Delivered by a Division Bench of Chief Justice Ramesh Sinha and Justice Bibhu Datta Guru on October 28, the ruling attempts to establish a fierce boundary between religious propagation (protected under Article 25) and “conversion by inducement” (termed a “social menace”), but critically fails to protect the constitutional rights of a targeted minority group. The judgment’s most scathing indictment lies not in its rhetoric against exploitation, but in its procedural abdication that validated the exclusion of citizens based on their faith, thereby establishing a worrying precedent for the fragmentation of India’s secular citizenship.

“When it becomes a calculated act of exploitation disguised as charity, it undermines both faith and freedom. The so-called “conversion by inducement” by certain missionary groups is not merely a religious concern, it is a social menace that threatens the unity and cultural continuity of India’s indigenous communities. The remedy lies not in intolerance, but in ensuring that faith remains a matter of conviction, not compulsion.” (Para 26)

Context and background

The petitions arose from a series of Gram Sabha resolutions and hoardings erected at the entry points of several villages in Kanker district, proclaiming a ban on the entry of Christian pastors and those who had converted. These villages, falling under the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution and governed by the Panchayat (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 (PESA), justified the move as a safeguard against “forced” or “induced” religious conversions allegedly targeting impoverished tribal populations.

Practising Christians challenged the resolutions, arguing that they infringed upon their fundamental rights under Article 25 (freedom of religion) and Article 19(1)(d) (freedom of movement) of the Constitution. They contended that while Gram Sabhas are empowered to preserve cultural heritage, their authority remains subject to the overarching supremacy of constitutional rights. The petitioners also cited a 2025 government circular encouraging protection of “Jal, Jangal, Jameen” (water, forest, and land), alleging that this had been misused to legitimise discriminatory hoardings.

The State, however, defended the Gram Sabhas, invoking the PESA Act and the Madhya Pradesh Dharma Swatantrya Adhiniyam, 1968, whose validity had been upheld by the Supreme Court in Rev. Stanislaus v. State of Madhya Pradesh (1977). It argued that the Gram Sabhas were merely exercising their statutory duty to protect tribal traditions and prevent conversion through “allurement, coercion, or fraudulent means.”

Court’s Findings: Faith as conviction, not compulsion

In its detailed judgment, the Bench observed that “conversion by inducement, manipulation, or exploitation of vulnerability” among illiterate and impoverished tribal populations had emerged as a “social menace.” The Court noted that while missionary activity in India had historically contributed to social welfare through education and healthcare, certain groups had, over time, allegedly used these as “platforms for proselytization.”

“Religious conversion has long been a sensitive issue in India’s socio-political landscape. Among the various forms of conversion, those allegedly carried out by Christian missionaries among poor and illiterate tribal and rural populations have generated particular controversy. While the Constitution guarantees every citizen the freedom to profess, practice, and propagate religion, the misuse of this liberty through coercion, inducement, or deception has become a matter of grave concern. The phenomenon of mass or motivated conversions not only disturbs social harmony but also challenges the cultural identity of indigenous communities. Missionary activity in India dates back to the colonial period, when Christian organizations established schools, hospitals, and welfare institutions. Initially, these eLorts were directed at social upliftment, literacy, and health care. However, over time, some missionary groups began using these platforms as avenues for proselytization. Among economically and socially deprived sections, especially Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes, this led to gradual religious conversion under the promise of better livelihoods, education, or equality. What was once seen as service became, in many cases, a subtle instrument of religious expansion. The menace arises when conversion ceases to be a matter of personal faith and becomes a result of inducement, manipulation, or exploitation of vulnerability. In remote tribal belts, missionaries are often accused of targeting illiterate and impoverished families, oLering them monetary aid, free education, medical care, or employment in exchange for conversion. Such practices distort the spirit of voluntary faith and amount to cultural coercion. This process has also led to deep social divisions within tribal communities. Tribals converted to Christianity often adopt new cultural practices, distancing themselves from traditional rituals and communal festivals. As a result, villages become polarized, leading to tension, social boycotts, and sometimes even violent clashes.” (Para 24)

The Bench went on to say that induced conversions among Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes under the promise of material betterment amounted to “cultural coercion” and disrupted traditional systems of belief, leading to polarization, social boycotts, and even violent clashes. The Court adopted a highly charged, prescriptive stance on conversion:

• The “social menace” finding: The Bench forcefully argued that conversion ceases to be a spiritual matter when it becomes a result of “inducement, manipulation, or exploitation of vulnerability,” particularly targeting “illiterate and impoverished families” of Scheduled Tribes (STs) and Scheduled Castes (SCs). This practice, according to the Court, is a subtle instrument of religious expansion that amounts to “cultural coercion” and directly causes social polarization, tension, and violence within tribal communities.
• Reaffirmation of Rev. Stanislaus: The Court heavily relied on the Supreme Court’s landmark 1977 decision in Rev. Stanislaus v. State of Madhya Pradesh, which established that the right to “propagate” religion does not include the right to convert another person by force, fraud, or allurement. This precedent was used to justify the State’s power to prohibit conversion activities.

Quoting Article 25’s guarantee of religious freedom, the Court nonetheless emphasized that this right is “not absolute” and must be balanced against the State’s duty to preserve social order and cultural integrity. The judgment reaffirmed that the right to “propagate” religion does not include the right to convert another person, as laid down by the Supreme Court in Rev. Stanislaus.

“The Gram Sabha is a constitutionally recognized body under the PESA Act and has been conferred specific powers to manage community resources and safeguard tribal traditions. These powers, however, must operate within the limits of the Constitution of India. The expression “right to propagate religion” under Article 25 of the Constitution, as interpreted in Rev. Stainislaus (supra), does not extend to converting another person through inducement, force, or fraudulent means. The Act of 1968 prohibits such activities. Therefore, a general cautionary hoarding intended to prevent illegal conversion activities cannot, per se, be termed unconstitutional.” (Para 25)

Consequently, the Court upheld the hoardings as “general cautionary measures” intended to prevent illegal conversions. It found no violation of constitutional rights in such preventive action, terming them “precautionary” and “not discriminatory.” The Court concluded that the Gram Sabhas’ action was constitutionally permissible:

• PESA empowerment: Since the Gram Sabha is empowered under PESA to safeguard tribal tradition, a “general cautionary hoarding” intended to prevent illegal conversion activities (which are already prohibited by law) “cannot, per se, be termed unconstitutional.” The Court thus accepted the ban as a necessary precautionary measure.
• Procedural non-interference: Crucially, the Court declined to exercise its Article 226 writ jurisdiction to investigate the facts, compelling the petitioners to first avail the alternative statutory remedy under Rule 14 of the Chhattisgarh PESA Rules, 2022. This process requires them to approach the very Gram Sabha that imposed the ban, followed by an appeal to the Sub-Divisional Officer (Revenue).

However, it allowed petitioners the liberty to approach the Gram Sabha or higher administrative authorities under PESA if they felt aggrieved or threatened, and directed the police to provide protection if any threat to life or liberty arose.

Critical Analysis: The peril of judicial expediency

The judgment, while purporting to protect cultural integrity, is fundamentally flawed in its application of constitutional principles, making it a dangerous legal precedent.

1. The Unproven Premise: Judicial assumption over fact

The most severe legal weakness is the Court’s tacit acceptance of the presumption of guilt without conducting a rigorous judicial fact-finding inquiry.

• Restriction based on suspicion: The Court validated the restriction of fundamental rights against an entire religious community based on generalized historical allegations and the potential for future wrongdoing, rather than proven evidence of coercion in the villages concerned. A constitutional court’s duty is to scrutinize restrictions, not sanction them on mere political or social apprehension.
• The shift from act to person: The judgment critically fails to distinguish between the prohibition of an illegal act (coercive conversion) and the prohibition of a person (the Christian visitor/pastor). The Stanislauws ruling limits the act of propagation; the Digbal Tandi ruling limits the entry of the propounder. This constitutes a substantial, disproportionate restriction on Freedom of Movement, treating an entire class of Indian citizens as prima facie offenders.

1. The abdication of writ jurisdiction

The refusal to interfere under the doctrine of alternative remedy represents a judicial evasion of responsibility in a matter involving the core rights of a vulnerable minority:

• Inadequate remedy: Directing petitioners to seek redressal from the Gram Sabha (the body that passed the exclusionary resolution) is a travesty of natural justice. The remedy is not just administrative but inherently political and majoritarian, guaranteeing a biased and ineffective outcome for the minority.
• The obligation of constitutional scrutiny: When an infringement of fundamental rights is alleged, particularly one arising from the action of a state or quasi-state body (the PESA Gram Sabha), the High Court’s writ jurisdiction is intended to be immediate and effective, not relegated to a lower, potentially partisan, forum. The Court’s decision elevates procedural expediency over constitutional protection.

1. Fragmentation of citizenship and secularism

The ruling delivers a severe blow to the principles of secularism and unified citizenship:

• Sanctioning exclusion: By validating the ban on entry based on religious identity, the judgment grants quasi-judicial sanction to social boycott and exclusion, risking the normalization of internal “no-go zones” where the rights of minorities are subject to local majoritarian veto.
• Impact on cultural choice: The judgment restricts the right to receive information and the democratic space for individuals to make informed choices about faith. While opposing coercion, the Court’s action paradoxically limits the free exercise of conscience by denying access to legitimate religious discourse and pastoral care for local Christians.

Democracy, pluralism, and the burden of proof

The Court’s invocation of cultural identity resonates deeply with the sensitivities of tribal communities, but it also raises the spectre of State-sanctioned gatekeeping of belief. India’s secular fabric, as envisioned by the framers of the Constitution, hinges on the idea that faith is a matter of individual conscience, not collective control.

By upholding village-level restrictions on the movement and presence of a particular religious group, the judgment potentially sets a precedent for decentralized discrimination — where Gram Sabhas, endowed with limited judicial oversight, can unilaterally police religious identity.

The ruling’s repeated emphasis on “conversion by inducement” as a “menace” stands on rhetorical rather than constitutional footing. It conflates missionary service work with coercion and imputes motive without inquiry. This approach, while couched in the language of cultural preservation, risks normalizing suspicion-based governance in regions already vulnerable to communal polarization.

The constitutional paradox

At its core, the judgment highlights the enduring paradox of India’s constitutional secularism: the simultaneous protection of freedom of religion and the power of the State to regulate conversion. While the Supreme Court’s precedent in Rev. Stanislaus does allow such regulation, it did not endorse blanket prohibitions or collective exclusionary acts against any community.

The Chhattisgarh High Court, by treating village hoardings as benign “precautionary measures,” overlooks the symbolic violence inherent in signage that bars a specific faith group from entering. The very idea of a “Christian-free” village space contradicts the constitutional guarantee of equality and fraternity.

A truly democratic reading of Article 25 would demand proof of coercion before restriction, not the other way around. In the absence of such proof, preventive exclusion transforms into punitive discrimination, cloaked in cultural rhetoric.

Conclusion: A troubling precedent

While the Court has refused to invalidate the Gram Sabha’s resolutions, its judgment carries implications far beyond Chhattisgarh. It redefines the limits of religious freedom by allowing collective fear to override individual liberty, and elevates cultural protection over constitutional protection.

The ruling’s caution against “conversion by inducement” echoes legitimate anxieties about exploitation, but its failure to distinguish between faith and fear, prevention and prohibition, leaves India’s constitutional secularism on uncertain ground.

In a democracy that aspires to pluralism, the line between protection and persecution must be drawn with evidence — not presumption. The Chhattisgarh High Court’s decision, though couched in legal restraint, risks reinforcing precisely the kind of intolerance it cautions against.

The complete judgment may be read below.

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Policing Autonomy: Women become the first casualty of religious extremism

The post Guarding culture or policing faith? Chhattisgarh High Court’s ‘social menace’ observation and the future of Article 25 appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The leaders also denounced the Hindu right-wing Bajrang Dal’s “coercive role” in the arrest of Sister Vandana Francis and Sister Preeta Mary of the order of the Assisi Sisters of Mary Immaculate. Both nuns, Preeti Mary and Vandana Francis, and Sukaman Mandavi from Narayanpur were arrested on Friday, July 25 after a local Bajrang Dal member, Ravi Nigam, filed a complaint with the police, saying that Mr. Mandavi had brought three women to the Durg railway station, from where they had to go to Agra with the two nuns.

Meanwhile, the Hindu reported that the Union Minister of State for Minority Affairs George Kurian said that the matter was sub judice and he was therefore not hazarding an opinion until the court processed the nuns’ arrest. He stated that BJP’s Kerala president Rajeev Chandrasekhar was “working closely with the Central and Chhattisgarh governments, as well as the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of India, to secure the early release of the nuns.”

Even as Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan wrote a strong letter to Prime Minister Narendra Modi demanding justice for the “unfairly incarcerated” nuns, a delegation of left leaders led by leaders like Brinda Karat and Annie Raja has left for Chhattisgarh on the matter. Leader of the Opposition V.D. Satheesan also stated the attacks against Christians in BJP ruled States had multiplied after Prime Minister Narendra Modi came to power at the Centre. Kerala Pradesh Congress Committee president Sunny Joseph, MLA, said Christians in the BJP-ruled States lived in fear of persecution.

A delegation of Left MPs led by senior Left leaders like
@BrindaKarat and @AnnieRaja are leaving for Chhattisgarh. Our struggle for democracy and secularism shall continue, inside and out of the Parliament. pic.twitter.com/dLVZxk0T3l

— A A Rahim (@AARahimdyfi) July 29, 2025

Nuns are “innocent”, say family members of tribal women

Even as the arrest of the Keralite nuns in Chhattisgarh made national headlines, siblings of the purported victims reject allegations of trafficking and forcible conversion; they say the tribal women were accompanying the nuns to Agra for a job with the consent of family members. However BJP’s Chhattisgarh Chief Minister has defended the arrest.

Only days after the Chhattisgarh Police arrested three persons, including two Keralite nuns, on charges of trafficking and forcibly converting a few tribal women, the latter’s family members have denied the police claim. Family members clearly stated that the women accompanied the nuns and a man from Narayanpur of their own volition, and that they are innocent.

However, Chief Minister Vishnu Deo Sai, on Monday (July 28, 2025), backed the arrests, saying that “through inducement, an attempt was being made [by the arrested persons] to engage in human trafficking and conversion”.

‘They are being framed’

The younger sister of another woman who was in Narayanpur also demanded the release of the nuns and said her sister left home on July 24, and that the family had converted to Christianity five years ago. Besides, post the arrests, all three families gave a written submission to the Narayanpur Police on July 26 saying that they were aware that the women were being taken for jobs, said Narayanpur Superintendent of Police Robinson Guria.

Related:

Targeted by Mob, Arrested without Cause: Two Catholic nuns jailed in Chhattisgarh despite consent documents and no evidence of conversion

The post As protests intensify in Kerala over arrests of nuns, family members of Adivasi women say nuns are innocent, left national leadership to visit Chhattisgarh appeared first on SabrangIndia.

This abrupt intervention has drawn complaints from the local shopkeepers, who claim that the team conducted the demolition without any prior notice or due process. In addition to that reports allege that the shops that were demolished were selectively those of Muslims. 

In #Chhattisgarh‘s #Raipur, as soon as the #BJPGovt was formed, bulldozer ran on many shops, all the shops belonged to people of #Muslim Community.#ChhattisgarhElectionResults pic.twitter.com/MCX545ZUQi

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) December 5, 2023

Furthermore, according to local news outlet, Nai Duniya, the situation witnessed women students from Salem Girls School protesting against these shops. Carrying placards, these students demanded the removal of the shops, arguing that the shops were creating chaos on the street near their school.  The school administration has stated that the students had made several complaints regarding the shop but nothing had been addressed until now. 

The students complained that there were about 50 shops which sold food such as omelette, chicken, and meat, and these shops would run till late night and were frequented by scores of youth everyday which created disturbances. The men sometimes, they allege, even climbed the walls of the school, drank alcohol there, and left the bottles around. 

Earlier in April this year, the BJP, then in opposition, had claimed that Chhattisgarh under  Congress rule  has seen  criminals getting bold. The party promised action by bulldozer against such entities if it were voted to power. 

The BJP governments have been noted for their targeted use of demolitions against Muslim properties and also a targeted campaign against the public sale of meat. At election rallies nearby, UP chief minister Yogi Adityanath had reportedly placed bulldozers at his rally as icons; under his government the homes of several Muslims have been demolished. This has been seen as an attempt to instil fear in dissidents against the government, as many of homes demolished belonged to people who had protested against the government.

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134 houses razed, two mosques next: “Bulldozer Justice” continues

The post “Bulldozer raj” in Chhattisgarh too? appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Between 2018-2023, that is the term of the incumbent governments facing elections, journalists and RTI activists in these states have been killed, arrested and attacked for their work. Censorship was an abiding feature, either due to government policy or through the weapon of ‘lawfare’, as journalists were slapped with cases ranging from sedition to defamation, causing disharmony and enmity, often struggling with multiple FIRs registered in different police stations.

Of the five state assemblies go to the polls – Chhattisgarh, in two phases, on November 7 and 17; Mizoram on November 7; Madhya Pradesh on November 17; Rajasthan on  November 23 and Telangana on November 30. Among the issues being raised before the electorate – social security schemes, health insurance, protection for gig workers, unemployment, corruption, health care, safety of women, displacement due to infrastructure projects, farm loans and pensions, there is a studied silence over the state of free speech and safety of media persons in these states.

The categories recorded by Free Speech Collective were: Killings of journalists; arrests; detentions; deportation; arrest of other citizens; attacks on journalists; threats; censorship, Internet shutdowns, cases of defamation, sedition and contempt of court, clubbed uner the term ‘lawfare’ to indicate overuse and misuse of laws to silence dissent). The report records cases, police investigations and action and court cases and judgements in this period. It includes news reports, monitoring of existing cases, interviews with key stakeholders along with a brief contextual background into each state and a brief summary of laws affecting freedom of expression.

Mizoram (goes to the polls on November 7):

 Over the last five years, one journalist was attacked, another was threatened and two faced censorship. According to local journalists who sought anonymity, self-censorship had become a norm and divisions on political lines within the media has also not helped the cause of press freedom.

In Mizoram, access to information has been the biggest challenge and journalists’ bodies have been hampered by attempts by the government and border security forces to restrict their movements and regulate permission for news coverage in border areas. Mizoram, which goes to the polls on November 7, shares a border with Manipur and its government has come out in support of the Kuki-Zo community in the wake of the ongoing conflict in Manipur. Its government has stated that it will ignore the Union home ministry’s order to collect biometric data of refugees from bordering Myanmar who have crossed the international border to flee from the junta.Chhattisgarh (goes to the polls in two phases on November 7 and 17):

The Free Speech report observes that while Chhattisgarh was one of the few states which offered financial assistance of Rs 500,000 to dependents of media persons who died due to Covid-19 under the Media Representative Welfare Assistance Rules, journalists in this state faced the brunt of ‘lawfare’, being charged under multiple sections of the law for reporting on sand mining and other corruption at local levels.

Despite government assurances and the passage of a media protection law, journalists on the ground were vulnerable to false cases. In Surguja division alone, which comprises six districts, 22 journalists have faced the brunt for their reporting, most of whom have been arrested or have had cases slapped against them. arrested. Take the case of Sunil Namdev, who runs a YouTube channel News Today. Reporting on Covid violations by the ruling party members; corruption in construction; the arrest of senior IAS officers who colluded with the Congress government in the coal mafia scam, promptly landed him in jail, where he still is lodged since May 2023. Jitendra Jaiswal, a journalist from Ambikapur who runs a digital news platform, Bharat Samman has 12 cases against him – one during the 15-year- old BJP rule and the rest in the last five years of Congress rule. Jaiswal has recently been given a notice of ‘jilla badal’ (externment) placing him under the list of ‘gunda-badmash’ (gangster).Madhya Pradesh (goes to the polls of November 17):

Over the last five years, there were 24 incidents of free speech violations recorded in Madhya Pradesh. Apart from the killing of two journalists (Chakresh Jain and Sunil Tiwari), the arrests of journalists, stand-up comedian Munawar Faruqui and five members of his team, there were 12 instances of “lawfare” against the media. Madhya Pradesh also became a laboratory of sorts for academic censorship with the monitoring of prescribed books, classroom teaching and the targeting of teachers of a minority community, as exemplified but the case against Dr Farhat Khan in Indore.

As the recent arrest and over two-month long incarceration of reporter Jaalam Singh, charged with seven FIRs in Guna and Shivpuri districts in Madhya Pradesh indicates, such repressive action has had a chilling effect on journalism. If on the one hand, there is acute self-censorship, on the other, there is a woeful absence of the critical questioning that would otherwise be the hallmark of investigative journalism. In both scenarios, the net result is deliberate silencing. As Suman Kirar, Jaalam Singh’s wife said bitterly, “Instead of questioning and protesting the arrest of a colleague, all these ‘positive’ stories are being published. A journalist who refused to take money or remain silent is still in jail.”Rajasthan (goes to the polls on November 23):

Over the last five years, as per data available with Free Speech Collective, there were two killings of   RTI activists (Jagdish Goliya and Rai Singh Gurjar) while six others were attacked. Of the total of 72  incidents of free speech violations, sixty were of internet shutdowns – amongst the largest in the country.

Rajasthan has also unfortunately used the undemocratic internet shutdown at times of law and order crises. Shutdowns were implemented ignoring the guidelines laid down by the Supreme Court of India in the Anuradha Bhasin case. In this western Indian state alone, Rajasthan, of the five states under review, the Internet was shut down on a whopping 72 occasions recorded by the FSC State Index, a majority of which were to clamp down on protests.Telangana (goes to polls on November 30):

There were two killings of journalists and RTI activists, while at least four journalists were arrested and three were attacked. In January 2022, in a shocking incident that amounts to mass intimidation of the media, around 40 journalists were detained for 12 hours for their allegedly unfavourable coverage of the Telangana Rashtra Samithi government and chief minister K. Chandrashekar Rao. In Telangana, bulldozer policing was used to devastating effect on May 22, 2020 to raze to the ground the residence of V6 News Channel journalist Shanigarapu Parameshwar, who reported on the birthday party of MLA Mahareddy Bhupal Reddy with 500 supporters in violation of the lockdown in Narayankhed, Telangana, observes the report.

Right to Information (RTI) activists also faced curbs on the right to free speech, and were vulnerable to murderous attacks. In a chilling case against an RTI activist and retired Mandal Parishad Development Officer (MPDO) in Telangana, 70-year-old RTI activist Nalla Ramakrishnaiah was killed in Jangaon district and his body dumped in a water-filled quarry after he complained about irregularities by the accused, G Anjaiah, in a land issue.

This report has been prepared by Geeta Seshu, Laxmi Murthy, Malini Subramaniam and Sarita Ramamoorthy. The report has also observed that the term of the outgoing state assemblies was also marked by the Covid-19 pandemic and shutdown from March 24, 2020. There is already extensive documentation on the restrictions on the media during the unprecedented nation-wide lockdown. In Madhya Pradesh, the scare over the virus resulted in suspension of print media publications in 95 per cent of the state’s districts.

Overall, observes the analysis, there has been a steady deterioration of freedom of expression in India and there is overwhelming evidence of journalists killed, attacked, arrested, charged for their investigative work, intimidated or denied access to the gathering of news and information in the public interest or bluntly censored and silenced. India fares badly in global indices of press freedom organisations. India has slipped to 161 in rankings of the World Press Freedom Index maintained by Reporters Without Borders (RSF) and ranks 11th on Global Impunity Index 2022 of the Committee to Protect Journalists.

As the five states go to the polls, it is worth noting that the Indian National Congress in its 2019 manifesto on “Media and Press Freedom” promises reform in regulatory bodies to tackle paid news, disinformation and media monopolies, and promises to work with state governments to protect journalists working in conflict areas or those investigating matters of public interest. Free speech is not a specific poll issue in the manifesto of any of the other political parties.

The entire report of Free Speech Collective may be read here:

The post Two journalists each killed in MP & Telangana, a free press under threat: Report appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Over 450 Adivasi church-goers across villages in Bastar, Chhattisgarh faced boycott, intimidation and violence in December last year, forcing them to leave their homes and live in refugee camps. 

Chhattisgarh Bachao Andolan, an alliance of people’s movements and individual activists from all over

Chhattisgarh, prepared a detailed report on violence unleashed on the Church‐going Adivasi Community of Narayanpur and Kondagaon in Bastar, Chhattisgarh.

A 6-member team visited Narayanpur and Kondagaon where the Adivasi communities were driven out of their traditional villages on December 18, 2022 and were compelled to take shelter in the Indoor

Stadium at Narayanpur following large scale violence. Over 450 church‐goers from approximately 16 villages in Narayanpur and Kondagaon, a large majority of whom were women and young children, had sought shelter in the Indoor Stadium.

Some of these had been beaten up and physically driven out of their homes by other villagers; while others had fled their villages out of fear after receiving multiple warnings, beatings and ultimatums to renounce the church, states the report. Reportedly, about 300 churchgoers who had been forced out of their villages assembled in front of the Narayanpur Collectorate in an impromptu protest and capmed out there for two days.

The team of Kamal Shukla, Keshav Shori, Ramkumar Darro, Shalini Gera, Urmila Kange, and Vishwaranjan Parichha found out from the displaced churchgoers that at village meetings they were forewarned to return to their original faith else face social and economic boycott. When they refused, many of them, including women, were even assaulted at such meetings by other men and women. 

Women and children ousted

It was found that the number of women and children ousted far exceeded the numbers of men. The most common reason being that more women go to the church than men do, and hence, they were targeted more. In some cases men [pretended to give up Christianity so that they could continue to earn their livelihood. 

History of conversion

Most of the people the team spoke to had started praying at a church about 5‐8 years ago and most of them started doing so after they were cured of some medical ailment by the prayers. Incidents of violence arising out of this issue was close to zero until last November.

The report noted that “The Christian community in Bastar uses the term “Vishwasi” (Believer) for someone who offers prayers at the Church. A Vishwasi is not necessarily a Christian, since many of them are in different stages of accepting Christianity. However, the community at Narayanpur especially asked us to simply refer to them as “people who offer prayers to Jesus Christ.” They were also amenable to our suggestion of using the term “churchgoers” for people like them.” 

Janjati Suraksha Manch gave open call for violence

BJP‐RSS backed Janjaati Suraksha Manch, which has been demanding the de‐listing of “converted Adivasis” from the category of Scheduled Tribes. (Note: this demand does not oppose those Adivasis who have adopted more Hinduised religious practices.) They raise slogans of “Roko, Toko, Thoko”. exhorting the Adivasis to first, prevent their brethren from going to a different faith (Roko, literally – stop them); if they don’t listen, the next step is to nag or harass them (toko, literally – nag them); and if they still don’t stop, then the advice is to beat them up (thoko, literally – hammer them).

The report further states that most of these rallies and meeting of the Janjati Suraksha Manch are being led by BJP functionaries, most prominent amongst them being Bhojraj Nag (ex MLA from Antagarh, BJP), Rupsai Salaam (Narayanpur District President, BJP), Narayan Markam (Benur BJP), Jhari Salaam (Mainpur BJP). 

However, the victims said that in the village meeting where they were threatened and beaten up, there were no outsiders present. It was the village heads who actively took part in the violence. The report states that many villages interpreted the power of the Gram Sabhas to safeguard and conserve traditional practices and customs under section 4(a) and 4(d) of the PESA Act, and the promise

of autonomy under the Fifth Scheduled of the Constitution as official sanction to the Gram Sabhas for

punishing and excommunicating the churchgoers. 

Inaction of police and administration

It was found that no action was taken to restrain these open calls for violence being made by the Janjaati Suraksha Manch. Many churchgoers had approached the police when they first received threats about 2-3 months ago, however no action was taken. “The response of the Narayanpur Administration in dealing with the massive exodus of the churchgoers from the villages is marked by extraordinary unwillingness, slowness and niggardliness,” says the report. 

After they camped out in the open outside the Collectorate, they were first going to be placed at Benur Panchyat Bhavan which was in a deplorable condition. When the Adivasis refused to live there, they were taken to the stadium. Even there, no arrangements for food rations, blankets, warm clothing, medicines or any other supplies were made by the administration and local Christian groups then came out in aid. 

Further, by December 26, the Adivasis who were camped out in the stadium and in a hostel in Farasgaon were transported back to their villages, accompanied by officials, in the midst of the ongoing instances of anti‐Christian violence from these areas. After this, new ultimatums have been issued to them, many of them have fled to the forests.

Churchgoers of Palna, Gohda and Pavda village were refused entry into their villages, so the revenue and police officials decided to lock up over 70 of these villagers in the Juari Kalar security forces camp, close to Farasgaon, where they were not allowed to meet anyone, the report states. 

In the course of writing of the report as well there were fresh reports of violence on Christmas day from villages of Korenda, Garanji, Amasara, Shirpur, Jhara, Palna, Chingnar and Remavand under the Benur PS, Kasai Farasgaon under Urndabeda PS in Kondagaon, and Farasgaon and Bagjhar under Farasgaon PS in  Narayanpur. 

In conclusion, the report recommends that rallies and meetings of Janjati Suraksha Manch and other such divisive forces be curtailed, Administration should be sensitive to needs of minorities, leaders of Adivasi organizations urgently need to take cognizance and FIRs should be expeditiously registered. 

There were also reports from Narayanpur where an extremist mob vandalized a church over allegations of religious conversions. One senior police official was also attacked and injured by the extremist mob.
 

Location: Narayanpur, Chattisgarh

An extremist mob vandalized a church over allegations of religious conversions.

Over the last three weeks, dozens of anti-Christian attacks have been reported in the region, forcing thousands of Christians to flee their villages. pic.twitter.com/v8tvqCNXiI

— HindutvaWatch (@HindutvaWatchIn) January 2, 2023

One senior police official was also attacked by the extremists.

More visuals of the vandalism ?? pic.twitter.com/YM4t2vmdr0

— HindutvaWatch (@HindutvaWatchIn) January 2, 2023

The complete report of Chhattisgarh Bachao Andolan may be read here:

Related:

‘Forcible Conversions’ in Narayanpur and Kondagaon districts in Chhattisgarh – Part II

Church vandalised in Karnataka’s Mysuru, statue of Baby Jesus damaged

‘Forcible Conversions’ in Narayanpur and Chhattisgarh – Part 1

The post 450 Adivasi church-goers faced boycott, violence in December says Chhattisgarh Bachao Andolan report appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Days after Chhattisgarh’s tribal communities in HasdeoArand forest garnered support from government officials, three mining projects in the area were indefinitely put on hold, reported the Hindustan Times on June 10, 2022.

On October 14, 2021 as many as 350 tribals marched from Sarguja and Korba districts towards Raipur to meet Governor AnusuiyaUike and Chief Minister BhupeshBaghel. Community members wished to talk about the proposed coal mining projects in HasdeoArand region which is considered the ‘lungs’ of the region.

The area also includes a traditional elephant habitat and a catchment area for Hasdeo and Mand rivers, which irrigate the northern and central plains. As such, villagers have been protesting against mining projects for the last 10 years.

These sustained protests finally garnered support from Health Minister T. S. Singhdeo, who visited his own constituency Surguja as well as Surajpur on June 6, 2022, said the Hindustan Times. Singhdeo promised to take the first blow for the people if protesters are subjected to violence. Similarly, Chief Minister BhupeshBaghel on June 7 declared that not a single branch will be chopped without the consent of Singhdeo. Accordingly, collectors were instructed to halt all mining projects.

छत्तीसगढ़ के वरिष्ठ मंत्री टी एस सिंहदेव ने हसदेव में चल रहे आंदोलन को समर्थन देते हुए कहा कि अगर आप एकजुट हो कर लड़ेंगे और गोली चली तो पहली गोली मैं खाउंगा.

उन्होंने अडानी द्वारा खदान के समर्थन में गाड़ियों में भर-भर कर बाहर के लोगों को लाने पर भी नाराज़गी जताई.@RahulGandhi pic.twitter.com/hcHFZuEQC8

— Alok Putul (@thealokputul) June 6, 2022

However, while netizens celebrate this move, activists speaking to the newspaper asked that the government scrap the projects altogether.

Some relief reading that mining projects in #Hasdeo have been put on hold, though demand still continues to cancel them. Want to acknowledge this is an important milestone & one we owe to leadership on ground by the communities who have been protesting https://t.co/g2tj1dH441

— Neha (@nehsaigal) June 9, 2022

During a meeting on May 26, Chhattisgarh BachaoAndolan Convener Alok Shukla spoke about how there have been decades-long opposition from local communities against the mining projects that have received clearances from the Chhattisgarh government. Locals claim that these clearances were approved through serious irregularities like a forged gram sabha resolution, cancellation of their forest rights titles, illegal land acquisition, and administrative. For the last three years, villagers have repeatedly asked for an inquiry into this matter and even met the Chief Minister and Governor after a 300 km march. As such, he stressed the need to cancel the projects.

According to the Indian Express, all public hearings in the area related to mining have also been cancelled like the hearings for Kente extension and Parsa. However, while the matter was to be heard on June 13, the village sarpanch and others learnt about the cancellation on June 9. Meanwhile, district authorities issued the letter intimating the same on June 7. As such, the gram sabha has already convened and it recorded its verdict.

The HasdeoArand coalfield, spread over 1,878 sq km in the northern part of the state, comprises 23 coal blocks. In 2009, the Union Environment Ministry categorised the region as a “no-go” zone for mining but later said the policy was not “finalised”.

Yet an earlier report by the Peoples’ Commission on Public Sector and Services (PCPSPS) said the government had failed in its duty to develop and augment existing coal mines while handing over more land to private companies for such projects. The three projects in discussion have been allotted to the Rajasthan RajyaVidyutUtpadan Nigam (RRVUL). Both these states are governed by the Congress party.

Activists working on both Adivasi rights and the environment and climate change have been repeatedly asking the party to listen to people’s grievances.

#Hasdeo में PKEB कोयला खदान के दूसरे चरण में ग्राम घाटबर्रा की ग्रामसभा ने यूपीए सरकार के भूमि अर्जन कानून 2013 की धारा 41(3) के तहत भूमि अर्जन के प्रस्ताव का विरोध कर जमीन नही देने का निर्णय लिया

राज्य सरकार तत्काल भूमि अर्जन की अधिसूचना रद्द करे।@RahulGandhi @bhupeshbaghel pic.twitter.com/8rDQDR1bfl

— Alok Shukla (@alokshuklacg) June 9, 2022

Related:

GoI has failed in its duties towards coal provisions: PCPSPS
Scrap mining projects in Hasdeo forests: Friends of HasdeoAranya
Jal, Jungle, Zameen: Chhattisgarh Adivasis march 300kms to oppose coal mining projects
Dilution of environmental laws, a persistent tactic: AIUFWP

The post Chhattisgarh gov’t halts three Hasdeo Arand mining projects appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Chhattisgarh’s Koya Adivasis in Basti lost 16-year-old Sanum Punem, when army personnel in the area allegedly killed him during what they insisted was an anti-Naxal operations on March 11, 2022. Adivasi leader Soni Sori, nowadays at Gangalur village where the incident occurred, appealed to the people of India to rage against this incident.

On Friday, District Reserve Guards (DRG), COBRA and police officers surrounded the village in Bijapur district, claiming they were conducting combing operations. During this time, villagers say, missiles were fired over villages where children were still playing in the open. Save for Sanum, the children managed to escape the ordeal. Later, residents said that most of these missiles turned out to be duds and continue to lie in the farm lands around Gangalur.

Standing near one such dud missile, Adivasi activist Sori along with two children condemned the ordeal that occurred in the region. In a video message, she said, “All I want to ask India is this – how will we save these children? [gestures at the two boys and then the missile] The police launched these [missiles] at our children. I want to ask you to please save Bastar children. Then the police say these are Naxal. Naxals say this belongs to the police. So to whom do these [missiles] belong to?”

Although Sori sent out an alert on Friday dubbing the situation ‘dangerous and life threatening’, the incident has drawn little attention.

@bhupeshbaghel how long must adivasis of Bastar live in the shadow of state violence? End the state repression on adivasis. Withdraw the para-military forces from the region. Restore peace & stability.@AdivasisMatter @TribalArmy @PUCLindia @napmindia @JADS_mp @AdivasiResurge

— Meera Sanghamitra (@meeracomposes) March 12, 2022

People of this country are being attacked with *missiles* by the military of the same country. https://t.co/QNLCTmLgPg

— Gone Native #StandWithKashmir (@_GoneNative) March 12, 2022

Meanwhile, in another district Dantewada, villagers preserve the body of 22-year-old Badru Madavli nearly two years after his death. Madavli was killed in a joint operation by the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) and the DRG on March 19, 2020. Officers claimed that he was a Maoist. Gampur villagers preserve the man’s body in a pit, wrapped in a white shroud and plastic and anointed with herbs, salt, medicinal oil, hoping that authorities will conduct a post mortem and clear the deceased’s name. After two years, the body has naturally started decomposing.

While one village mourns the death of a child allegedly at the hands of the police, another awaits justice from the courts.

Related:

Chorus grows for Hidme Markam’s release
UP’s tribal belts show unusual voter activity
Jharkhand: Police physically assault Adivasi farmer
SKM demands justice for West Bengal and Odisha Adivasis

The post Chhattisgarh: A minor dead in missile strike on Koya Adivasis appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Cartoon: Karnika Kahen

Undettered by voices advising caution against the uncontrolled depletion of Indian forests caused by unfettered mining, Hindustan Times reports that the Union environment ministry has given environmental clearance for open cast coal mining in Parsa in Chhattisgarh’s dense Hasdeo Arand forests, in a decision that could have far-reaching consequences for forest cover conservation in India. The Adani group is the beneficiary.

The Union environment ministry has given environmental clearance for open cast coal mining in Parsa in Chhattisgarh’s dense Hasdeo Arand forests, in a decision that could have far-reaching consequences for forest cover conservation in India.Hasdeo Arand is one of the largest contiguous stretches of very dense forest in central India, spanning about 170,000 hectares. Parsa is one of the 30 coal blocks in Hasdeo Arand and is owned by the Rajasthan Rajya Vidyut Utpadan Nigam Ltd (RVUNL).

“Apart from pending legal issues and procedural lapses, the grant of approval [for open cast mining at Parsa] completely goes against the precautionary principle that is the need of the hour. Initiating mining will fragment one of the last remaining contiguous forest patches in central India, violate forest rights and increase human-wildlife conflict,” said Kanchi Kohli, a legal researcher at the Centre for Policy Research (CPR) in Delhi.

In 2009, the environment ministry categorised Hasdeo Arand as a “no-go” area for mining for its rich, unfragmented forest cover. Environment activists fear the approval for mining will likely be detrimental to forest conservation.

“Environmental clearance issued to Parsa mine is illegal because the forest advisory committee had earlier held that Hasdeo Arand cannot be opened up for mining. The Forest Survey of India, in a 2014 report, had recommended that Hasdeo Arand should be inviolate for mining” said Shrivastava, the lawyer who has moved court for de-allocation of a coal block adjacent to Parsa. RVUNL, which owns Parsa, said it has all necessary permissions. “We have received all permissions except a final forest clearance, which will come through anytime. The cases pending in the Supreme Court are related to other coal blocks, so they will not affect this project,” said SS Meena, director (technical) at RVUNL.

The mine, which has a capacity of 5 metric tonnes per annum (MPTA), will be operated by Rajasthan Collieries Limited (RCL), a unit of Adani Enterprises Limited. It received stage 1 forest clearance in February this year, but the minutes of the forest advisory committee’s meeting highlighted that a section of the 841 hectares to be diverted for the mine lies in very dense forest.

The Parsa mine – open cast mining involves digging for coal after removing all the vegetation and soil from the area — came up for consideration of the environment ministry’s expert appraisal committee (EAC) thrice before clearance was finally granted on February 21, 2019.
 
Earlier, in its February 15, 2018 meeting, the EAC had sought the State Tribal Welfare Department’s comments on the status of gram sabha consent for the project and the impact on tribal populations. It also sought the state wildlife board’s opinion on the impact of mining on the elephant corridor that runs through the forest.

In its July 24, 2018 meeting, the EAC again sought the same clarifications. The minutes of the meeting suggest the RVUNL submitted information on these two queries in September 2018 but there are no details on whether gram sabha consent was taken. The EAC also enquired whether there were pending legal cases related to coal mining in Hasdeo Arand.

There are two cases pending in the Supreme Court — a petition by Chhattisgarh-based lawyer Sudiep Shrivastava seeking de-allocation of RVUNL’s Parsa-Kente Extension coal block (adjoining Parsa open cast mine) in Chhattisgarh and cancellation of the joint venture and coal delivery agreement with Adani Enterprises Limited; and another petition by RVUNL seeking relaxation of the National Green Tribunal’s direction restricting mining in certain forest areas of Chhattisgarh.

The forest advisory committee sought the opinion of the additional solicitor general (ASG) on considering clearance for Parsa mine in view of these pending cases. After the ASG observed that “the pending case has no bearing with the Parsa coal block as such,” the forest advisory committee went ahead with giving in-principle forest clearance to the mine.

The minutes of the EAC’s February 21 meeting, however, states that environmental clearance granted to Parsa mine is subject to pending matters in the Supreme Court and Chhattisgarh high court on coal mining in the state.

The EAC has laid down other conditions too, such as a third-party assessment (by a technical institution or agency) of environmental compliance once every three years.

On February 20, the Chhattisgarh Bachao Andolan wrote to the EAC on environmental and legal concerns related to the project. In a letter, it suggested that two villages in north Chhattisgarh’s Surguja district complained to the district collector that gram sabha consent was allegedly forged.

Another issue raised by activists and legal experts is that forest clearance to an adjoining mine on the Hasdeo Arand fringe — Parsa East and Kete Basao captive coal block — was granted on condition that the Chhattisgarh government would not allow opening up of the main Hasdeo Arand area. However, the Parsa open cast mine that was granted clearance last month is in the core Hasdeo Arand forests.

An Adani Group spokesperson said: “The Adani Group is a responsible corporate citizen and it is evident from our care for the environment and communities. Besides mining responsibly, Adani Group has interests in solar power, city gas distribution and road construction, among others, in the state of Chhattisgarh. We are committed to the people and ecology of Chhattisgarh and the country’s energy security in all our endeavours.
 
 

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Press Freedom Under Severe Attack in Bastar 

The Chhattisgarh police recently detained three journalists- Siddharthya Roy, a journalist working with The Diplomat, veteran journalist Kamal Shukla and video journalist Bhushan Choudhari. All three had travelled to Narayanpur to cover the run-up to the state Assembly elections scheduled for November 12. They were detained for eight hours. And only let off after significant pressure from human rights activists across the country.

Narayanpur is part of Bastar in Chhattisgarh and has been a hot-bed of Naxalite activity.

What do the people of Bastar want?
In an exclusive chat with Sabrang, Kamal Shukla talks to us about his experience, and clarifies misconceptions around the electoral process in Bastar. He also talks about the challenges villagers face and myths around the notion of ‘development’ in the area.

पुलिसिया वातावरण में पत्रकारिता : कमल शुक्ल

It must be noted that earlier this year, Kamal Shukla was booked on charges of sedition, adding him to the long list of journalists against whom the Chhattisgarh government has slapped spurious sedition charges.

Kamal Shukla starts by asking a basic question that is central to enforcing democratic institutions in the region, he says it is important to ask what do the people of Bastar want, “Do they want to get connected to the democratic systems/ institutions? Do they consider themselves citizens of India?”

In this connection he recollects the experience of his journey to the remote villages of Chhattisgarh, usually disconnected from the imagination of ‘development’ in the name of ‘Naxalite activity.’

“A couple of years ago, the people were hesitant to talk to journalists. But this time they surrounded us to talk to us,” noted Shukla while vividly describing every small detail.

He says, when he reached the villages, the people asked if he and the others had come as a representative of the government of India.

“If you have come as a representative then please send across our message that we want to participate in the elections, we want to vote,” they said. But they lamented, “The polling booths should be close to where we stay. Why do they ask us to travel 40-50 kilometres [in order to vote]?”

Shukla strongly feels that booth shifting is a mechanism to completely destroy the democratic institutions of the region and strongly claims in that Adivasis are indeed interested in casting their votes.
“It’s completely false to say that the areas in which Maoists are active, voting doesn’t happen or that people aren’t interested to vote.”

Shukla says that as people start talking, they complain that there are so many issues; the roads are in dilapidated condition, no school teacher comes to teach in the schools. However, these find no mention in the contesting parties’ manifestos. All manifestos talk about construction of roads, that too not for the villagers but for the armed forces to be conveniently able to travel inside.

“It’s the government that’s preventing people from becoming a part of the democracy —- and the mainstream,” he alleges.

“Interestingly the people who said this (demanded to vote) were the same young boys and girls who had even been captured on accusations of naxalism. If they were with the Maoists then why would they put forth such a demand?” asks Shukla.

He highlights the issue of false cases, in which police issues a press release about a certain Adivasi saying how they are Maoists. However, in 98% of such cases people are acquitted.

Shukla’s trysts with Police at Narayanpur
He relates the experience to how they were treated when they went to Narayanpur, “When we were stopped in Narayanpur, our cameras were snatched away in an unconstitutional manner.”Despite showing their identity documents to the police, they weren’t allowed to go and were informed that the police officials were waiting for some ‘senior officer’. The guest reporter, Siddharthya Roy, asked them to take them to these ‘higher officials.’ They were then taken to the Superintendent of Police’s (SP) office only by 9 pm after significant amount of pressure. The data from their memory cards was copied and a recovery software was run to find deleted files. They were repeatedly told that if they had sought permission then they would not have to face such problems.  Needless to say that nowhere in the world are journalists expected to take permission from any authorities to report from the ground.

In this context, Shukla recalls an interesting conversation with the SP from this visit.

SP Jiten Shukla: “You know, the journalists of Narayanpur are very good..they work as per our wishes”

Kamal Shukla: “Sir can you elaborate, how?”

SP Jiten Shukla: “Whatever we say they comply by it, agree to it”

A media Black hole
“I would say the condition of media in Bastar is that there is no media! There is the local media which reports from the ground. No established media houses want to give the journalists of Bastar a decent salary. Hence they have to work like contractors, they need to find other sources of livelihood,” said Shukla while talking about the plight of the local journalists.

“They have a lot of compulsions and work under a lot of pressures, they can’t defy the police,” he adds.

Shukla feels that the journalists in Bastar don’t have an alternative. Interestingly, he says, the news is always about the two development blocks in Narayanpur. If one pays attention to the stories from this area, only these two blocks are mentioned, there’s no mention of Abujhmad villages, another area in which the Naxalites are active.

“Since there is no media in these villages, the political parties don’t even go in these areas to campaign,” he adds.

This has led to a complete isolation of the people from these villages from the democractic procedures and mechanisms. “You have kept an entire population away from the ‘festival of democracy’ then how can you say that the people are not interested to vote?

Highlighting the existing conditions, he says that the Abujhmad area has not been surveyed, number of people, voters etc. isn’t known to the government.

Contrary to ‘popular’ perception, that Naxalites seem to be coercing villagers into not voting, Shukla says, “It is totally wrong to say that because of Naxalites’ boycott of the elections, people of Bastar don’t cast their votes.”

“Government shouldn’t approach the people only when they need votes, they should go otherwise too,” he adds.

He feels the best way to deal with this is to “implement constitution”. He adds that government has not shown any interest in implementing the PESA, 5^th Schedule or 6^th Schedule in these villages.
Shukla comes to a conclusion that the situation is not fit in Bastar to have a democratic and fair election.

“Governance had been removed from villages and shifted towards cities while the villages have been militarised and more and more armed forces have been left even in the interiors and remote corners.”
 

Related:
https://sabrangindia.in/article/election-watch-chhattisgarh-nobody-knows-modi-raman-singh-or-development-remote-areas
https://sabrangindia.in/article/election-watch-chhattisgarh-no-media-no-news-only-evms-and-governments
 

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