Elaborating further, the statement says that, the Congress party in its manifesto for the 2024 elections reaffirmed its profound commitment to rapid, inclusive and sustainable development, and to protect its ecosystems, local communities, flora and fauna. It also said that it would address the issues of environment and climate change with the seriousness these deserve.  Hence the disturbing incidents at the Hyderabad Central University, viz. the clearing of over 100 acres of forested land in Kancha Gachibowli, using bulldozers, with the objective of using this land for IT buildings and activities are a violation of the party’s own poll promise.

Moreover, when students of Hyderabad University peacefully protested against the clearance of the forested land, the felling of the trees, and the use of bulldozers, the state government, instead of holding a dialogue with them to resolve the matter, sought to quell the protest by force, even resorting to arrests and lathi charges, records the statement. “We are relieved that the   government has now stepped back from its earlier stand but we are still concerned about a number of issues concerning this land.”

To clarify the deliberate confusion created by the state government on the issue of the land concerned not being forest land, the former civil servants iterate that there is considerable evidence that refutes this claim. The contra-indications are listed below:

• As per the Supreme Court order of 1996, in what is commonly known as the Godavarman case, all States were to constitute State Expert Committees (SEC) to identify all forests as per the dictionary meaning of the word, irrespective of ownership. The Andhra Pradesh Government (of which Telangana was a part in 1996) failed to constitute the SEC and therefore did not identify all forests as directed by the Supreme Court. They also failed to comply with subsequent Supreme Court orders on geo-referencing of forests.  The claim that the impugned land is not forest land has, therefore, no legal basis, being the outcome of non-compliance of the orders of the Supreme Court.

• When Telangana was carved out of Andhra Pradesh in 2014 it had no comprehensive data on forests; nor did the state take any steps to identify forests as per the Supreme Court’s orders.

• It may be noted that had the directions of the Supreme Court been followed, the land in question, Kancha Gachibowli, would very likely have been identified as forest as per the “dictionary meaning”, as well as per the land records, which called it a “wasteland” (which signifies grasslands, scrub forests etc.)

• In early 2025, the Supreme Court in WP 1164/23, again directed all states to identify and geo-reference all forests on the ground. While it was widely reported in the press that such a committee had been constituted in Telangana on March 15, 2025,  the government did not bother to wait either for the report of this committee or its acceptance by the Supreme Court, before declaring that the impugned area (Kancha Gachibowli) is not a forest. This shows disregard of the Supreme Court’s orders. We wonder what the purpose was of setting up a committee to identify all forests as per the Supreme Court’s directions, if such forests are destroyed without any concern for the legality, or the protests of citizens, or the biodiversity and wildlife of the area.

• We learn that this forested patch has reported many migratory birds, 220 species of other birds, deer, 700 species of plants, the critically endangered star tortoises, and the Hyderabad Tree Trunk spider- an endemic species found nowhere else in the world!

Thereafter, the statement records that, they are heartened by the fact that the Supreme Court while hearing this matter recently has, on April 16, 2025, reiterated its earlier orders regarding identification of all forests and has emphasised that the Court’s orders need to be strictly followed.

“Hyderabad is fortunate to have these 400 acres as part of the city landscape: it acts as a catchment area for trapping the rainfall, recharging the ground water which is used by nearby colonies and buildings; it moderates the “heat island “effect of the city- experts have opined that it lowers the ambient temperature by as much as 4 degrees Celsius; it functions as the city’s green lung, capturing pollution and greenhouse gases. It boggles the mind that these ecological and climatic benefits have been completely disregarded by the Telangana government in its disastrous push to denude the area of its green cover, precisely at a time when there is unanimous consensus among scientists and climatologists about increasing heat waves and water shortages. The government should listen to at least the experts, if not to the citizens and students. Development at such a huge cost to the natural environment, when alternatives for the IT Park are available, is nothing less than ecocide.”

The collective of retired civil servants, Constitutional Conduct Group, have worked both with the Central and State governments. They have come together as the Constitutional Conduct Group to speak out against violations of the Indian Constitution.

Thereafter the statement records that while the CCG appreciates the fact that the Telangana government has now withdrawn from confrontation in this matter and is trying to find an acceptable solution, we are alarmed to learn that Rs. 10000 crore has been taken from private parties against that land. It is equally worrisome that instead of promising that this area would be allowed to regenerate as a forest and become a green lung for the city and a haven for its wildlife and biodiversity, there are media reports that indicate that Government wants to convert the whole land, including the land of the University into an eco-park.  An eco-park is not a forest; it is a human-centric “developmental” activity, and not in accordance with the Supreme Court judgement. The State should instead ensure that the Expert Committee implements the Supreme Court orders of 19/02/24 and 04/03/25 in “letter and spirit”. It should, thereafter, protect all its identified forests to ensure ecosystem services for human sustenance and the well-being of its biodiversity.

The Congress Party has been advocating the concepts of accountability, stake holder consultation and good governance in other parts of the country. The opportunity available in the State of Telangana to show a difference is unfortunately getting lost because of actions such as those at Kancha Gachibowli. The CCG hopes that the proposed auction or allotment of this land to private parties is cancelled and that the Expert Committee is allowed to diligently identify and geo-reference all forests, and allow forests to regenerate on all forest lands where felling has taken place.

“While the issue of Kancha Gachibowli got intense media attention because it is in a metropolitan city, adjoining a university, and due to the mass protests of students, such large-scale felling and wanton destruction of forests, biodiversity and wildlife is a recurring feature in almost all States under almost every political and bureaucratic dispensation. Such activity massively impacts the ecological security of our country.  State and UT governments must take active steps to protect all common property resources, because action is needed in every part of the country. Our fervent appeal to all governments is to ensure that our forests and biodiversity across the country are protected and not diverted in the name of “development”.”

There are 67 signatories to this statement of the Constitutional Conduct Group as below:

^Related:

Mass Deforestation, Protests, Detentions: Supreme Court halts Telangana’s reckless tree felling at Kancha Gachibowli, questions permissions

Adivasi Land Rights Erosion: The effects of the 2023 Forest Conservation Amendment Act

Record number of forest diversion took place in 2023 amidst decline in spend of CAMPA funds, MoEF data reveals

The post Destruction of forest in Kancha Gachibowli, Telangana violation of Congress party manifesto: CCG Statement appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Additionally, Chakravarthy questioned the legitimacy of the newly formed Mahayuti Government, suggesting it was not the product of a fair electoral process. He said that the people of Maharashtra have been cheated and their election has been stolen. The government that is in Maharashtra is not a legitimately elected government through a fair electoral process.

“I must say, we say this with all and full responsibility as India’s oldest political party and as the only political party that fought for India’s freedom and help establish India as a Constitutional republic so we say this with full responsibility and not loosely” he added

The current government of Maharashtra is not one that was legitimately elected through a fair electoral process.

Here is why https://t.co/7FH42kPF92 pic.twitter.com/LC8iBcBSFX

— Praveen Chakravarty (@pravchak) January 27, 2025

Significant manipulation of the voter list in Maharashtra Assembly Elections – 2024

In his address, Chakravarthy accused the Election Commission of significant manipulation of the voter list during the Maharashtra Assembly Elections of 2024. He promised to present data and evidence to back his claims, suggesting a pattern of suspicious voter additions. He said, “I will present data and evidence for this.”

Suspicious surge in new voters for Mahayuti

Chakravarthy questioned the legitimacy of the addition of a large number of voters in the Maharashtra Vidhan Sabha election, specifically pointing out that these new voters overwhelmingly supported the Mahayuti alliance. He noted that this surge helped the Mahayuti alliance win a substantial majority in the Assembly elections, even after suffering a loss in the Lok Sabha elections just six months earlier.

He further elaborated on the apparent anomaly: He further elaborated on the apparent anomaly: “48 lakh new voters were added for the Vidhan Sabha election, but somehow, all these 48 lakh new voters voted for the Mahayuti alliance. How is that possible?” Chakravarthy pointed out that between the Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha elections, Mahayuti gained 72 lakh additional votes compared to the Lok Sabha results.

However, he argued that only 24 lakhs of those votes could logically have shifted from the Mahavikas Aghadi (MVA) alliance, leaving a remaining 48 lakh votes unaccounted for. He called this “magic” and asked if this was the result of “executive interference” or “government interference in the Election Commission,” adding, “Is this not strange?”

He said that, “48 Lakh new voters were added for the Vidhan Sabha election but somehow magically all these 48 lakh new voters are voted Mahayuti alliance how is that possible and how I am saying it? Between the Lok Sabha election and the Vidhan Sabha election the Mahayuti alliance got 72 lakhs more votes that is compared to the Lok Sabha election. Now where did they get these more votes? extra votes from people who votes for the Mahavikas Aghadi in the Lok Sabha may have shifted to Mahayuti alliance for the Vidhan Sabha election or whatever the reasons may be.

Chakravarty further said,“That is the logic you would have think people who wanted for Mahavikas aghadi in the Lok Sabha well should have shifted to Mahayuti and so Mahayuti alliance got 72 lakh more voters, correct ? No, only 24 lakh voters that voted for Mahavikas aghadi in Lok Sabha shifted away. Only 24 Lakh. But, Mahayuti alliance got 72 lakhs more votes. All of them did not come from shifting votes from Mahavikas aghadi. So, 72-24 is 48. Magic! 48 lakh news voters have voted for Mahayuti alliance in Vidhan Sabha”

“According to the ECI, 48 lakh new voters were added in the Vidhan Sabha election. Is this some miraculous coincidence, is this some divine intervention if you are a believer or is it as what Dr. Ambedkar would call “executive interference” government interference in an election commission. How does this explain? Is this not strange” he said

Unprecedented voter additions in six months

Chakravarthy presented further evidence, questioning how the Election Commission could account for the addition of 48 lakh new voters within just six months. He pointed out that in the five years leading up to the 2024 elections (from 2019 to 2024), only 32 lakh new voters had been added to the rolls. This stark contrast in voter addition rates raised red flags about the legitimacy of the process. “How is it in six months 48 lakh voters were added, but in the previous five years only 32 lakh voters were added?” Chakravarthy asked.

He said, “As per Election Commission of India’s own data there were 48 lakh new voters that is nearly 50 lakh new voters, were added in the electoral roll for the Vidhan Sabha election after the Lok Sabha election, so that is in just six months 48 lakh new voters were added. In five years between 2019 and 2024 in the five years before only 32 lakh voters were added. How is it in six months 48 lakh voters are added but in previous five years in the same state in Maharashtra, only 32 lakh voters were added. Does this sound logical?”

Discrepancy between voter count and adult population

Another key issue Chakravarthy raised was the discrepancy between the reported number of voters in Maharashtra and the actual adult population. According to the ECI, there were 9.7 crore total voters for the Maharashtra Vidhan Sabha election. However, the total adult population of Maharashtra in 2024 was only 9.54 crore, as per the Ministry of Health. Chakravarthy questioned, “Have you ever heard of an Election Commission having more voters than the adult population of a state? Shouldn’t this be raised as a major issue?”

Chakravarthy refuted the ECI’s claim and said “The ECI said there were said there were 9.7 Crores total voters for the Maharashtra Vidhan Sabha election. But guess what! The total adult population of Maharashtra which is 18 years and about only 9.52 Crores (9.54 crores rather) and I am not saying this. Who is saying that the total adult population of Maharashtra is only 9.54 Crores in 2024? It is the Narendra Modi government’s Ministry of health. Congress Party is not saying this. Have you ever heard of an Election Commission that has more voters than the adult population of state? Should we not raise this as a big issue?”

Who are the new voters? – Congress, question over voters’ legitimacy

Chakravarthy continued his questioning, asking who the new voters were and whether they were legitimate. He inquired, “Are they real people or fake, ghosts, or duplicates? Were they brought in from other states? Were their documents checked, including Aadhaar cards or proof of identity and residence? Are they residents of Maharashtra?” These questions, he stressed, were essential for ensuring the fairness of the election process.

Chakravarthy while questioning the legitimacy of new voters added in Maharashtra Vidhan Sabha election, asked that, “who are the new voters? are they real people or fake or ghosts or duplicates or brought in from other states who are these voters whether documents checked with their Aadhaar card checked or any other proof of identity and residents? Are they residents of Maharashtra? these are all very logical questions. Thus, these are the questions that we are asking.”

In Loni village of Shirdi constituency, 5 to 7000 voters were added from just one building

Chakravarthy provided an example of suspected voter fraud in Loni village of the Shirdi Assembly Constituency. He claimed that nearly 5,000 to 7,000 voters were added from just one building. According to Congress candidate Prabhawati Gogre, when she investigated, the new voters admitted that they were not residents of the village, and they did not possess Aadhaar cards. When asked how they registered to vote, they allegedly said they were brought in by BJP candidate VK Patil’s team. Despite Gogre’s complaint to the Election Commission, Chakravarthy claimed, “There was absolute silence, no action.”

He said, “nearly 5 to 7,000 voters were added from just one building. When the Congress candidate Prabhawati Gogre found out, she went to the Election Commission and questioned it. She went and asked the voters “Are you resident of this village?”, “Do you have Aadhar card?”, all of them said “NO.”

“She asked them ‘How did you register to be voters?’ they said, they were brought in by the BJP candidate VK Patil. His team no him directly. When Prabhawati Gogre complaint to the Election Commission, there was absolute silence, no action. This is just one example of 5 to 7,000 votes in Shirdi. This is how 48 lakh votes may have been added. There is very clear pattern here. There are 132 constituencies in which twenty-five thousand or more voters were added just for the Vidhansabha election after the Lok Sabha Election. Mahayuti wins 112, nearly 90% of all these constituencies. In the same constituencies of 132, the Mahayuti won only 62 in the Lom Sabha Election held six months back. So, within 62, 25,000 or more voters were added in these constituencies and now they win 112. They (Mahayuti) almost double their seats” he added.

He further added that this is all publicly available data.

Congress’s questions before the Election Commission of India

In light of these allegations, Chakravarthy called on the Election Commission of India to address several critical questions:

• Why does the Election Commission not make the voter roll data for both the Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha elections publicly available in a consolidated, accessible format for analysis?
• How does the ECI explain the extraordinary increase in the number of new voters within a short span of time?
• The ECI must provide documentation and proof regarding the legitimacy of these new voters, including verification of their identity and residence.

Related

The Missing Indian Voter, how many crores of Indians are missing from the electoral rolls?

Vote for Democracy (VFD) releases report on the conduct of General Election 2024

VFD’s draft reports points to “electoral manipulation and irregularities” in Haryana and J&K 2024 assembly elections

The post The government in M’tra not a legitimately elected government through a fair electoral process: Congress appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Besides, Dalits and Ambedkarites do not set much store by gods and goddesses. The entire premise of Dr Ambedkar’s philosophy was that ‘religion should revolve around the concern for human beings’ and not for the ‘happiness’ of the ‘god’. As Buddha said, human philosophy should concern the welfare of human beings and that was the principle that the Charvakhas had, too. So, Baba Saheb’s real fight was not against either the Congress or BJP but against the Brahmanical Social Order (BSO). It is crucial to understand that there were people who stood firm against privileged caste domination and manipulation and those who supported the BSO within all parties.

In the midst of these pulls and pressures, movements and counter-moves during the struggle for independence, the Constitution making process was itself the single largest effort towards the reconciliation of Indian society with all its contradictions. Babasaheb Ambedkar understood this well, as did the Congress leadership of the time, particularly Nehru.

We all need to understand that Dr Ambedkar and the Congress Party had different paths and opinion but to rebuild India they joined hands. Interestingly Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee, the leader of Bhartiya Jan Sangh (BJS) was also part of this. They had, amongst them, serious differences but none were so adversarial as to dub each other as anti-national or inferior. They debated issues in Parliament and agreed to frame the Constitution which emerged as one of the finest documents in the modern world, a document moreover that signalled India as one.

Unfortunately, the process of the selective quoting and referencing of events has harmed our polity today. This practice functions in the vacuous public sphere of overall ignorance and lack of grounding of sound democratic principles. How many of those speak today have understood the rich cadences of the Indian national movement?

It is crucial for all us, all of us, not use the events and differences of the time for our political purposes. Congress was an umbrella organisation for all those who fought for India’s freedom. After independence, many of these organisations that were part of the Congress originally, actually formed their own parties and groups. Naturally, they emerged as political rivals too. This should be seen as a healthy development as India, now a free nation needed different checks and balances that came from those in and out of power, those who had varying world views and perspectives. Both Dr Ambedkar and Syama Prasad Mookerjee were part of Jawahar Lal Nehru’s cabinet. Even when Gandhiji was murdered in cold blood on January 30, 1948, Syama Prasad Mookerjee dissociated himself with the Hindu Maha Sabha and remained in the Indian cabinet. None asked him to resign. His resignation came in 1951 after he became President of Bhartiya Jan Sangh (BJS). The resignation was based on the Nehru Liaquat Pact. Nehru, Ambedkar and Mookerjee were members of the same Constituent Assembly and cabinet and I am sure, despite their political differences they must have been acquaintances if not good friends, with a healthy respect for each other. Those were different times.

There are a whole lot of issues which need comprehensive analysis and not selective usage of symbols and facts. Babasaheb was unhappy on the issue of Nehru’s inability to get through the Hindu Code Bill in the Parliament but he knew well that it was not easy for him as many bigwigs from both within the Congress and Jan Sangh were opposed to Hindu Code Bill. The prominent among those who were deadly opposed to the Hindu code bill were Dr Rajendra Prasad, Pattabhi Sitarammaiya, K M Munshi, Purushottam Das Tondon, Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee and various leaders of Jan Sangh, Hindu Mahasabha etc. Sardar Patel though in the middle, leaned towards those who opposed it. So, in terms of ideological unity, it was only Nehru and Ambedkar who wanted this progressive legislation to be passed.

As I said before, all these leaders were both highly knowledgeable and deeply respectful to each other. None questioned the integrity of others but they put forth their political points very powerfully. While Nehru’s credentials as a secular modern progressive nationalist was not ever questioned, Ambedkar and Mookerjee actually were raising the issues of safety of Hindus and other minorities in Pakistan which was not out of the box and was real.

Dr Baba Saheh Ambedkar fought his Lok Sabha elections from North Bombay and Bhandara on two different occasions and lost. That the Congress ensured his defeat is without doubt. As I said, they were political rivals. Who was responsible for making Babasaheb’s secretary stand in elections against him? Nehru? Perhaps, Praful Patel can provide an answer as his father was a powerful leader of the Congress. Perhaps, too many Aambedkarites can provide details about his work. Secondly, in the North Bombay seat, it was not merely the Congress but both the Communist Party of India as well as the Jan Sangh or Hindu Mahasabha that had also actually fielded rival candidates.

There is no doubt that Congress’s history in the subsequent years was in continual denial of Dr Ambedkar’s legacy. One needs also remember that Babasaheb used to call Congress the original Brahmanical party of India but what would he have had to say about the RSS-BJP in today? That the BJP has now replaced the Congress and is the perhaps the main Brahmin Bania party of India? This is the reality.

Now, the remains on who loves Dr Ambedkar and who does not. Who awarded him the Bharat Ratna? Certainly not the BJP. Nor the Congress. The man at the helm who accorded this honour, the Bharat Ratna to Dr Ambedkar was V P Singh, another hero who has been vilified by the Congress and Sanghis together. It is VP Singh who provided the reservation to Neo Buddhists too and got who also installed the prominent portrait of Babasaheb in parliament, got Ambedkar’s books published through the union’s Ambedkar Foundation, declared Babasaheb Jayanti as a national holiday and took several other steps.

Unfortunately, for both the Congress and the BJP –which was then supporting the National Front government headed by VP Singh from outside—decried these measures. Recently, an arrogant Brahmin spokesperson of BJP actually abused VP Singh, terming him Samanti or feudal. Frankly, the only other person who was active those days and did his work on spreading saheb’s thoughts was one of VP’s most trusted colleagues, the late Ram Vilas Paswan.

Let us not debate how big a memorial is now being built for Dr Ambedkar or how much you worship him. My simple question for the political leadership today is this. If you really believe in Dr Ambedkar’s ideology then please implement the Constitution in true spirit. Please undertake land reforms, redistribute land to the most marginalised, ensure free health services, right to education for all, stop the privatisation of our natural resources, implement reservations in true spirit and everywhere.

It is equally important to understand not to confine Dr Ambedkar to merely Constitution making alone because that way you actually see his historical role in critiquing Brahmanical Hinduism. Yes, he critiqued all Brahmanical text, gods and everything. That apart, if we believe his philosophy, then let us respect what he asked his followers at the historical Deekshabhoomi grounds in Nagpur on October 14, 1956, Dhammachakra Pravartan Diwas, in his 22 vows to follow the path of humanism, as defined by Lord Buddha.

In a true sense, if we really care for, value, Dr Ambedkar’s principles, then please stop telling us how you respect Samvidhan or how much land you have allocated to make his statue rather than redistribute land to landless people which has now been forgotten. Ensure free quality education for all and equally free qualitative health care for all.

We need an inclusive governance structure which reflects our diversity where each one of us can express our opinion without any fear or intimidation. Dr Ambedkar’s India will not, simply cannot be the model where regressive religious pontiffs lead us to the path of destruction. It must ensure the path for progressive humanist leaders to take us to the path of enlightenment.

It is time the state ensured welfare measures for the millions of oppressed Dalits, Adivasis Backward classes, from all ethnicities and religious identities and make this integral to our decision-making process.

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia

Related:

Sangh Parivar’s tortured bid to appropriate Dr Ambedkar

Iconoclast: Path breaking biography of BR Ambedkar projects his human essence

Ambedkar varsity ‘on brink of collapse’, 32 faculty members resign, 22 embroiled in legal battles

The post Dr BR Ambedkar: How the ongoing tussle between the BJP and Congress is both limited & superficial appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In addition to the issue of voter surge, the party also urged the ECI to address concerns about the battery life of electronic voting machines (EVMs), by recommending that the ECI conduct a practical demonstration and evaluation. As demanded by the Congress, the same can involve randomly selecting 25 EVMs used in the Haryana and Maharashtra elections, respectively, for a real-time assessment. The process should be conducted in the presence of political party representatives and reputable technical experts. Such a step would help dispel doubts regarding the reported 99% battery life of EVMs following their usage.

The main issues highlighted in the memorandum regarding the voter turnout is as follows:

1. The disparity in voter turnout: The Congress memorandum detailed how the voter turnout figures escalated sharply between the provisional data released at 5:00 PM and the final numbers disclosed before counting in Maharashtra. According to ECI’s own data, the turnout stood at 58.22% as of 5:00 PM, equating to 5,64,88,024 votes cast. By 11:30 PM, this percentage had increased to 65.02%, translating to an additional 65,97,708 votes cast within the intervening hours. However, the final percentage reported before counting further rose to 66.05%, marking an increase of approximately 10 lakh additional votes.

The Congress described this dramatic increase of 76 lakh votes in just a few hours as “unprecedented and unheard of in electoral history”. Citing logistical constraints, the memorandum argued that even if each voter took only two minutes to cast their ballot, such a surge was practically impossible within the limited timeframe.

2. Questionable adherence to procedures: The Congress memorandum highlighted that the ECI’s Handbook for Presiding Officers (2023) mandates specific protocols for voters in queues after polling officially closes. It requires presiding officers to issue serially numbered slips to voters in the queue and to videograph the polling station to ensure transparency. However, the Congress alleged that the ECI has failed to provide any evidence that these protocols were followed in constituencies where the turnout spiked significantly after 5:00 PM.

Quoting the guidelines, the memorandum emphasised, “Distribute to all such electors slips signed by you in full, which should be serially numbered… continue the poll even beyond the closing hour until all these electors have cast their votes.” The memorandum further asserted that videography of voters in queues, as mandated in the “Videography of Critical Events & in Polling Stations” guidelines, was not made publicly available.

3. Lack of transparency: Adding to their claims, the Congress highlighted a discrepancy in ECI’s updates. As per the Commission’s release at 11:53 PM on polling day, the voter turnout was stated as 65.02%, yet the final turnout before counting rose to 66.05%, implying an additional 10 lakh votes cast post-midnight.

Congress questioned how this increase occurred when the final voter turnout data was supposed to be compiled in real-time, as noted by former Chief Election Commissioner S. Y. Quraishi. Referring to his public comments, the memorandum noted, “Voter data is recorded and updated in real time, leaving no scope for such discrepancies unless there is manipulation or mismanagement.” 

Implications of discrepancies

The memorandum argued that these voter turnout anomalies were concentrated in constituencies where the ruling BJP-led Mahayuti coalition won by significant margins, compounding suspicions. The Congress also pointed out that these issues were “not isolated incidents but part of a broader pattern of discrepancies that raise doubts over the integrity of the electoral process.”

The party further called for:

1. A detailed public report on polling day anomalies.
2. An investigation into whether protocols for voters in queues were followed, including the issuance of serially numbered slips and videography.
3. Clarification on the additional 10 lakh votes recorded after the 11:53 PM release.

The demand for accountability

The Congress memorandum concluded by urging the ECI to uphold its constitutional responsibility under Article 324 to ensure free and fair elections. It stated, “Even a single instance of voter manipulation and electoral fraud warrants urgent and immediate intervention from this Hon’ble Commission.” The party requested an in-person hearing to present further constituency-specific issues.

The Congress’s allegations strike at the core of public trust in democratic processes. By highlighting the voter turnout surge, discrepancies in data updates, and procedural lapses, the memorandum raises critical questions about electoral transparency. The party has made it clear that “silence and inaction by the Commission could erode public faith in the sanctity of India’s electoral framework.”

These concerns being raised by the Congress serve as a reminder of the imperative for robust oversight mechanisms and transparent processes to safeguard the integrity of elections in the world’s largest democracy.

Related:

Congress raises alarm over manipulated voter rolls in Maharashtra Assembly elections

VFD’s draft reports points to “electoral manipulation and irregularities” in Haryana and J&K 2024 assembly elections

Elections amidst glitches: Maharashtra’s crucial poll day unfolds with complaints of barricading and EVM glitches

TODAY, is WORSE than the ‘EMERGENCY!’

The post Congress alleges anomalous voter turnout surge in Maharashtra Assembly Elections 2024 in memorandum submitted to ECI appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Issue 1: Allegations of improper deletion of voters in Maharashtra

The Congress party raised serious concerns about arbitrary and improper deletion of voters ahead of the 2024 Maharashtra legislative assembly elections. The present memorandum provided that the party had submitted a memorandum highlighted the said issue on October 19, 2024, which had contained reports from the ground indicating that approximately 10,000 voters were deleted in each constituency, potentially disenfranchising a significant segment of the electorate.

According to the memorandum, voter deletions were carried out without following the prescribed legal framework under the Registration of Electors’ Rules, 1960, which mandates the submission of Form-7 for voter deletion requests. This process requires Electoral Registration Officers (EROs) to conduct door-to-door verifications and maintain a documented trail for transparency. Congress alleged that in several instances, “deletions were allowed without proper verification processes and in certain cases without even filing the requisite Form-7.”

To substantiate their allegations, the Congress demanded a series of clarifications and data disclosures from the ECI, including:

• Constituency-wise numbers and names of voters deleted after the Lok Sabha 2024 elections.
• Details of the total number of Form-7 submissions received in each constituency and the corresponding numbers of accepted and rejected claims.
• Evidence of door-to-door verification processes conducted by EROs for these deletions.
• Identification of individuals who submitted more than 250 Form-7s per constituency and details of IP addresses used to file these forms, raising concerns over mass submissions potentially facilitated by organised efforts.

Non-Compliance with verification protocols: Citing the Registration of Electors’ Rules, 1960, the Congress Party argued that deletions could only be carried out through Form-7 submissions, followed by mandatory door-to-door verification by Electoral Registration Officers (EROs). However, the memorandum alleged widespread violations, stating:

• “The majority of the deletions were allowed without proper verification processes and, in certain cases, without even filing the requisite Form-7.”
• This lack of compliance, the Congress asserted, compromised the integrity of the electoral process.

To address these concerns, the memorandum demanded detailed constituency-wise data, including:

1. Lists of deleted voters and newly shifted polling booths.
2. Records of Form-7 submissions and ERO verification processes.
3. Information on individuals or devices responsible for bulk Form-7 submissions.

Pointing to the representation dated October 19, 2024, submitted to the ECI outlining these issues, the Congress claimed that the Commission failed to initiate any meaningful investigation or provide a satisfactory response. This inaction, according to Congress, compounded their fears that procedural safeguards had been deliberately bypassed to benefit the ruling coalition.

Issue 2: Allegations of improper addition of voters in Maharashtra

The Congress memorandum also flagged an unprecedented surge in voter registrations between the Lok Sabha elections, held in May 2024, and the Maharashtra assembly elections, held in November 2024. It had been claimed by the party that during this five-month period, Maharashtra’s electoral rolls reportedly grew by 71 lakh voters, reflecting a 13% increase—a figure Congress described as both anomalous and suspicious.

A list provided by such constituencies included Shirdi, Chandrapur, Arvi, Kamthi, Kothrud, Gondia, Akola East, Chikli, Nagpur, Kankavali, Khamgaon, Chimur and Dhamamangaon Railway.

A critical point of contention that was highlighted by the party was that in 50 assembly constituencies, voter rolls saw an average increase of 50,000 voters per constituency, out of which the BJP-led ruling coalition secured victories in 47 constituencies. This pattern, Congress argued, was statistically improbable and indicative of possible foul play. They stated, “These data points on a prima facie reading demonstrate that there has been a significant and inexplicable increase in the number of registered voters across the State of Maharashtra.”

Adding to the severity of the allegations, an FIR was filed by the Voter Registration Officer of the Tuljapur Assembly Constituency at the Dharashiv Cyber Police Station on October 17, 2024. The complaint detailed a case of large-scale fake voter registrations between October 2 and October 16, 2024, facilitated by forged Aadhaar cards. It revealed that:

• Fake Aadhaar cards were generated with mismatched photos, names, and addresses.
• Upon verification, it was found that the individuals linked to these documents did not reside at the stated addresses.

Despite the seriousness of these findings, Congress alleged that “no action was taken by the ECI to address the fraudulent practices.” The party concluded its memorandum by asserting: “Existing safeguards of this commission have not been able to curb such an electoral fraud from being committed.” It called for a thorough investigation and a detailed report on voter deletions, additions, and turnout anomalies, alongside a public disclosure of findings related to the Dharashiv FIR. By documenting these allegations and procedural lapses, the Congress party has sought to hold the ECI accountable and urged it to uphold the principles of democracy. The memorandum served as a call for transparency and fairness, warning that inaction could erode public trust in India’s electoral framework.

To ensure transparency, Congress called for:

1. A public report on the police investigation into the FIR filed at Dharashiv Cyber Police Station.
2. An examination of the use of fake Aadhaar cards for voter registrations across Maharashtra and Haryana elections.
3. Constituency-wise data on Form-6 submissions, which are used for adding new voters, including information on accepted and rejected claims.
4. Details of IP addresses associated with more than 250 Form-6 submissions in any constituency to identify possible fraudulent digital activity.

A crisis of electoral integrity

The Congress memorandum paints a damning picture of the electoral process in Maharashtra, alleging a systematic erosion of safeguards intended to ensure free and fair elections. With voter deletions concentrated in constituencies where the ruling coalition gained an advantage, and voter additions showing an anomalous spike, the allegations demand urgent attention. If left unaddressed, such irregularities could undermine public trust in India’s democratic institutions, making robust investigations and corrective actions by the ECI imperative for restoring faith in the electoral process.

The concerns raised by the party were contextualised within the electoral outcome: the BJP-led Mahayuti alliance secured a three-fourths majority in the state assembly, with significant victories in constituencies experiencing the alleged voter roll manipulations. The Congress memorandum suggested that this pattern was not coincidental, arguing that the manipulations “conveniently worked to the advantage of the incumbent government.” 

Related:

VFD’s draft reports points to “electoral manipulation and irregularities” in Haryana and J&K 2024 assembly elections

Elections amidst glitches: Maharashtra’s crucial poll day unfolds with complaints of barricading and EVM glitches

TODAY, is WORSE than the ‘EMERGENCY!’

The post Congress raises alarm over manipulated voter rolls in Maharashtra Assembly elections appeared first on SabrangIndia.

For one, the new government which takes over the reins of power in a changed landscape of Jammu and Kashmir with a truncated boundary and demoted status, will be involved in a constant tussle with New Delhi’s appointed Lieutenant Governor.

Secondly, the government will be weighed down by the peculiarity of the mandate, which is a decisive one in the Valley, giving the alliance a clear overall majority but is fractured along regional, to be more precise religious lines, within the Union Territory.

Decoding the Mandate

The NC-Congress alliance led in 49 of 90 seats, with NC securing 42, Congress 6 (five in Valley and one in Rajouri, and CPI(M) 1. BJP dominated 29 seats, all in the Jammu region and mainly in Hindu-majority districts, barring three in the Chenab Valley. Of the 47 seats in the Valley, the alliance won 41, ceding six to PDP, independents, and Peoples Conference. BJP had a clean sweep in the Hindu majority areas but failed to gather much moss in the Muslim majority belts of Jammu province.

The verdict needs to be decoded in its totality. There are many layers to unpack but for now, just an overview would suffice.

Breaking away from the tradition of boycotts and low to moderate polling, not only did the Valley witness brisk polling, but the voters also threw their weight behind one party, despite the many machinations, manipulations, proxies, and sentimental emotional baits. This conveys that the voters in Kashmir voted pragmatically to give a resounding response to the BJP, express their anger against the abrogation of Article 370 and demotion of the state to a union territory, and for change against the present status quo.

The same is true of much of the Chenab Valley, where the BJP won three out of 8 seats but two with wafer-thin victory margins, and the Pir Panjal region, where the BJP’s weaponization of ST status for Paharis completely collapsed.

The core aspirations of this mandate cannot be discarded or set aside. Yet, it’s not as simple as it seems.

If the mandate in Kashmir, Pir Panjal and Chenab Valley was a referendum for the restoration of special status, was the overwhelming majority of BJP in Jammu’s Hindi heartland an opposition to that?

The Troubling Jammu Knot

BJP’s impressive performance in Jammu is a culmination of three major factors – the gerrymandering of boundaries that carved out more Hindu majority seats, the abysmally poor performance of the coalition, particularly of the Congress, whose stronghold Jammu had been before 2014, despite a strong anti-incumbency factor, and the BJP’s shrewd ability to capture the imagination of the voter by diverting the anti-BJP anger into a fear of the Kashmiri domination or re-emergence of separatist sentiment.

Whether it was the use of the Rashid factor, seen as polarising in Jammu, or manipulation of the fear of rising terrorism incidents, which increased in the Jammu region under BJP’s watch, in an electoral battlefield left almost vacant by the Congress, the BJP was able to sell its narrative very effectively in Jammu.

Here lies a paradox: Despite the deepening resentment against BJP’s policies including the dilution of constitutional protections, though not necessarily revocation of Article 370, and the loss of statehood, voters in Jammu opted for the very party that brought this misery on them.

Jammu provides a knotty necklace that is difficult for anyone to untangle. The voters in Jammu chose their loyalty to BJP over their aspirations. Whether the deeply embedded aspirations in Jammu are similar to those in Kashmir or not, the fact is that the BJP, which represents a sentiment antithetical to that has a strong hold over Jammu and that cannot be ignored.

The task for the NC-led coalition government is how to reach out to Jammu and balance Jammu’s dilemma with the restless enthusiasm of Kashmir with BJP waiting in the wings to give a communal twist to every narrative.

While this is difficult, it is not entirely impossible. Minimalist aspirations in both regions – of freedom from the arrogance of bureaucracy, accountable governance, jobs, development, protection of resources, and end to drug abuse – are the same. These provide an ideal ground for building bridges and moving forward. The National Conference can leverage its tradition of pan-J&K acceptability and Farooq Abdullah, owing to his popularity in Jammu, may be better placed to do it.

This, however, cannot be done without Congress, which has been electorally decimated but its vote share has improved. For the sake of the region’s peace and stability, and the party’s legitimacy, it may need to do so some pragmatic thinking, and rejuvenate its cadres for larger and continuous mass contact programs.

However, there is a caveat.

Even if the NC-Congress coalition acts in all its wisdom and navigates this challenge ably, it is caught in a real-time game zone, where the challenges and the menacing dragons never end.

Constantly, the new government will be put in a situation where it faces pressures from within the region and outside.

The UT Framework

The NC-led coalition government will have to reckon with the new reality of operating within the new framework and rules. Unlike states that have autonomous powers and a federal relation with the union government, Union Territories, with or without an elected assembly, are directly controlled by New Delhi through an appointed administrator or a Lieutenant Governor.

Ahead of the announcement of assembly elections in Kashmir, the Indian government amended the rules expanding the role of the Lieutenant Governor, giving him more powers for oversight on the functioning of the local government including in matters related to transfers, security, and prisons.

According to these rules, any decisions taken by the legislative assembly, or the local executive would need to be vetted by the Lieutenant Governor, making the Union government the final arbiter even in the administrative affairs of the region, including control over bureaucracy, anti-corruption bureau, police, and public order besides influencing decisions on prosecutions and sanctions.

These changes have resulted in a power structure similar to that of Delhi, which enjoys a limited statehood status, and other Union Territories with legislatures with trimmed powers. Delhi’s recent controversy over the sacking of bus marshals and the ‘dramatic’ image of Aam Aadmi Party’s minister Saurabh Bharadwaj holding the feet of a BJP legislator in desperation is a sign of the times to come.

BJP has already enjoyed the reputation of a systemic assault on the federal principles of the constitution by trampling over the rights of states ruled by the opposition and jailing chief ministers of opposition-ruled states. Jammu and Kashmir has had a long history of systemic political manipulations from New Delhi by successive regimes.

Given these facts, in all probability, the Omar Abdullah-led government will be engaged in constant firefighting with the nagging terrier on its heels.

BJP’s Wounded Pride

The problems could be far more complex. Even as the BJP is bragging about its splendid show in Jammu, the mandate suggests both an electoral and moral defeat for the party. Despite the change of rules, the redistricting of boundaries to its advantage, the alleged plotting of conspiracies, and the use of its immense resources, it is way below the halfway mark and in no position to form a government. The verdict has ripped bare its false narrative of peace, development and progress in Jammu and Kashmir. This cover now lies in tatters.

The BJP’s pride is wounded and a wounded tiger is dangerous for itself and the others. Powered by a destructive ideology that is inherent in its DNA, there is no telling to what extent the BJP could go to salvage its lost self-esteem.

There can be no room for complacency.

Will Voters’ Hopes Be Dashed?

The victory for the National Conference is huge but it is momentary. The challenges ahead are far too gargantuan to overcome.

While the government formation revives some hopes, a vital question is whether this would restore democracy in the region long starved of it or end up being a mere political theater. Would the limited powers of a prospective assembly, and the inter-regional and inter-religious frictions turn this democratic exercise into a charade that could prevent the government from delivering?

In that case, it could push the people of this restive region with a troubled history into irreparable despair. Driven by the desperation of disenfranchisement, lack of constitutional guarantees and emerging security threats, the Ladakhis are already sitting in protest in Delhi after a long foot march marching to India’s capital. Despondency in the entire region spiraling out of control will be immensely dangerous.

The new government must tread with extreme caution, wisdom, sensitivity, and agility.

Courtesy: The Kashmir Times

The post NC’s Biggest Victory Is Also Its Gravest Challenge appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Gradually, as the party tried to shift, slowly, the (soft) Hindutva line, it lost disastrously to the BJP whenever it tried to outdo the saffron juggernaut. The reason behind things not going well for the Congress, among many reasons, a key one is the role of state leaders considered as ‘kshatraps’ who are unable to look beyond their families and jaatis. None of these khsatraps can be termed as inclusive. Some went overboard on their ‘inclusiveness’ that they lost base of their own communities like Harish Rawat in Uttarakhand. However, people like Bhupesh Baghel, Ashok Gehlot, Kamalnath and now Bhupinder Singh Hooda became tired outdone leaders who gained everything from the Congress but could not (did not) go beyond their own family interests and therefore damaged the party. All this at a time when people were looking to the Congress Party as an alternative to the ruling BJP.  Let’s not forget the fact that Siddharamaiyya was defeated in Karnataka despite his good work by caste identities as both Vokalingas and Lingayats never wanted an OBC of the marginalised section to lead the state. D K Shivakumar continues to challenge the chief minister and the powerful Vokalinga lobby is desperate to have him chief minister likes the Jats of north India. Both the Jats as well as Vokalingas-Lingayats are actually powerful landed savarna castes but over the years the Bahujan narrative-setters –for the sake of their vote politics– have added them to the OBC category. The same Bahujan narrative setters are unable to respond or just keep silent when violence against Dalits occurs in those states dominate by these Bahujan politics. BSP Chief Ms Mayawati herself said that though Dalit votes shifted to other parties, the same did not happen in return as Jats did not vote for Dalit candidates and that is a reality. The Bahujan narrative-setters need to look beyond their jaati interest and see the diverse contradictions among various communities at the ground level. There is no one community which can be blamed as being ‘jaatiwadi’ or casteist as almost everyone falls foul of this category. The only thing is that all of us are looking at someone below us and are in awe of someone above us as Baba Saheb had explained. Unfortunately, communities and leaders who need to stitch this broad based participatory alliance with diverse communities are unable to go beyond their jaati interests and trapped in their constructed image of a particular community leader.

We must also discuss about the conduct of the Election Commission of India (ECI) transparency, vote dumping and EVM-related and other administrative issues. These are serious issues and Election Commission; political parties and the highest court have failed collectively to assure us as why shouldn’t the number of vote polled be equal to that of the VVPAT slips. Why has there been a huge mismatch in votes polled and votes counted. Why have the objections not been taken seriously by any of the agency or body accountable for free and fair polls? Why has the Opposition not raised the issue systematically and consistently?

It is important to understand that narrative making is important but it does not really work if you don’t have the cadres and leaders representing those communities at the ground. You won’t get cadres and leaders of the communities if there is a narrative of ‘dominance’ of one particular community in the party organization and structure.

In Haryana, Congress went into the fray with a sense of over confidence convinced that it is returning to power after ten years of anti-incumbency and incompetent government led by the non Jats. It wanted to exploit the rising Jat sentiment of returning to the power but ignored the vital factor that it was only possible if the Jat leadership was ready to play the role of a facilitator ensuring the participation of all those communities particularly Dalits are feeling threatened.  Dalits who constitute about 21% of the total Haryana population cannot even imagine of having a chief minister of their own because 27% Jats would not like them to be so.

The first decade rule under Bhupinder Singh Hooda has brought the Jat Dalit hostilities into lime light where Hooda had no interest to work as conscious keeper of the constitution and provide justice to Dalits. I was witness to various movements led by Dalits for justice including Bhagana and Mirchpur where Dalits became victims of Jat hegemony in Haryana and Hooda was silent, did nothing. In fact, the Congress High command at the time could not even persuade Hooda to act against Jats who were the accused on both the cases. Hence, promoting Hooda at the time when Haryana was witnessing a massive anti Jat incumbency was nothing but playing in the hands of BJP. Even if the party wanted to ensure that it remain in command with powerful Jat votes, it was important to play an inclusive game. The humiliation meted out to Ms Selja, an extremely loyal leader from the Dalit community of Haryana did not go down well with the Dalits in the state. If even after so many years, a woman of substance who had devoted her life and energy to build the party, Selja cannot expect to lead the party or be in its platform as leader of the party, this reflects the highhandedness of Hooda family.

The BJP used this insult to boost their own campaign and the BSP too raised the issue. The anti-Dalit characteristic of Hooda as well as dominant Jats in the region has not in any way diffused and whether real or not, this was the narrative that carried the day. The Congress party must understand that their leaders were made to believe that ‘Kisan’, Pahalwan and ‘Jawan’ were against BJP, as if cutting across the community line there is a broad anger against the government. Frankly speaking, this slogan of Kisan, Pahalwan and Jawan only addresses the Jat voters of Haryana. Congress did not bother to reach out Dalits and Rajput votes.

Through 2024, even when we all know that there was a Rajput desperation to break out of the BJP and ally with any or all other groups who were sympathetic to its issues, the Congress leadership refused to accept the fact that they too exist. Similarly, despite Rahul Gandhi’s loud claims of Social Justice, no collective effort was made in Haryana to reach out to Dalits. The last moment entry of Ashok Tanwar could not bring back the Dalit votes in the party and the reason is clear.

The Congress must understand that a political party is not like a social justice movement. A movement can run on one particular agenda targeting one section of the people but mass politics has to be inclusive and ensure engagement with all communities. Right now, India’s poor and marginalised want a share in the power structure and that happens through their political representation at different levels. While job reservation is an important issue, parties will have to prepare them to take a categorical stand on the issues. BJP succeeded because it has an open stand on various issues unlike Congress which is unable to take a stand. The Dalit vote cast in Haryana was not one sided. The Jatav-Chamar votes who are over 50% of the total Dalit votes in Haryana actually went along with BSP because of the absence of Congress clear stand on sub categorization. The Balmikis who are about 30% of total voters among the Dalits, voted mostly for BJP because it supported the demand for categorisation. So Dalit votes whether pro or anti, went along with other parties and not to the Congress because of its refusal to take a stand.

At a public meeting Yogendra Yadav recently said that an effort is being made against to convert the elections into a Jat verses non Jats and added that the BJP is expert in spinning such a narrative. The party did the same in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar where it pitched other communities against Yadavas. The BJP might have been doing things as per its own political strategy but in Uttar Pradesh, the Samajwadi Party and Congress are also doing the same which is blaming Rajputs or Thakurs for everything wrong there. Yogendra Yadav has not acknowledged this in a single sentence anywhere mentioning that it is the same Thakurs who actually voted against BJP in Uttar Pradesh and ensured the defeat of many of the Hindutva leaning candidates. Unfortunately, today opposition parties are targeting Rajputs in order to take Yogi Adityanath head on. This may boomerang as the community has no presence in the judiciary, media, industry and bureaucracy in comparison to other powerful communities of Uttar Pradesh. Haryana’s Jat verses non Jat narrative would not have succeeded if Bhupinder Singh Hooda and others had the humility of extending their outreach to other marginalised communities particularly the Dalits in Haryana.

There are about 8% Yadav votes in Haryana and many areas adjoining Uttar Pradesh impact that. A combined campaign with Akhilesh Yadav would have worked here but the local leadership of the party refused to ally with either the AAP or Samajwadi Party. In politics, many a time, even when it is known that an ally does not have a base in the state, to keep them in good humour,  we do share one or two seats so that, through such a strategy goes out to communities that they represent. It sends a signal about the intent of the party. An alliance with the Samajwadi Party and a joint campaign would have served the purpose but Bhupinder Singh Hooda was not interested in that. It would have served better than allying with AAP. The Congress AAP alliance failed because of over ambitious project of AAP and BJP wanted to use it. The BJP works at multiple levels and fronts to achieve its goal. So, Ram Rahim of Dera Sacha Sauda got released on parole and Arvind Kejriwal getting bail from the highest court during the same period could have equally contributed to foiling Congress chances in the state.

That apart, it is also visible that a number of candidates who were not given tickets from the Congress party even contested as independent candidate and got extremely handsome share of votes caused the defeat of the party. Though this happen in any party; here it is also undeniable that that Hooda dominated everything as he was sure he would be in power and he wanted to ensure that after the victory, he become chief minister without any interference of the party High Command. Bhupinder Hooda and his dream to rule Haryana has not just ended, the ambition has also dealt the Congress a severe blow. Congress party now needs to rebuild the party and bring all stakeholders together. Bring the issues that compliment issues being re-calibrated; when Rahul Gandhi raises the Caste Census and reservation issue, it is time, it is done without offending anyone. There is a big difference between political parties and civil society or intellectuals as a political party will have to cater the mass while intellectuals and civil society leaders/influencers are mostly single issue driven. They may speak out of conviction but may bypass ground realities. Political parties cannot afford to behave like charitable organisations or a civil society watchdog group. Congress also needs to be careful of the ‘loyal’ YouTubers who had no other agenda then getting “likes”. The party got carried away with the agenda setters on social media. They remain far from ground realities and were just talking of their ‘man ki baat’. Congress needs to transform into a e party of all and not of one jaati or a couple of jaatis but for that it will have to weave a narrative where every stakeholder feels part of the committed whole.. For this to happen, the party needs to rebuild the party organisation in all the states with new blood.

Though Congress’s defeat in Haryana is shocking for the party, it may be a boon for Rahul Gandhi and others. Bhupinder Singh Hooda would have behaved like other leaders such as Ashok Gehlot, Kamalnath or Amrinder Singh etc. once in power. He never followed the party line when Dalits were being attacked in Haryana. The Congress High Command appears today helpless because regional kshatraps can damage party if not benefit it and therefore it was unable to act against them but Hooda now join the company of Ashok Gehlot, Kamalnath, Bhupesh Bhagel and Harish Rawat. Time has come for the party to move on and build up the grand old party by bringing young leaders from different communities that reflect the ground realities of the state.

All this is not to discount the unfair means which the ruling party adopted, the disappointing role of Election Commission, the issues of fairness and transparency and the manipulated EVMs. They remain vital and important for the health of democracy but we also know the fact that despite that parties have won elections. If the party and many others feel that EVMs have been manipulated and hacked then they must launch a sustained campaign in all seriousness. Administrative issues of fair play are extremely important. However the Congress other committed blunders and that cannot be ignored.

Therefore, Congress would do well, to conduct a caste census of the party structure so that it understands what ails the party, who are the leaders dominant in the party structure yet unable to fetch votes to the party. Get a complete figure of communities within the organisation and link it with the state figures. A complete overhaul of Congress party is not possible without a jaati-janganana’ or caste censuses of the entire party structure. Rahul Gandhi who is advocating the caste census and social justice issues with rigour needs to start putting his home base in order as his social justice agenda will remain unimplementable if there are no takers within the party. Will the party ever listen?

Disclaimer: The views expressed here are the author’s personal views, and do not necessarily represent the views of Sabrangindia.

Related:

Haryana Police body complains to Election Commissioner over votes stolen from them

Disgust and dismay at INC nominating Lal Singh as candidate in J & K elections: CCG

Assembly Polls: SKM to Campaign for BJP’s Defeat in Haryana, Jammu & Kashmir

The post Congress needs a caste census of its party, then build new leaderships from the margins appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Amid growing criticism and concerns over its potential political fallout, particularly with upcoming elections in Haryana and Jammu and Kashmir, the Congress high command stepped in. Under pressure, Singh was forced to clarify that no official decision had been made and to walk back his remarks. Sources suggest the minister was summoned to Delhi and reprimanded by senior party leaders, including Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge, for mishandling the situation, which now threatens to harm the party’s image.

Brief background about the contentious order: On September 25, the Congress-led Himachal Pradesh government mandated all food vendors and eateries in the state to display the names and addresses of their owners, aiming to increase ‘transparency’ for customers. This decision was announced by Himachal Pradesh Assembly Speaker Kuldeep Singh Pathania in a Facebook post following a meeting of the state’s Urban Development and Municipal Corporation on Tuesday.

Pathania had stated, “In Himachal, all restaurants and fast-food outlets will now be required to display the owner’s identification to ensure convenience for customers. Instructions for this were issued during yesterday’s Urban Development and Municipal Corporation meeting.”

Himachal Pradesh Urban Development Minister Vikramaditya Singh had also announced on social media that every restaurant and fast-food outlet in the state would be required to display the owner’s identification. “This will ensure that the public faces no difficulties and will also enhance accountability,” Singhhad had stated. (Details can be read here)

Himachal Pradesh government clarifies stance on vendor name display order: In response to concerns surrounding Himachal Pradesh Minister Vikramaditya Singh’s announcement about mandatory name displays for street vendors, the state government issued a clarification on September 27. The government stated that no such decision had been officially taken. A government spokesperson confirmed that no policy requiring street vendors to display nameplates or identification on their stalls had been implemented. The government emphasised its commitment to addressing the concerns of street vendors and considering all suggestions before making any decisions.

Potential political fallout and minister’s clarification: Amid fears that Minister Singh’s remarks could escalate into a controversy and damage the party’s electoral prospects in Haryana and Jammu and Kashmir, Singh himself issued a clarification under pressure from the Congress high command, according to party sources. The spokesperson also noted that a committee, which includes both Congress and BJP MLAs, had already been formed to review the matter. The final decision on this policy will be based on recommendations from the committee, which is led by Industries and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Harshwardhan Chauhan.

The committee also comprises several key figures including Rural Development and Panchayati Raj Minister AnirudhSingh, Public Works Minister Vikramaditya Singh, and MLAs Anil Sharma, Satpal Satti, Randhir Sharma, and Harish Janartha. The spokesperson emphasised that the committee would thoroughly review suggestions from various stakeholders before submitting its recommendations to the state government. Once these recommendations are finalised, they will be evaluated by the cabinet for a final decision.

Initial defence of security concerns:

Before the policy was rolled back, Vikramaditya Singh had defended the order, citing the need to maintain “internal security” in the state. In a statement to ANI on September 26, 2024, Singh explained that the decision to require eateries and shops to display owner names aimed at enhancing the state’s internal security and ensuring hygienic conditions, especially regarding street food vendors. Singh emphasised that while businesses commonly display their registration details, this policy was introduced in response to growing security concerns. He also stressed that the policy had no connection to a similar order in Uttar Pradesh.

Singh cited public apprehensions about the increasing number of migrants in the state as one of the reasons for the policy. He noted that while people from outside Himachal were welcome to work there, it was crucial to maintain internal security and hygiene standards. Singh mentioned that the High Court had raised concerns about the situation, prompting the government to take measures ensuring business establishments, regardless of the owners’ origin, reveal their identity. Singh reiterated that the directive aimed to safeguard Himachal’s residents.

#WATCH | Delhi: On Himachal Pradesh Government’s order for eateries to display the names of owners being compared to a similar order in UP, state’s minister Vikramaditya Singh says, “This has nothing to do with UP or Yogi Adityanath. Himachal Pradesh is a separate state, it has… pic.twitter.com/KrdE42S4sx

— ANI (@ANI) September 26, 2024

Himachal Pradesh Congress in-charge Rajeev Shukla had also addressed concerns surrounding the controversy, stating that no mandatory name display policy had been enforced. He refuted comparisons being drawn with Uttar Pradesh’s similar mandate for identity card displays, clarifying that no such decision had been taken in Himachal. Shukla further defended the government’s efforts to regulate street vendors and issue licenses, pointing out that the issue was being unnecessarily politicised. He submitted a detailed report to the Congress high command, explaining the state’s decision-making process.

Congress to reprimand Singh: Following the backlash, Vikramaditya Singh was reportedly summoned to Delhi by the Congress leadership, where he was reprimanded for his handling of the issue. According to sources cited by India Today, Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge expressed displeasure with Singh’s actions, which have since escalated into a significant political issue for the ruling party in Himachal Pradesh. Singh was asked to provide further clarification on the decision and was cautioned to be more careful with future statements and policy framing to avoid confusion and controversy.

Related:

Hygiene or Harassment? Fears of profiling arise as UP government, once again, mandate name displays at food establishments; HP govt follows

Two petitions filed in SC challenging UP and Uttarakhandgovernments’ directive to display name of shop owner and staff for being unconstitutional

Supreme Court stays directive of state forcing food sellers along Kanwar Yatra to display names, states authorities cannot usurp power without legal foundation

Rajasthan: Newly elected BJP MLA from Hawa Mahal constituency, Bal Mukund Acharya launches assault on minority-run meat food stalls

The post Vendor ID display Controversy: Congress high command compels Himachal minister to backtrack on contentious mandate after uproar appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In this open letter, the signatories state that, “It defies explanation that a party which has taken on itself the mantle of leading the fight against the politics of hate and violence should choose as its candidate a person who, as a member of the BJP in 2018, represented the worst aspects of the politics of hate promoted by the Sangh Parivar. He was one of the most aggressive proponents of majoritarian belligerence that fed its perverse agenda. In one of the most brazen displays of such perversity, Chaudhary Lal Singh, along with some of his colleagues, had, in April 2018, organised and led a public march in support of the perpetrators of what was probably  the most horrifying hate crime in  India’s recent history – the brutal, bestial rape and murder of a minor Muslim girl in Kathua.

“This was a crime which shook the public conscience in ways that few communal hate crimes have ever done. At a time when there was a spontaneous outpouring of public outrage against this crime, Chaudhary Lal Singh thought it fit to come out in public support of the suspects, offering a political justification for their actions. Rarely has civil society in India seen such a blatant display of support not just for a crime against humanity but a pugnacious espousal of the politics of communal hate and bigotry. At that time, it signalled to the world that in the realm of realpolitik, notions of the Rule of Law, of Constitutional morality, of social justice, of basic human rights, of compassion, are subordinate to displays of majoritarian supremacy. It showed that the proponents of muscular Hindutva believe that their ideology can only be sustained by stoking communal fires and creating a climate of fear in and intimidation of the minority community.”

The entire text of the open letter may be read here: 

September 18, 2024

To

Shri Mallikarjun Kharge

President, Indian National Congress

Respected Shri Khargeji,

We, the members of the Constitutional Conduct Group, a group of former civil servants of the All India and Central Civil Services committed to promoting, safeguarding and conserving the values enshrined in the Constitution of India, write to you to express our disgust and dismay at your party having given a ticket to Chaudhary Lal Singh to contest the forthcoming Assembly Election in J&K from the Basohli constituency in the Jammu region.

2. It defies explanation that a party which has taken on itself the mantle of leading the fight against the politics of hate and violence should choose as its candidate a person who, as a member of the BJP in 2018, represented the worst aspects of the politics of hate promoted by the Sangh Parivar. He was one of the most aggressive proponents of majoritarian belligerence that fed its perverse agenda. In one of the most brazen displays of such perversity, Chaudhary Lal Singh, along with some of his colleagues, had, in April 2018, organized and led a public march in support of the perpetrators of what was probably the most horrifying hate crime in  India’s recent history – the brutal, bestial rape and murder of a minor Muslim girl in Kathua. This was a crime which shook  public conscience in ways that few communal hate crimes have ever done. At a time when there was a spontaneous outpouring of public outrage against this crime, Chaudhary Lal Singh thought it fit to come out in public support of the suspects, offering a political justification for their actions. Rarely has civil society in India seen such a blatant display of support not just for a crime against humanity but a pugnacious espousal of the politics of communal hate and bigotry. At that time, it signalled to the world that in the realm of realpolitik, notions of the Rule of Law, of Constitutional morality, of social justice, of basic human rights, of compassion, are subordinate to displays of majoritarian supremacy. It showed that the proponents of muscular Hindutva believe that their ideology can only be sustained by stoking communal fires and creating a climate of fear in and intimidation of the minority community.
3. At the time of this revolting public display, Chaudhary Lal Singh was a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). He probably expected that his conduct would see him being rewarded by his party. Ironically, even the BJP found such toxicity damaging and, whether on his own or at the instance of the higher authorities in the BJP, Lal Singh left the BJP and, after a few years in political wilderness, trying to set up his own outfit, he decided to join the Indian National Congress (INC). For the last few years, it is learnt that he has been trying to bolster the base of the INC in a region dominated by the BJP. The INC saw it fit to nominate him for contesting the Lok Sabha elections from the Udhampur constituency – an election which he lost. Evidently the INC now believes that by fielding him in the Assembly Elections, they will be able to make a dent in BJP’s dominance in the region.
4. In the seven years that we have been in existence, we, as a group, have generally refrained from commenting on the internal affairs of any political party, particularly in matters relating to electoral contests and the choice of candidates. Yet we feel compelled today to protest against this particularly abominable decision of your party. After the success of the Bharat Jodo Yatra two years ago and the modest but significant gains in the Lok Sabha elections, we had come to believe that your party has given up its flirtation with soft Hindutva and that the politics of communal hate and division will be countered by renewing a Gandhian form of resistance of “Nafrat ke bazaar mein Mohabbat ki Dukan’ and of reaffirming the values inherent in the Constitution. We were probably naive, but we believed that this marked a significant change in the party’s political practice to bring ethical concerns to the forefront.
5. The nomination of Chaudhary Lal Singh as a candidate shows that the rhetoric of bringing in a more value based politics is both hollow and hypocritical. The decision sends a signal that, when it comes to the pursuit of political power, your party is no different from those it is fighting against. It also shows that your sensitivity to Muslims, minorities and other oppressed and marginalized sections can be easily sacrificed at the altar of political expediency. This is a shame.
6. We know that the time for nominations as well as withdrawals is over and that our writing to you will not make any difference to the electoral contest. Despite that, we think it important to express our anger and our anguish. We do not owe allegiance to any political party, formal or informal, and our concern is guided entirely by our commitment to the Constitution. We hope that, through this letter, we can make you realise that this kind of cynically expedient political practice will damage your attempts to gain the moral high ground for your party and that your much vaunted appeal to reaffirm the Constitution will ring hollow. We hope that you can and will make genuine efforts to restore our confidence in your commitment to the Constitution.”

SATYAMEVA JAYATE

Yours sincerely,

Constitutional Conduct Group (96 signatories, at pages 3-6 below)

The post Disgust and dismay at INC nominating Lal Singh as candidate in J & K elections: CCG appeared first on SabrangIndia.

You have been one of the most accomplished political strategists the country has seen, especially after the tornado-like sweep of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party in 2014, which redefined India’s political trajectory.

I was among the few who actually publicly endorsed your entry into the Congress party as a bold breakthrough proposition, even when I was suspended by the party myself. But I must point out, regretfully, that of late, your utterances have been rather cosmetic, and often, bordering on mendacity. I woke up this morning to your BBC News interview, and to be honest, was stunned into disbelief. Either you have got your basic facts completely wrong, or you are blatantly misleading the people of India.

1. India’s Muslim population is 14% but according to you it is 18%. Wow! Considering your entire political career started off as a psephologist, that gargantuan 4% difference that you glossed over is professional sacrilege. Psephologists are rated on their exactitude. You fail the test. There is no margin of error when you are indulging in a serious conversation post a historic election that has reduced an authoritarian government to its knees.
2. Your attempt to diminish Congress party’s impressive 23% aggregate vote-share in the 2024 elections has again got a luminous distortion. Again, it is elementary, Mr Watson. The rise in Congress vote-share by nearly 3-4% is staggering, because it fought in only 328 seats compared to 464 in 2014 where it got 19.4% vote-share. Why did you not tell that to BBC News? Why would you make such a brazen omission?
3. Your statement that Congress has a “free vote-bank of 20% minorities votes” is so preposterous that it could qualify for the Oscars in Exaggerated Falsehoods. Muslims vote for regional parties too in bulk; the perfect case being UP and Bihar, among others. The Sikhs vote for different political parties including the BJP. Several Christians have voted for the BJP in Goa, Kerala and the North East. And the bulk of Jains probably vote for the BJP alone. Bottom-line: You lied. But why? Why did you not elaborate on the reasons why minorities are apprehensive and frightened of the hate-mongering and divisive politics of the BJP?
4. FYI, Congress won 57 of its 99 seats from six states with low Muslim populations – Karnataka, Rajasthan, Punjab, Haryana, Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra. PK, you forgot to do your homework.

Now, the truth that the people of India must know, the real reason why you are so unambiguously hostile to the Congress is because you saw yourself as a saviour of the Grand Old Party once it would have been annihilated in the 2024 general elections – something Prime Minister Narendra Modi and others too thought was a fait accompli. You tried that in your famous “TMC-Goa model” in the assembly elections of 2022 which flopped miserably. Your attempt to rebrand TMC as a national alternative to the INC was instantly abandoned. Mamata Banerjee was an unsuspecting victim of your Machiavellian game to destroy Congress for the pursuit of your personal ambitions. It was expected that a demoralised Congress would crumble, and you would arrive as a knight in shining armour.

There are two things you need to reflect on, Prashant:

1. Why did BJP lose the parliamentary seat of Ayodhya?
2. Why did Congress win both the seats in Manipur?

I hereby give you an open challenge to debate with me on national television on the above and more. And by the way, this will hurt, but I predicted 240 seats maximum for the BJP on several occasions, while you were sarcastically asking Indians to keep a glass of water ready for the June 4 results with the saffron party at 303+.

I messaged Karan Thapar after your public meltdown on his show (similar to another media-created political superhero) that you had indeed told me yourself over a phone call that Congress would be decimated in Himachal Pradesh. But then, you can always deny that. But what you cannot deny is that a celebrated emissary of your team (an intellectual titan and former parliamentarian) wanted me to join TMC with a host of attractive inducements thrown in. I listened to the proposition as any gentleman should, and politely refused. And yet, I was in London when a press release was unethically circulated that I had attended a meeting with the West Bengal CM in attendance.

Cheers!

Sanjay Jha is a former national spokesperson of the Indian National Congress party. He also worked as a banker and an internet entrepreneur.

The post An Open Letter to Prashant Kishor, Who Has Misled Indians appeared first on SabrangIndia.