision. His wife Balbir Kaur came to the UK on her own. She had to leave her studies after 9^th standard as the school for the girls was far away from her village and it was highly unsafe for the Dalit community girls to go to other villages for studies. Though her father was in the army who wanted to educate his daughter, he decided to get her married because of the caste based insecurity prevailing in the village, particularly with the safety of the women folk.

Both Balley Saheb and his wife worked together to strengthen their family. They had two daughters and one son. Both the daughters opted for their own marriage. I asked whether he ever felt disturbed or uncomfortable when their son in laws who are white Englishmen. Both Balley Saheb and his wife were categorical that they respected their daughter’s choice and were happy with it.

He is concerned about Bodh Gaya and feels that it is the rightful place of the Buddhist and must be handed over to them. He feels that Ambedkarites must concentrate on cultural aspects by strengthening Buddhism and liberating Bodhgaya. A couple of years back, Balley Saheb had some health issues but with his strong will he recovered well and now dedicating his time to Ambedkarism and Buddhism. Watch the video ‘In Conversation with D R Balley’ here https://youtu.be/61-G4UHIg48

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