According to Yashant Kale, the officiating Superintendent of Police (SP) in Parbhani, Suryavanshi began complaining of severe chest pain early Sunday morning while in custody. He was immediately taken to the district civil hospital, where doctors examined him and pronounced him dead. Shahaji Umap, Deputy Inspector General (DIG) of Police for the Nanded Range, confirmed the sequence of events, stating that Suryavanshi and others were initially presented in court on Thursday and remanded to police custody for two days. On Saturday, they were shifted to judicial custody and transferred to the district jail, where the fatal incident occurred.

Dr Shivaji Sukre, Dean of the Government Medical College and Hospital (GMCH), Parbhani, had announced that a detailed post-mortem examination would be conducted by a team of senior doctors, including forensic and toxicology experts. The post-mortem will be performed in-camera to ascertain the precise cause of death.as per the post-mortem report that have been circulating on social media, Suryavanshi died owing to “shock due to multiple injuries.”

The incident has sparked outrage, particularly among Ambedkarite groups, as Suryavanshi was identified as a Bhim Sainik belonging to the Wadar community, a marginalised group. Prominent Dalit leader Prakash Ambedkar, in a statement on Monday, described the custodial death as “gut-wrenching, sickening, and intolerable.” He expressed particular concern that the death occurred despite Suryavanshi’s bail application being approved. Ambedkar added that his legal team had requested the court to ensure the post-mortem examination is conducted thoroughly, involving CT and MRI scans as well as forensic and pathological analyses. He further emphasised that the procedure should be filmed and conducted in a government hospital equipped with a forensic department to maintain transparency.

The custodial death of Somnath Suryawanshi — a Bhim Sainik belonging to the Wadar community — in Parbhani is gut wrenching, sickening and intolerable to say the least.

What is more intolerable that his death happened in judicial custody despite his bail application being…

— Prakash Ambedkar (@Prksh_Ambedkar) December 15, 2024

Anandraj Ambedkar, another prominent Ambedkarite leader, also condemned the incident, calling for immediate action against the police officers involved. He highlighted the broader context of arrests in Parbhani following the desecration incident, noting that many Ambedkarite activists were detained under various charges. On the night of December 11, 50 individuals were arrested, and 300 to 400 others were booked on charges of rioting and related offences. Suryavanshi was among those identified as suspects and was presented in court on December 12.

The custodial death of Suryavanshi has reignited long-standing concerns about police brutality, systemic discrimination against marginalised communities, and the misuse of custodial powers. For many in the Ambedkarite movement, the incident represents a stark reminder of the impunity often afforded to state authorities, particularly in cases involving Dalits and other oppressed groups. With protests expected to intensify, the incident is likely to put renewed pressure on the judiciary and the government to ensure accountability and justice.

Parbhani erupts in protests over desecration of constitution replica and custodial death

The town of Parbhani in Maharashtra’s Marathwada region has been gripped by unrest following the desecration of a replica of the Indian Constitution at a statue of Dr B. R. Ambedkar and the subsequent custodial death of 35-year-old Somnath Vyankat Suryavanshi. The protests, which began on December 10, escalated dramatically after Suryavanshi’s death on December 15, bringing issues of police accountability and caste-based violence to the forefront.

Desecration of Constitution replica triggers anger: On December 10, tensions erupted after an unidentified person vandalised a replica of the Constitution held by a statue of Dr Ambedkar near Parbhani Railway Station. The act, widely perceived as an attack on Dalit identity, sparked outrage. Around 200 people gathered near the statue, chanting slogans and demanding justice. As news of the incident spread, the protests turned violent, with acts of arson, stone-pelting, and vandalism reported across the town.

Protesters blocked railway tracks and disrupted train services, including roughing up the loco-pilot of the Nandigram Express. Public properties, including the district collector’s office, were damaged, with protesters smashing furniture and window panes. The bandh, initially intended to be peaceful, quickly turned violent. Protesters set pipes on fire outside shops, vandalised public properties, and attacked the district collectorate, prompting the police to fire tear gas to disperse the crowds. Acting Superintendent of Police Yeshwant Kale confirmed that the situation was eventually brought under control but acknowledged the deep-rooted anger among the Dalit community.

NCP-SP MP Fauzia Tahseen Khan, representing Parbhani, urged citizens to maintain peace while condemning the vandalism as deeply disrespectful to the Constitution. She also criticised the slow police response, which she said exacerbated tensions. Leaders of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and other groups extended support to the bandh, calling for justice and systemic reforms to prevent such incidents in the future.

Senior police officials, including Special Inspector General Shahaji Umap, were deployed to oversee the situation. The protests and violence have drawn attention to the state government’s failure to address caste-based violence effectively. Prakash Ambedkar reiterated his call for unity and non-violence while warning that the Dalit community’s patience should not be mistaken for weakness. He vowed to continue the fight for justice for Suryavanshi and protection of Dalit symbols like Ambedkar statues.

Notably, the police arrested 45-year-old Sopan Pawar, who was identified as the perpetrator. Initial reports described Pawar as a “disturbed” individual, but Dalit leaders dismissed these claims, insisting the act was deliberate and caste-motivated. The administration imposed prohibitory orders to prevent mass gatherings, while police used loudspeakers to urge calm.

The desecration drew strong reactions from across the political spectrum. Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi (VBA) leader Prakash Ambedkar called the incident “shameful” and demanded swift arrests of all those involved. Ambedkar warned that the failure to act decisively would lead to severe consequences. Union Minister Ramdas Athawale also condemned the act, urging protection for Ambedkar statues across the state to prevent future incidents.

Custodial death of Dalit man fuels protests: The unrest reached a boiling point on December 15 when Somnath Suryavanshi, a Dalit labourer and law student, died in judicial custody. Suryavanshi, who was arrested on December 12 for his alleged role in the earlier protests, was reportedly shifted to judicial custody on December 14. According to police, he complained of chest pain and was admitted to a hospital, where he died shortly after. However, Dalit leaders and activists have alleged that he succumbed to severe police brutality.

Suryavanshi, described as a committed Bhim Sainik and vocal activist from the Wadar community, had no prior criminal record. His arrest and sudden death in custody sparked outrage. Leaders, including Prakash Ambedkar, termed the incident “gut-wrenching” and demanded a transparent autopsy with video documentation to ensure accountability. VBA workers staged peaceful sit-ins, while Dalit organisations across the state called for a bandh to protest the custodial death.

Union Minister Athawale called for the dismissal of the police officials involved, a ₹25 lakh compensation for Suryavanshi’s family, and the withdrawal of charges against innocent individuals caught up in the protests. Activists also criticised the police for their indiscriminate arrests, which reportedly targeted over 300 locals, predominantly Dalits.

Social and political implications: The incidents in Parbhani highlight the simmering caste tensions in Maharashtra. The desecration of the Constitution replica and the custodial death of Suryavanshi are seen as symptoms of deeper systemic issues, including caste-based discrimination and police misconduct. The demands for justice have extended beyond individual accountability to include structural reforms, better protection for Dalit symbols, and more stringent action against caste-based violence.

As the Maharashtra Legislature begins its session in Nagpur, the government faces mounting pressure to take meaningful action. Dalit leaders have warned that failure to address these grievances could lead to further unrest. The Parbhani unrest has not only shaken the state but also reignited nationwide conversations about caste-based injustice and the need for comprehensive reforms in law enforcement and governance.

Postmortem procedures amid rising tensions

The postmortem of Somnath Venkata Surwanshi, who died in judicial custody, became a focal point of tension at the Government Medical College and Hospital (GMCH) in Parbhani. As news of his body reaching the hospital spread, a crowd of Ambedkarite leaders, activists, and youth gathered at the mortuary, demanding justice and accountability. Slogans were raised, reflecting the community’s anger and grief, prompting heavy police deployment to maintain order.

To ensure transparency, a team of five doctors was constituted to conduct the postmortem, supervised by the Sub-Divisional Officer and senior police officials. Dr Shivaji Sukre, the GMCH dean, personally inspected the mortuary to monitor the situation. Hospital sources confirmed that a CT scan would be mandatory before proceeding with the autopsy, aligning with standard practices in custodial death cases.

Our demand has been accepted!

The postmortem examination will take place in a government hospital which has a forensic department, and that the postmortem is filmed and undertaken by both the forensic and pathology department.

As I write this, the mortal remains of Somnath… https://t.co/vrfDQKDwSj

— Prakash Ambedkar (@Prksh_Ambedkar) December 15, 2024

However, delays marred the process as close relatives of the deceased were required to identify the body before the examination could begin. Surwanshi’s parents, travelling from Pune, had not reached GMCH by late evening, raising concerns about their whereabouts after relatives reported losing contact with them during the journey. Activists alleged that the family might have been intercepted, further fueling suspicions and unrest.

Family members have accused the police of assaulting Surwanshi, pointing to visible injuries on his body. His death, amidst allegations of custodial violence, has intensified calls for accountability, with the community and activists demanding a thorough and impartial investigation.

Opposition raises demands for accountability after Parbhani violence

The Maharashtra Congress has called for the suspension of Superintendent of Police Ravindrasingh Pardeshi following the recent violence in Parbhani town, which erupted after the desecration of a B.R. Ambedkar statue near the Parbhani railway station. Alleging police atrocities against the Dalit population, Congress State President Nana Patole termed the statue’s desecration a “grave insult” and demanded swift action against those responsible. Highlighting the legacy of icons such as Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, Shahu Maharaj, and Jyotirao Phule, Patole criticised the Maharashtra government, accusing Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis and his deputies of focusing on political portfolio allocations while neglecting public welfare.

Patole also condemned the police’s heavy-handed response, which included imposing a curfew, suspending internet services, halting public transport, and using tear gas and batons against Dalit protesters. This, he argued, reflected a lack of sensitivity in managing the situation. The Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi (VBA) and Jamaat-e-Islami Hind (JIH) echoed these concerns, with VBA President Prakash Ambedkar urging the cessation of arrests and combing operations in Dalit neighbourhoods. Ambedkar warned of intensified agitations if police action against Dalits did not cease soon. Similarly, JIH President Maulana Ilyas Khan Falahi described the statue’s desecration as a “provocative act” aimed at undermining the Constitution.

Shiv Sena (UBT) MP Sanjay Raut also weighed in, criticising the Maharashtra government over the custodial death of one of the accused, Somnath Surwanshi. Calling the death a “failure of the system,” Raut held Chief Minister Fadnavis, who also serves as home minister, responsible. Accusing the government of being “anti-constitutional,” Raut questioned how protectors of the Constitution were losing their lives under its administration. He vowed to raise the issue in the Rajya Sabha, further intensifying the political fallout of the Parbhani violence.

BJP defends police action amid unrest

Meghana Bordikar, BJP MLA from Jintur in Parbhani, defended the police’s actions in the wake of the violence in the town. In a statement following her swearing-in as a minister of state in the Maharashtra government on Sunday, Bordikar described the incident as unfortunate but emphasized that the police had acted swiftly, with the accused being arrested promptly. She further clarified that the death of Somnath Suryawanshi, one of the individuals involved in the unrest, was caused by a heart attack, dismissing allegations of custodial violence. Bordikar stated that the police were handling the situation appropriately and reassured the public that while Parbhani was observing a bandh, normalcy was gradually returning to the region.

Allegations of excessive force and custodial death

The death of Somnath Suryawanshi has brought to light the extent of police brutality in Parbhani, Maharashtra, during the aftermath of protests triggered by the desecration of a statue of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. Suryawanshi, who had no involvement in the violence on December 11, was arrested by the police along with many others from his slum settlement, Priyadarshini Nagar. His lawyer, Pawan Jondhale, stated that Suryawanshi was subjected to merciless beating by the police during his arrest and was not involved in the protest. On December 14, Jondhale had moved for his bail, citing Suryawanshi’s law exams and the possibility of him missing them if not released. Despite this, he remained in police custody, and his health deteriorated.

The allegations against the police are grave. Several other individuals, mostly young men and women from Dalit communities, have accused the police of using extreme force during the crackdown. According to activists on the ground, videos have emerged showing members of the local police and the State Reserve Police Force (SRPF) indiscriminately attacking people, including women and minors, in Dalit localities like Priyadarshini Nagar and Bhim Nagar. One of the most disturbing incidents captured on CCTV footage shows Vachala Bhagwan Manavte, a local woman who had just returned from work at a nearby hospital, being violently assaulted by the police. As Manavte tried to record the incident, she was dragged to the ground and kicked in her face and private parts. The footage supports her account, and she was later admitted to a local hospital with severe injuries across her body.

Despite claims by Special Inspector General Shahaji Umap that the police were forced to use “force” to control a mob, Manavte and many others targeted were not part of any violent crowd. The brutal actions extended to minor girls from Dalit families, who were reportedly beaten and named in one of the multiple FIRs filed by the police. Activist Rahul Pradhan, who has been working on the ground in Parbhani, described the police’s actions as “murderous anger” while speaking to The Wire. He stated that almost all those arrested suffered injuries and were sent to judicial custody without any medical treatment. In some cases, police reportedly surrounded the detainees, making it difficult for them to raise complaints about the violence.

In addition to this, while speaking to the team of SabrangIndia, activist Rahul Pradhan stated that “the desecration of Constitution and Babasaheb is despicable. B.R. Ambedkar has always been an advocate for democracy and protests. The violence that took place during the protests should be condemned and those who had indulged in it should be prosecuted. The police should follow the legal process in doing so. But, what is actually happening is that the police is weaponising the violence and indulging in a targeted crackdown against the Dalit community. Somnath has died in custody. There are many youth who remain inside the jail till now, and have suffered through many injuries. These people have even brutalised women and minors inside their own homes.”

Pradhan is raising his voice in this case and has demanded a judicial inquiry into the incident, calling for accountability for the police officers involved in the violence. He has also demanded compensation of Rs 50 lakhs for Suryawanshi’s family and Rs 10 lakhs for the other youth injured during the police crackdown. Additionally, they are seeking charges of murder and attempt to murder of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita 2023 against the guilty officers, along with charges under Sections 3(2) and 3(3) of the SC/ST Atrocities Act, which protect marginalised communities from violence and discrimination.

https://www.facebook.com/share/v/1GjAefRet4/?mibextid=wwXIfr 

The custodial death of Suryawanshi has further raised questions about the treatment of those in police custody. According to legal norms, when an accused person is produced before a magistrate, the magistrate is required to inquire whether they have been ill-treated during custody and check their medical reports. However, Suryawanshi’s lawyer, Jondhale, has indicated that this legal procedure was not followed, and many detainees were denied medical attention. The death of Suryawanshi in judicial custody has drawn sharp criticism, with activists calling for an independent judicial inquiry into the cause of his death. They have also demanded that the post-mortem be conducted in a hospital outside Parbhani to ensure impartiality, as local authorities are seen as compromised due to the ongoing tension.

In a broader context, this situation has drawn comparisons to the 2018 Bhima Koregaon violence, where police similarly targeted Dalit activists with what many believe were politically motivated arrests. Pradhan has called for the establishment of an independent judicial inquiry into the Parbhani incident, emphasising that the state’s actions against Dalits and Ambedkarite activists are part of a larger pattern of oppression. The activists’ demands are clear: justice for Suryawanshi and accountability for the police violence that has marred the investigation into the protests.

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De-mythifying Ambedkar

Iconoclast projects Ambedkar as a man of flesh and blood, who reflected the times in which he lived and endeavoured to achieve his goals. In contrast to the hyperbole often associated with his legacy, Teltumbde eradicates any element of myth and eulogy to convey the essence of the man behind the legend. Iconoclast projects Ambedkar as a man of flesh and blood, who was a product of his times and one who endeavoured to achieve his goals.

Quoting Teltumbde . “A biography often becomes a eulogy, an unquestioning celebration,” Teltumbde remarked. “That wasn’t the book I wanted to write, especially today when Ambedkar’s legacy is being co-opted across the political spectrum. “But upon reflection” – he continued, explaining the prefix ‘reflective’ before the biography – “I agreed to look at him not as a god to be worshipped, but a case study. If we are to be inspired by him, we must see him as a real person.”

Surgically, Teltumbde has both de-mythified and demystified Ambedkar who was often confusing and inconsistent figure. For example, Teltumbde recounts Ambedkar, writing a book supporting Partition and the creation of Pakistan, only to retract this position in a second edition.

In this work, Ambedkar is presented not as a deity of devotion but as an important case study for the present generation to learn from. The author traced the methodology with which he evaluated the Buddha, whom he regarded as his master, to present Ambedkar’s life and legacy with a critical analysis rather than mere eulogy.

Distinctive character of Ambedkar

Teltumbde recounts that there were several leaders who worked on different issues that ailed society but these leaders directed movements by the upper castes and did not concern with the caste exploitation of the majority of their own people. This realisation gave birth to the non- Brahmin movement of Jyotiba Phule and later to Dalit movements in various provinces with varying visions and approaches.

The book unravels that after the 1930s, Ambedkar overshadowed other Dalit leaders and ovements that mushroomed across various regions, becoming the most impactful leader for Dalits, who constituted one-sixth of India’s population However, despite his stature, he was casteinto into oblivion by the ruling classes after his death. Dalits had to struggle tooth and nail to erect his statues, and it took a decade even before a marker was established at his cremation site.

Ambedkar as distinguished from other leaders, singularly characterised the caste system as the main obstacle in India’s progress and demanded its annihilation. He characterised castes as not only a social evil but also a religious evil, and spoke of dynamiting the Hindu Dharmashastras that sustained it. After realising the impossibility of this task, he concentrated on the political solution and came in confrontation with stalwarts like Mahatma Gandhi. Even in his intellectual navigation, he challenged giants like Bertrand Russell and John Maynard Keynes. It is this very rebellious attitude towards established icons and ideas that makes him an iconoclast.

The author narrates, Ambedkar’s sheer hatred for Communism in his writings, quoting his stating that Communists had disregard for the Constitution and parliamentary democracy. He is also critical of Ambedkar’s silence against the RSS and Hindu Mahasabha and concludes that his goal was to alienate Communists or Marxist thinkers.

Distorted role in authoring the Constitution

Teltumbde also recounts how Ambekar’s role as architect behind the Constitution is a myth which had to be dispelled. This was evident in Ambedkar’s sentiments in the years after the Republic was formed. “Ambedkar said he was used as a hack to get the support of the Dalits for the book, and he would be the first one to burn the constitution.”

While Ambedkar did indeed make the most significant contribution among the seven members of the Drafting Committee, it is important to understand that he was not solely responsible for writing the Constitution. TT Krishnamachari, a member of the Drafting Committee,

acknowledged in November 1948 that the “burden of drafting this [revised] constitution” fell largely on Ambedkar because other members were unable to make “substantial contributions” due to “death, illness, and other preoccupations.” Additionally, Ambedkar’s role in piloting the draft constitution is evident from the Constituent Assembly debates, where he actively defended and explained its various provisions.

Ambedkar himself expressed anger with being labelled the “architect” of the Constitution. In a debate in the Rajya Sabha on September 2, 1953, he responded to a member’s remark by saying, “I was a hack. What I was asked to do, I did much against my will… My friends tell me that I have made the Constitution. But I am quite prepared to say that I shall be the first person to burn it out. I do not want it. It does not suit anybody.”

Important historical coverage

In detail, the author unravels the pro-caste policies of Mahatma Gandhi like his stand during Poona pact, which deprived Dalits of political power. Extensive coverage given to subject of annihilation of caste. In detail, the book describes how Ambedkar located the evils of caste  system in the Vedas, Shastras and Puranas. The book traces Ambedkar’s antagonism with Hinduism in retrospect to death of Ramabai and what drew him into Buddhism. Important reference to the temple entry Satyagrahas like the one at Mahad and the struggles of untouchables in Nasik and Pune. In immaculate depth, the author navigates how and why Ambedkar resorted to taking refuge in Buddhism.

Important aspects delved into in the book are aspects from the pre-independence era when episodes of class-caste struggle are explored, electoral politics, manifesto of Independent labour party, Annihilation of caste, the Moonje factor, Ramabai, Communal award, anti-Khoti bill, Manmad conference, bills of 1937 and 1938, tryst with parliamentary democracy and backward castes are markers. There is also a detailed look at how the Round Table Conference, Cripps Mission, Gandhi-Irwin pact and second World War shaped Ambedkar’s path.

The author also recounts details around the popular Strike of the Municipal Workers Union, where Ambedkar united with the Communists. Regretfully, the Communists did not acknowledge Ambedkar or his party, the Indian Labour Party. The book narrates Ambedkar’s ’travesty with post-  independence India in ‘Taste of Swaraj.’, dealing with his reaction to the ‘Constitutional state, Tricolour, Socialism, Buddhism embracement, Hindu code bill, Scheduled ‘caste refugees, and the 1951 elections.

Inspiring the modern generation

The book unravels the historical processes crucial for the new generation who risk falling into the trap of a blind-ed devotion to Ambedkar, unable to diagnose their own condition, the factors responsible for their plight, or what hinders their movement. Iconoclast paves the way for them to revisit him with a critical perspective, a process which can shape their politics and develop strategies for the future. Vested interests have promoted Ambedkar in a way that encourages his followers to merely glorify him rather than assess his ideas critically. Ambedkar’s ideals projected without the right guidance, has bred crass opportunism by this generation which can be seen in the significant support that Dalits have extended to the BJP, which glorifies Brahmanism.

Opponent to Brahmanical fascism

Teltumbde concludes that had he lived today, Bhimrao Ambedkar would undoubtedly been a serious threat to this regime and would likely have found himself imprisoned under draconian laws like UAPA, possibly even as the co-accused in the Bhima-Koregaon case.

Teltumbde reveals how Ambedkar was head and shoulders opposed to hegemonic Brahmanism, which the current regime glorifies. No one more acutely slapped the politics of the Sangh Parivar as sharply as he did when he stated, “If Hindu Raj does become a fact, it will, no doubt, be the greatest calamity for this country.… Hindu Raj must be prevented at any cost.” Tragically, in today’s scenario calling for his symbolic reincarnation among his followers, he would find no one morally abiding with him. Even the so-called Ambedkarites would not support him for not dancing in tune with their brand of Ambedkarism.

Flaws in the book

This book does not however adequately unravel Ambedkar’s negation of revolutionary class struggles or collusion with reformism, particularly in the Workers front projecting Ambedkar as a social revolutionary, rather than a social reformer. There are no words or analysis, no criticism of how Ambekar did not give a cutting edge to the class struggles or Communist influenced movements or the glaring contradictions between Ambedkarism and Marxism.

Icon-isation of the Iconoclast

In this concluding chapter Teltumbde concludes that Ambedkar’s conflating with the struggle of an entire people is unparalleled. In history. He also asserts that the icon was plagued with his share of limitations.

Significant parts are Teltumbde’s narration of the 1953 land Satyagraha in Marathwada, which he praised for taking up issue of land to the landless. It went on to unravel the subsequent Satyagrahas in 1964-65 engulfing Punjab. Madras, Mysore, Delhi, Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat and Maharashtra. They heroically withstood attempts of the state to shatter it, with 3,50,000 people imprisoned., which was unprecedented in India. It was the turning point in Dalits asserting their right to procure a concrete share of the wealth and not be restricted within the periphery of mere socio-cultural aspirations.

He also encompasses the formation of RPI, impact of Dalit Panther movement in 1973, role of Kanshiram, the Hindutva counter revolution, individual and collective empowerment of Dalits, impact of Ambedkar’s Praxis and Cultural state of Society today.

The author reflects on how the movement Ambedkar built is in tatters, with leaders thriving on the Ambedkar cult systematically patronised by the ruling classes. They have made the Marxists and Communists their prime target, instead of the Brahminic zealots. This has origins in the anti- communist slant of Ambedkar, who spoke against Marxism and Communism. The author professes that even after seven decades, Dalits are alienated from non-Dalits, and the Ambedkarite Dalit movement, with factor of untouchability, still intact. In view of the author, Ambedkarism has been the root cause of splits within the Dalit movement, be it Dalit Panthers or RPI. The Congress by projecting Ambekar as chief mentor the Constitution, made the Dalits embrace it as a holy text.

(The author is a freelance journalist)

The post Iconoclast: Path breaking biography of BR Ambedkar projects his human essence appeared first on SabrangIndia.

In his letter, Mevani alleged that Kumari, a senior bureaucrat in Gujarat, made discriminatory and derogatory comments about marginalised communities, especially Dalits and Adivasis, during an official government meeting. According to Mevani, the incident occurred on October 23 during the “Taluka Swagat Karyakram,” a public grievance redressal program under Gujarat’s SWAGAT (State-Wide Attention on Grievances by Application of Technology) initiative.

Mevani cited a recorded video as evidence, claiming it captures Kumari saying that 90% of cases registered under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, commonly known as the Atrocities Act, are used for blackmail rather than legitimate grievances. Mevani described these remarks as “appalling” and “casteist,” noting that they show disdain and disrespect for marginalised communities. He argued that Kumari’s statements go beyond mere insensitivity, instead representing a blatant violation of Section 3(1)(r) and Section 3(1)(s) of the Atrocities Act, which prohibit public servants from intentionally insulting or intimidating Schedule Caste/Schedule Tribe individuals. Under these sections, any form of humiliation, abuse, or threat against Scheduled Caste or Scheduled Tribe members by a public servant in a public space is considered a criminal offense, punishable by imprisonment and fines.

The letter further described Kumari’s derogatory language toward lawyers, who she reportedly said should be “slapped with slippers” if they support such grievances. Mevani argued that such remarks from a high-ranking official undermine the dignity of both SC/ST communities and legal professionals, whose role is to advocate for the marginalised. He requested that the President take immediate action to suspend Kumari and investigate her conduct, stressing that this behaviour reflects a broader pattern of casteist and patriarchal attitudes within the bureaucracy that must be addressed at the highest levels.

Mevani took to social media to put out the letter addressed to the President, stating “Request to His Excellency the President demanding the arrest of IAS Neha Kumari. On 23rd October, Gujarat’s Mahisagar district collector Neha Kumar (IAS) insulted a Dalit youth Vijay Parmar on the stage of a government program by saying, “You deserve to be beaten with a chappal, you bastard.” She said about lawyers, “They do the work of getting beaten with chappals” and also displayed her casteist thinking by saying that 90% of the atrocity cases are done for blackmailing! The use of these words is definitely worth filing an FIR under the Atrocities Act. Therefore, today a letter was written to His Excellency the President demanding to permanently dismiss Neha Kumari from her job and to register an FIR against her and ensure her immediate arrest.”

IAS नेहा कुमारी की गिरफ्तारी की मांग करते हुए महामहिम राष्ट्रपति जी की सेवा में निवेदन।

23 अक्टूबर को गुजरात के महिसागर जिले के कलेक्टर नेहा कुमार (IAS) ने सरकारी कार्यक्रम के मंच पर से दलित युवक विजय परमार को ” चप्पल से मारने के लायक है, हरामी साला” यह कहकर अपमानित किया। वकीलों… pic.twitter.com/Y1tWAZQ0Qg

— Jignesh Mevani (@jigneshmevani80) November 6, 2024

The letter may be read below:

Mevani has also demanded of the Gujarat government to immediately suspend Collector Neha Dubey if they do not endorse her statement. Mevani also demanded that a case be filed against the collector under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. His stance is also being supported by Gujarat Scheduled Castes Congress President Hitendra Pitharia who has raised the demand for the filing of an FIR against the collector by visiting the police station. As per a report of The Mooknayak, Pitharia said that when people in administrative positions harbour such casteist mindsets, it is distressing to imagine how ordinary Dalits and tribals will be treated. He called for the immediate suspension of Collector Neha Kumari and strict action against her.

Details of alleged casteist and unprofessional behaviour

The core incident, as provided by Mevani, occurred on October 23, 2024 during a SWAGAT program at the Mahisagar District Collectorate. This initiative, established by the Gujarat government, aims to address public grievances directly by allowing citizens to present issues to district officials. Vijay Parmar, a Dalit person, attended the event to raise grievances on behalf of marginalised communities. During his interaction with the Collector, Parmar reportedly recorded the conversation, capturing Kumari’s allegedly offensive remarks.

She made the contentious statements in her office before Parmar, a Dalit law student, whose video of the incident is now circulating widely. In the video, the collector reportedly described 90% of atrocity cases as “tools of blackmail” and stated that most women also file false cases under Section 498A. Additionally, she commented on lawyers, saying they deserve to be “hit with slippers.”

In the video, Kumari allegedly commented that marginalised communities, particularly Dalits, misuse the Atrocities Act to blackmail members of the general caste, thereby casting SC/ST individuals in a negative light. Mevani highlighted that such statements from a government officer overseeing public welfare and grievance redressal display deep-seated bias and perpetuate harmful stereotypes against SC/ST communities. Additionally, he noted that Kumari’s dismissive attitude toward Parmar’s grievances, coupled with her disparaging remarks about the legal profession, conveyed contempt for both the rights of marginalised people and the legal mechanisms designed to protect them.

Mevani also pointed out an incident where one of Kumari’s subordinates attempted to confiscate Parmar’s mobile phone on her instructions, seemingly to prevent him from recording the conversation. According to Mevani, this action demonstrated an authoritarian and non-transparent approach to governance, raising questions about the accountability of public servants. He emphasised that, contrary to any justification provided by Kumari’s office, there is no law prohibiting citizens from recording their interactions with government officials. He argued that the attempt to seize Parmar’s phone exemplified the excessive control that some bureaucrats exercise, stifling the voices of those seeking justice.

The video of the said incident may be viewed here:

https://x.com/jigneshmevani80/status/1851528836829085801

it is crucial to note that Mevani’s letter to the President was preceded by public demands he made on October 30 for Neha Kumari’s suspension. During a visit to Lunawada, the district headquarters, Mevani called for an FIR to be filed against Kumari under the Atrocities Act for her “insensitive” and “unparliamentary” language. He publicly condemned her alleged statement that 90% of cases filed under the Atrocities Act are intended for blackmail, asserting that such views demean SC/ST communities and undermine the purpose of protective legislation for historically marginalised groups.

Mevani’s appeal to the President thus represents a call for accountability and transparency within the government. He argued that the alleged casteist and authoritarian behavior by bureaucrats like Kumari must be addressed to maintain public trust in the administration. The letter underscores Mevani’s commitment to protecting SC/ST communities from bias and discrimination within the public sector, particularly when these groups seek redressal for grievances.

लुनावाडा के कलेक्टर द्वारा एट्रोसिटीज एक्ट पर की गई विवादित टिप्पणी के खिलाफ कल विरोध प्रदर्शन। pic.twitter.com/IQEYrUfXv5

— Jignesh Mevani (@jigneshmevani80) October 29, 2024

Neha Kumari’s response to the allegations raised by MLA Jignesh Mevani

As per multiple media reports, Neha Kumari dismissed Mevani’s claims as a “political stunt” aimed at gaining publicity. She defended her conduct, stating that Vijay Parmar, whom Mevani described as a “poor, innocent young friend,” has a criminal background, with police cases filed against him and serious allegations against his brother, including charges of rape, kidnapping, and assault. According to Kumari, Parmar and his family members frequently visit her office with grievances, often pressuring her to act outside her legal authority. At the SWAGAT program, Kumari claimed, Parmar demanded that she file a case against police officers, despite her explanation that such matters should be addressed with the Superintendent of Police (SP) or in court.

Kumari further stated that Parmar threatened her, warning her about his knowledge of Section 4 of the Atrocities Act, seemingly to intimidate her based on her caste identity. She argued that such actions constitute an abuse of the Act, as it was designed to protect genuine victims, not to be misused for personal vendettas. Kumari criticised Mevani’s support for Parmar, contending that it risks undermining law and order by encouraging individuals with criminal records to exploit the system. She claimed that the alleged misuse of the Atrocities Act complicates the pursuit of justice for legitimate victims, as it fosters skepticism among officials and distracts from genuine cases.

Relevant legal provisions applicable to the IAS Officer’s alleged conduct

The allegations against Mahisagar District Collector Neha Kumari, as described by MLA Jignesh Mevani, could potentially attract several legal provisions under Indian law due to her alleged casteist and derogatory comments, unprofessional behaviour, and attempts to obstruct public grievance redressal. The following are key legal provisions that may be relevant in this context:

1. Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989

The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, commonly known as the Atrocities Act, is intended to prevent discrimination, humiliation, and violence against members of SC/ST communities. The Act includes specific sections that criminalise any attempt by public servants to intimidate, insult, or humiliate SC/ST individuals, which are as follows:

• Section 3(1)(r): This section makes it an offense for any person to intentionally insult or intimidate, with the intent to humiliate, a member of a Scheduled Caste or Scheduled Tribe in any place within public view. In specific to this case, Kumari’s alleged remarks about SC/ST individuals misusing the Atrocities Act for blackmail and her casteist language during an official program could fall under this section. Since her comments were intended to demean or degrade SC/ST members in a public space, this section may be held to be applicable.

• Section 3(1)(s): This section makes it an offense to abuse or intimidate SC/ST individuals in any public place or within the jurisdiction of a public servant with the intent to humiliate. Herein, the alleged insults directed at Vijay Parmar, a Dalit person, during the public SWAGAT program may be considered a violation of this section, especially if they were intended to demean his status or dignity in a public setting.

• Section 4: This section holds that any public servant who, not fulfilling their duty of protecting SC/ST individuals from atrocities or discrimination, neglects to perform their responsibilities, shall face penalties under the Act. As provided above, Mevani’s claim that Kumari did not adequately address Parmar’s grievances, coupled with her alleged casteist remarks, could be interpreted as a failure to perform her duty as a public servant tasked with ensuring equal and fair treatment for all citizens, including SC/ST individuals.

2. Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023 

• Section 196: This section penalises any person who promotes enmity between different groups on grounds of religion, race, place of birth, residence, language, etc., and acts prejudicial to maintaining harmony. If Kumari’s alleged remarks were intended to incite prejudice or create enmity against the SC/ST community by labelling them as abusers of the Atrocities Act, this section might apply.

• Section 298: This section criminalises deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage the religious feelings of any class by insulting its religion or religious beliefs. Though generally used in religious contexts, this provision might be invoked if Kumari’s comments are interpreted as a deliberate insult to SC/ST cultural dignity or social beliefs, although the link is more tenuous.

• Section 356: This section makes it an offense to harm the reputation of a person or group by making defamatory statements. Kumari’s alleged comments may be seen as defaming SC/ST communities, casting them in a negative light by generalising them as blackmailers under the Atrocities Act, which may tarnish their reputation and dignity.
• Section 351: This section punishes intentional insult with the intent to provoke a breach of peace. If Kumari’s alleged comments were perceived as insults with the potential to incite anger or disrupt public order, she could be liable under this section.

3. Service Conduct Rules for Civil Servants

IAS officers are governed by the All India Services (Conduct) Rules, 1968, which outline the expected code of conduct for civil servants. Allegations raised against Kumari shows that she was in violation of the following:

• Rule 3: This rule emphasises that every member of the Service should maintain high ethical standards, act with integrity, and avoid any actions that could be interpreted as discriminatory or abusive.

• Rule 3(1)(iii): Specifically mandates that an officer should avoid comments or actions that are discriminatory or create any form of social divide.

In summary, the allegations levelled by MLA Jignesh Mevani against Collector Neha Kumari could potentially trigger multiple legal actions, particularly under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, and civil service conduct rules. If proven, her conduct might not only attract criminal penalties but could also result in disciplinary action under service regulations, reinforcing the principle of accountability for public servants in India. However, even getting a FIR registered in her name even after having video proofs seems to be a difficult task at the moment.

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The post Suspend Collector Neha Dubey, file cases against her for abusive anti-Dalit remarks under SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act: MLA Mevani to President Murmu appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The open letter and the protest come amid an ongoing controversy related to Mevani’s recent meeting with Pandian on October 15 when the ADGP allegedly insulted him. Mevani has stated that he went to meet Pandian to raise the land-related issues of Dalits in Kutch.

In his letter to Shah, Mevani  said, “With his behaviour, especially on the issue of land rights to Dalits, Rajkumar Pandian has not just misbehaved with an elected representative… he has insulted the dignity, rights and esteem of 50 lakh Dalits of Gujarat. This is unquestionably unacceptable and intolerable,” he added.  Mevani has posted the letter on his social media handle on X.

Also making a reference to Pandian’s jail term in connection with  the case of extra-judicial killimgs (“fake encounters”), Mevani also said, “…keeping in mind the history of accusations against and consequential jail term undergone by Pandian, I do see myself threatened.” Facing serious charges of such extra-judicial killings, Pandian was in jail for around seven years before he was discharged.

“I am compelled to say that if any harm is done to me, my life and property and/or the life and property of my family, and/or to the life and property of Shri Hitendra Pitadiya, and/or the life and property of any of my team members/associates; in any such case, Rajkumar Pandian should be held responsible,” he added.

Mevani is seeking the termination of Pandian, Mevani claimed, “I am convinced that such a bureaucrat occupying an office of such importance would always fail to serve the people, particularly the most marginal, namely Dalits. I therefore pray that in order to retain the sanctity and credibility of the Offices of the Police Department, you kindly  …give necessary instructions to the concerned authorities to move to terminate/suspend Rajkumar Pandian with immediate effect.”

Meanwhile, Gujarat Congress leaders and Dalit community members on Wednesday also gathered outside the DGP office in Gandhinagar and staged a protest, seeking the suspension of Pandian. Shouting slogans against Pandian, hundreds of people led by Mevani and senior Congress leaders, including Gujarat Pradesh Congress Committee (GPCC) president Shaktisinh Gohil and party MLAs, gathered outside the ‘Police Bhavan’.

“Anti-social elements have grabbed 20,000 bigha of land (1 bigha is 17,427 sq ft) belonging to Dalits, but IPS officer Pandian does not have the courage to get their land freed …When we went with an appeal, the IPS officer tried to suppress our voice…” said Mevani.

Talking to PTI, Pandian called the allegations “baseless,” and asserted the state police give due importance to the welfare and safety of weaker sections of society, including Dalits and tribals.

A delegation of senior Congress leaders also met DGP Vikas Sahay and submitted a memorandum, accusing Pandian of “absolutely unacceptable, improper and deplorable behaviour”.

(With inputs from PTI)

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Mainpuri, Uttar Pradesh

A Dalit youth in Mainpuri, while working on his own land, was attacked by a group of men. The authorities have registered a case involving assault and harassment against the Dalit community under the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989. As per reports, the police is now searching for the culprits who are currently absconding. The police have filed a complaint against one Munshi Khan and his associates. 

The victim has said in his complaint that on June 9 he was working on his plot when a couple of men came and started swearing at him. When he stood up to them, they started threatening to take his life and began to beat him. 

On June 7th, it was reported that a group of Dalit women protesting against liquor shops in Uttar Pradesh’s Mainpuri were beaten by the shop owners. The women were also subjected to casteist slurs and also threats to their life. 

Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh

On June 2nd, another horrifying incident took place in Lucknow, where a man urinated on the face of a Dalit labourer while he was taking an afternoon nap. The incident was even shot on camera and uploaded online after which it quickly went viral on social media.

The victim, Rajkumar Rawat, had been resting after a day’s work when the accused allegedly urinated on his face to wake him up. Rawat’s family has written a complaint to the police, who say that the investigation in the matter has started. 

This was the third incident from June reported from Uttar Pradesh. As per statistics, UP bears 28% of the total number of crimes committed against Dalit people across all over India. In 2022, a total of 57,428 crimes were reported to have been committed against Dalits in UP alone. 

Morena, Madhya Pradesh

In Morena, Madhya Pradesh, a Dalit sarpanch was reportedly tied to a tree and beaten. After the violence, the man was forced to flee his native village. The sarpanch of Koutharkalan panchayat has reportedly filed a complaint at the Porsa police station on Thursday. He had reportedly faced harassment over the past two years. The attackers had pressured him to leave his position and hand over his digital account details. However, after he refused to follow their demands, the goons allegedly took him to the outskirts of Koutharkalan, tied him to a tree, and brutally thrashed him, according to PTI. 

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The post Hate Watch: violence against Dalits fails to get attention appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The convenor of Karnataka Dalit Sangharsha Samiti in the district, Ramu Neelaghatta told Hindustan Times, “Few shops in the village refused to cut the hair of those belonging to the Dalit community just because of their caste. This has happened for years.” TLS Prema, the district’s social welfare deputy director, stated that after receiving complaints from Dalit leaders regarding discrimination in haircut shops, she and other officials visited these shops and started to sensitise people and ensure that Dalit people were able to receive haircuts. The department of social welfare also that they will be vigilant about such discriminatory instances in the future. 

A similar incident took place in the state on February 15, where two people were arrested and booked under the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act for reportedly practising untouchability in Koppal district. This took place after a person was denied a haircut in Halavarthi district. The person was also subjected to casteist comments. Local members of the Dalit community called for the closing such discriminatory shops, and accused fellow villagers of engaging in ‘discriminatory’ practices. In the aftermath of the incident, a peace meeting was held in the village which included the sub divisional magistrate Mahesh Malagatti and deputy superintendent of police Channappa Saravagol who also conducted an enquiry the same day. Another instance of a similar nature took place on the same data in Tamil Nadu’s Salem, as per a report by The Hindu, where a hairdresser in Kaveripuram was booked after he denied giving a haircut to a Dalit man. According to Times of India, he stated that, “Ramesh refused to cut my hair citing caste as the reason. Later on, I brought my son who was also refused for the same reasons.” Ilaiyaraja, who was subjected to the discrimination, recorded the instance on his mobile phone and later lodged a complaint with the Kolathur police station, who have booked him under the SC/ST Act. 

In June 2023, the New Indian Express reported how a simple act of discrimination was an outcome of heavy segregation and casteism practised against Dalits after the community stated that they were being charged rupees 500 for a haircut and, even were asked to pay to use chairs or sit on the stairs in local hotels in Rottigawad village in Hubballi, Karnataka, registering their protest on Thursday. The community took to the streets and heavily protested after which government officials visited the village and conducted an enquiry. The portal reported that even those local barbers who had no problem providing their haircutting services to Dalit persons, they were being threatened with their life to not cut their hair. 

Related:

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To include or exclude: process of including a Community in SC or ST list

Dalit groom attacked, threatened, and beaten off a horse at his wedding in Gujarat

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Collected Works sell sans Annihilation of Caste and the Riddles in Hinduism!

Who is afraid of the writings of Babasaheb Ambedkar? Both, the Modi and Phadnavis governments respectively; or so it seems.

For an average social scientist, Ambedkarite, a student of Indian freedom and inequality, when discussing Ambedkar and his most critical works, some names come immediately to mind.

These are, or are they or not, the Annihilation of Caste, or Riddles in Hinduism?  Even State and Minorities , Shudras and the Counter Revolution, Women and the Counter Revolution ?  Not for this regime(s) however. This government(s) – Centre and Maharashtra — would have us believe that the seminal or important works of this man are only his writings on the Roundtable Conference or his works related to Poona Pact, or his debates with Gandhi.

Now imagine a set of books, the official collection, copyright of which is with the Government of Maharashtra, re-branded as the (truncated) Collected Works of Bhimrao Ambedkar (CWBA) but without these seminal texts that cast a sharp and critical look at caste-ridden Hindu society.

This is exactly the farce that is being played out at India’s premier Book Fair currently on in the capital right now. The Delhi Book Fair. The Ambedkar Foundation, a Government of India body under the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, the sole publisher of Babasaheb’s writings and speeches in Hindi, is selling the Collected Works without 11 books from the set ! Among the missing books in the Collected Works in Hindi are Anhilation of Caste and Riddles in Hinduism.

The official explanation is that the Ambedkar Foundation is in the process of publishing a new set of the Collected Works –and in the intermediate period — this truncated Collected Works is what they have to offer to the readers. But none at the Foundation (whom this writer spoke to), knows exactly when the new set of books will be published. This is the status of the Hindi edition of the CWBA.

For the English originals, the situation is more complicated. As the Foundation has not received the No Objection Certificate or the NOC from the Maharashtra Government, the copyright holder of these works, the Foundation cannot publish the English versions of the CWBA. It’s intriguing that the Maharashtra government that holds the publishing rights for the writings and speeches of Babasaheb is resisting sending this NOC to the central government affiliated Foundation!

In the meanwhile, citizens of the country have no option but to buy a truncated set of the Collected Works.  These acts of the Modi and Phadnavis  governments come at a time when the year is being celebrated, nationwide, for the 125^th Birth Anniversary of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar. Prime Minister Narendra Modi himself has himself taken the lead in these celebrations. The Indian Parliament has held a two days special session to mark this occasion; a special commemorative coin has also been issued.

Is this celebration, then, just a façade for the Modi Government ? On the outside there are clever moves to appropriate Babasaheb; the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) have declared him a ‘thinker’ or a ‘Guru’. But in essence, while this shallow eulogising continues, the radical social scientist and critical thinker in Babasaheb is being white-washed.

Dr. Ambedkar, while delivering his concluding speech before the Constituent Assembly, had forewarned us about the problems with hero worship. This regime, adept at ‘event management’ is simply trying to appropriate an idol. By suppressing Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar’s critical works, the RSS driven regime is trying to rob the revolutionary essence contained in the writings of Babasaheb.  While both the BJP and the RSS want to appropriate Babasaheb, his writings are, in a sense, too hot for them to handle. As a symbol to garner votes, Babasaheb is a welcome appropriation to the Hindutva  pantheon. But their affection for him ends there.

Why are Ambedkar himself and the Ambedkarite movement a Catch 22 for the RSS and the Sangh Parivar ?  Because, it has always faltered in its dealings with the issue of Caste. The centrality of caste in the democratic discourse of Ambedkarite stream of thought is a stumbling block for the avowed objective of the RSS in establishing upper caste Brahamanic hegemony in the country. In the Anhilation of Caste, Ambedkar actually advocates the demolishing of certain Hindu religious texts to enable Hindus to be really free. His writings are therefore extremely problematic for any organisation that seeks to re-affirm or consolidate caste hegemony.

And therein lies the rub. With Ambedkar and his legacy of radical critical thought, a searchlight is shone on aspects of the Indian (read Hindu) social and political structure that reactionary forces like the RSS and the BJP would prefer to conceal. In this year of the 125^th Birth Anniversary of Ambedkar, the choice is clear. Dr BR Ambedkar’s writings and thoughts need to be recognised in their completeness. In toto. By hollowing out his Collected Works of their seminal portions, the regimes in Delhi and Maharashtra seek to sanitise this legacy. A strong vibrant Dalit tradition will not so easily allow this mis-appropriation.

 Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Writings and Speeches

(The writer is a senior journalist, former managing editor India Today group and presently researching at the Jawaharlal Nehru Univreristy (JNU) on Media and Caste relations)

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The institute shockingly, failed to intervene. Even worse, the names of the signatory students who had signed the letter was made public. One masters’ student, who was among those instrumental in getting students together to sign the protest letter, has even been arrested!

It is a 23-year-old student belonging to a Dalit community from Latur district was arrested on January 22. This arrest took place after a senior student filed an FIR against him for putting out a status on WhatsApp against the frenzy created all around on the consecration day. In this post, the student took a critical view of the “celebration.” This was a copied post from another fellow student. In fact, many students had put out social media statuses in protest of the ongoing celebrations on the IIPS campus. However only this one student was singled out and arrested

Some students that The Wire spoke to say that the post was a mere excuse. “The said student would have become a target anyway. Many students and even the administration were not happy with the student and his friends’ endeavour of organising students against the Ram Mandir celebration,” said one of the students, who too had signed the letter sent to the director.

In the letter, the students have written: “IIPS is a multicultural campus annually organising various celebrations which includes Ganesh Chaturthi, Dussehra, Christmas, etc. which epitomises the promise of grooming a secular young generation who can contribute prosperity to a diversified nation-state like India. But the celebration of Ram temple consecration is a pure act of political agenda orchestrated by the various outfits, which can harm the secular sentiments of students while celebrating in an institute like IIPS, where such celebrations cannot be done.” In the letter, the students sought restrictions on celebrations on campus and said the celebration had the potential of “further deepening the divisions among student fraternity by spreading hate and fear”. The Wire has a copy of the letter.

 The letter was overlooked. But after the student’s arrest, those who had submitted the letter were even forced and bullied into writing an apology. Quite contrary to the concerns raised in the earlier letter, the students this time round were made to apologise for “hurting sentiments of those celebrating the Ram temple consecration.” Both the letters were addressed to the director.

Not only is such an arrest of a student from campus is unusual as normally, the police never enter the space without the institute administration’s permission. Instead of immediately criminalising the issue, whenever there is such a dispute between students, a complaint is made first with the institute before escalating it with the police. But here, the complainant from a second-year master’s student, went directly to Govandi police station. It was also entertained. The student was booked under Section 153 (A) and 295 (A) of the Indian Penal Code for “creating enmity between religion”.

The police in the remand application claimed that the student had offended “Hindu students with his WhatsApp post.” The student was arrested and kept in police custody for two days. On the third day as he was sent to Arthur Road central jail, a local court granted him bail.

The student is back on campus. The Wire even reached out to him for comment but he did not want to speak.

As an aftermath of the Ram Mandir consecration ceremony, students’ organisations like the Ambedkar Student Association (ASA) have been disbanded. A student, who was a part of the association, said that soon after the arrest, students dropped out and their WhatsApp group was deleted. “We are being targeted for our political understanding and assertion. Most of us come from poor family backgrounds and we don’t have the wherewithal to fight the right-wing forces. So, students just decided to dismantle the group,” a student who was earlier associated with the ASA said.

Apart from this institute, even the prestigious Film and Television Institute (FTII) saw violence break out over protests against the January 22 Ayodhya event. Though the issue there was some of the students wanting to show Anand Patwardhan’s documentary Ram ke Naam, here too goons from outside somehow got to know, were allowed inside the campus and in fact indulged in violence against FTII students.

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An excerpt from Ram Puniyani’s latest book, Ambedkar, Hindutva and RSS

As the country came forward to celebrate the 125^th birth Anniversary of Dr. Bhimrao Babasaheb Ambedkar, (14^th April 2016) there was a sort of competition amongst different political and social groups to hold the anniversary programs. While dalit groups have been organizing these programs all through, lately many other organizations have also started organizing programs to honor Babasaheb. There are attempts to appropriate his legacy. Amulya Gopalkrishnan points out, “The most brazen ownership attempt comes from BJP and RSS, whose worldview is exactly what Ambedkar considered his mission to Annihilate.” [1] RSS parivar have been doing it from last quite some time. Their mouth pieces in Organiser (English) and Panchjanya (Hindi) both brought out the special issues praising Babasaheb (2015).

In an interview RSS prachar pramukh (publicity Chief) Manmohan Vaiday said that RSS reverence for Ambedkar is not new. According to him “Babasaheb was never anti Brahmin. He was against all forms of casteism and caste based discrimination.” [2] This statement of Vaidya cleverly hides the fact that Ambedkar was against Brahminism.

Commemorating the 125th birth anniversary of Dr B.R. Ambedkar, PM Narendra Modi (14 April 2016) said that Ambedkar fought against injustice in society and his fight was for equality and dignity. Modi, who paid tributes to the father of the Constitution, said that he was fortunate to grace the occasion at the leader’s birthplace, Mhow, in Madhya Pradesh. [3]

In order to gain larger legitimacy, RSS has been making claims of sorts. One such is that Ambedkar believed in Sangh ideology (Feb 15, 2015). This was stated by RSS Sarsanghchalak, Mohan Bhagwat. Just one year ago on the occasion of Ambedkar’s 124^th anniversary many programs were held by RSS combine giving a pro-Hindutva tilt to ideology of Ambedkar [4].

There cannot be bigger contrast between the ideology of Ambedkar and RSS. Ambedkar was critical of Brahaminical Hinduism, was for Indian Nationalism, Secularism and social justice while the RSS ideology is based on two major pillars. One is the Brahmanic Hinduism and second is the concept of Hindu nationalism, Hindu Rashtra.

Where does Ambedkar stand as for as ideology of Hinduism is concerned? He called Hinduism as Brahminic theology. We understand that Brahminism has been the dominant tendency within Hinduism. He realized that this prevalent version of Hinduism is essentially a caste system, which is the biggest tormentor of untouchables-dalits. Initially he tried to break the shackles of caste system from within the fold of Hinduism. He led the Chavadar Talab movement, Kalaram Mandir agitation. He also went on to burn Manu Smriti, the holy Hindu text saying that it is a symbol of caste and gender hierarchy.

His critique of Brahminism was scathing and in due course he came to the conclusion that he will give up Hinduism. In his book ‘Riddles of Hinduism’ published by Govt. of Maharashtra (1987) he elaborates his understanding about Hinduism. Introducing his book he writes, “The book is an exposition of the beliefs propounded by what might be called Brahminic theology…I want to make people aware that Hindu religion is not Sanatan (eternal)…the second purpose of the book is to draw the attention of Hindu masses to the devices of Brahmins and make them think for themselves how they have been deceived and misguided by Brahmins” [5].

His analysis of Hinduism was deep and incisive. He says Hindusim is “nothing but a mass of superficial, social, political and sanitary rules and regulations, organized around caste…” [6]. Further he states “no matter what the Hindus say Hinduism is a menace to liberty, equality and fraternity. On that count it is incompatible with democracy” (quoted in above). Ambedkar had started moving away from Hinduism in 1935 itself when he had publicly declared that he was not going to die as a Hindu. In 1936, he had attended the Sikh Missionary Conference as he had toyed for some time with the idea of embracing Sikhism. In 1936, Ambedkar also wrote and published Annihilation of Caste, his undelivered presidential address to the Jat-Pat-Todak Mandal Conference at Lahore. At the end of his written address, Ambedkar reiterated his resolve to give up Hinduism. [7]

He said “I have decided for myself. My conversion is sure as anything. My conversion is not for any material gain. There is nothing which I cannot achieve by remaining an Untouchable. My conversion is purely out of my spiritual attitude. The Hindu religion does not appeal to my conscience. It does not appeal to my self-respect. However, your conversion will be both for material as well as for spiritual gains. Some persons mock and laugh at the idea of conversion for material gain. I do not feel hesitant in calling such persons stupid.”[8]

Lord Ram is the major symbol of Cultural Nationalism propounded by RSS. Let’s see what Ambedkar has to say about Lord Ram. For Lord Ram “The life of Sita simply did not count. What counted was his own personal name and fame. He of course does not take the manly course of stopping this gossip, which as a king he could do and which as husband who was convinced of his wife’s innocence he was bound to it.” And further, “For 12 years the boys lived in forest in Ashram of Valmiki not far from Ayodhya where Rama continued to rule. Never once in those 12 years this model Husband and living father cared to inquire what has happened to Sita whether she was alive or dead, …Sita preferred to die rather than return to Ram who had behaved no better than a brute.” The signals to the Dalits in Hindutva cultural Nationalism are more than glaringly obvious as the Lord demonstrates in his own life, “…he was a Shudra named Shambuk who was practicing Tapasya with a view to going to heaven in his own earthly person and without so much as a warning, expostulation or the like addressed to him, cut off his head…”[9].

Ambedkar envisioned ‘annihilation of caste’, which remains unfulfilled despite India getting Independence. Multiple factors have operated in the society due to which caste still remains a major factor in India. In contrast to Ambedkar’s ‘Annihilation of Caste’ the politics of RSS combine says that there should be ‘harmony amongst different castes’ and so they have formed an organization called ‘Samajik Samrasta Manch’ (Social Harmony Forum). Contrasting approach to social issues, Ambedkar and RSS!

Core of RSS political ideology is Hindutva or Hindu nationalism. Ambedkar engaged with this issue in much depth, particularly in his classic book ‘Thoughts on Pakistan’. In this book he deals with the question of Hindu nationalism as represented by Savakar; the progenitor of RSS ideology of Hindu nation; and Jinnah, leading the ideology of Muslim nationalism, Pakistan.  “Strange as it may appear Mr. Savarkar and Mr. Jinnah instead of being opposed to each other on the ‘one nation versus two nations’ issue are in complete agreement about it. Both agree, not only agree but insist that there are two nations in India-one the Muslim nation and the other the Hindu nation.” he continues, “They differ only as regards the terms and conditions on which the two nations should be. Jinnah says India should be cut up into two, Pakistan and Hindustan, the Muslim nation to occupy Pakistan and the Hindu nation to occupy Hindustan. Mr. Savarkar on the other hand insists that, although there are two nations in India, India shall not be divided into two parts, one for the Muslims and the other for Hindus; that the two nations shall dwell in one country and shall live under the mantle of one single constitution: that the constitution shall be such that the Hindu nation will be enabled to occupy a predominant position that is due to it and the Muslim nation to made to live in the position of subordinate co-operation with the Hindu nation.” [10]

He was for composite Indian Nationalism, “Is it not a fact that under the Montague Chelmsford reforms in most provinces, if not in all, the Muslims, the non-Brahmins and Depressed Classes united together and worked for the reforms as members of one team from 1920 to 1937? Here in lay the most fruitful method of achieving communal harmony among Hindus and Muslims and of destroying the danger of Hindu Raj. Mr. Jinnah could have easily pursued this line. Nor was it difficult for Mr. Jinnah to succeed in it.” [11]

He was totally opposed to the concept of Hindu Raj as well. In the section “Must There Be Pakistan” he says, “If Hindu Raj does become a fact, it will, no doubt, be the greatest calamity for this country. No matter what the Hindus say, Hinduism is a menace to the liberty, equality and fraternity. On that account it is incompatible with democracy. Hindu Raj must be prevented at any cost.” [12]

On all associated matters related to affirmative action for weaker sections of society, rights and status of religious minorities their positions are totally contrasting. Even in the matters of the very Constitution of India, Ambedkar was the chairman of its drafting committee while many a sections from RSS stable have called it as anti Hindu and need to bring in Hindu Constitution based on Indian Holy books. When Constituent Assembly had finalised the Constitution (November 26, 1949), the RSS was not happy. It demanded the Manusmriti as the constitution of India. The Organiser, in an editorial on November 30, 1949, complained: “But in our constitution there is no mention of the unique constitutional development in ancient Bharat. Manu’s laws were written long before Lycurgus of Sparta or Solon of Persia. To this day, his laws as enunciated in the Manusmriti excite the admiration of the world and elicit spontaneous obedience and conformity. But to our constitutional pundits, that means nothing”. [13]

This attempt by RSS equating Ambedkar’s ideology with that of its own is like putting wool in the eyes of people. This is aimed to achieve their political goals and to get legitimacy from amongst the sections of people who are deeply wedded to ideological values of Ambedkar.

Foot Notes

1. Amulya GopalKrishnan, Times of India,  Mumbai April 14, 2016
2. Manmohan Vaiday, Interview, Times of India Mumbai April 14, 2016
3. http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/at-ambedkars-birthplace-pm-modi-praises-dalit-icon-says-his-fight-was-for-equality-dignity/1/642882.html
4. http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/mohan-bhagwat-ambedkar-sangh-ideology-rss/1/418998.html
5. B.R. Ambedkar, Riddles of Hinduism, Government of Maharashtra, 1988, Introduction
6. Quoted in Amulya GopalkrishanaQuoted TOI 14 04 2016 Mumbai
7. http://bihar.humanists.net/B.%20R.%20Ambedkar.htm
8. http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00ambedkar/txt_ambedkar_salvation.html
9. B.R. Ambedkar, Riddles of Rama and Krishna, Govt of Maharashtra 1988, Mumbai
10. B.R. Ambedkar, Thoughts on Pakistan, Third section, chapter VII
11. B.R. Ambedkar, Thoughts on Pakistan, P. 359, Government of Maharashtra, Mumbai
12. http://ecumene.org/IIS/csss101.htm
13. http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/ram-madhav-b-r-ambedkar-indian-constitution-no-love-for-ambedkar-2766152/#sthash.n7EF2sYb.dpuf

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Supply Sodium Cynanide and a Rope to every Dalit student-Rohit to the VC a month before he took his life

This letter, dated December 18, 2015 has not been so widely quoted nor has it gone viral. It is a comment on all of us, especially those of us in the media, that we failed to read the warnings or feel the anguish.  After all it is since August 2015 that the social boycott and ostracizing of Dalit students, including Rohith was systematically afoot. That is close to five months ago.

Nearly a month to the day that he tragically gave up the struggle to live and took his own life, on December 18, 2015, a hand-written letter from Rohith Vemula to Vice Chancellor Appa Rao says it all. Taunting and tragic, the note will now be read as a precursor of what was to come. In a hand-written scrawl that hints at acute desperation, he says, “Your Excellency (addressed to the Vice Chancellor Appa Rao) “make preparations for the EUTHANASIA for students like me from the Ambedkarite movement…and may your campus rest in peace forever.”

The letter traces the officially sanctioned “social boycott” of Dalit students after they took on a member of the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) for his derogatory remarks to the Dalit students. “Donald Trump will be a Lilliput in front of you,” Rohith tells Appa Rao then offering a piece of chilling advice. “Please serve 10 miligram of Sodium Azide to all the Dalit students at the time of admission…Supply a nice rope to the rooms of all Dalits students..”The text of the letter can be read here and a scanned hand written copy seen here.

Now we know, and fret over the fact that his Rs 25,000 per month stipend (as of all his other suspended colleagues) was stopped after suspension and he had to borrow money, even from home, to survive the struggle. Now that he is dead we listen to the plight and anguish of his family. Why did we not listen before? As the isolation and anguish built up to make Rohith take a step so final that it signalled no return? Yes, we are all to blame.

“After the stipend was stopped, his family was struggling to support him. He borrowed Rs 40,000 from a friend and was living frugally. Almost every day, he used to say that his money was stuck,’’ said Velmula Sankanna, a fellow PhD scholar and one of the other five students who were suspended. “In December, Rohith wrote an angry letter to the V-C, sarcastically asking him to provide euthanasia facilities for Dalit students. Since then, he was scared to go to the administration building and ask about his stipend. He became silent and withdrawn. He said that he was falling into depression because he was being defeated by the system at every turn. He blamed himself, his caste, and the circumstances around him. He did not take much interest in anything except studies,’’ added Sankanna, a close friend.

We did not rise to feel, see or appreciate the seriousness implicit in the warnings. In August 2015, a questionable mode of ‘suspension’ of five singled out students of the Ambedkar Students Association (ASA) followed by the arbitrary stopping of their scholarship stipend, further followed by their being locked out of their rooms from January 4, 2016. Yet they fought on, sleeping out near the shopping complex in the cold. Awaiting fair hearing, democratic space for protest(s) and justice.

From the night of January 4, 2016 until today the sleep out protests continue.

After the tragic and unnecessary loss of the life of a budding science scholar, a proud Ambedkarite, will justice and fair hearing happen? Yesterday in a fully articulated representation to PL Punia, Chairperson of the National Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Commission, the Joint Action Committee for Social Justice, University of Hyderabad (UoH) has demanded:

• Punish the Culprits under the SC/ST Atrocities Act:
• Banadaru Dattareya, Union Cabinet Minister of State for Labour and Employment
• P Appa Rao, Vice Chancellor
• Professor Alok Pandey, Chief Proctor
• Susheel Kumar, ABVP President
• Ramchandra Rao, MLC
• Remove P Appa Rao from the post of Vice Chancellor
• Employ a family member of Rohith Vemula at the University of Hyderabad and give his family Rs 50 lahs in compensation
• Drop the fabricated cases against five Dalit Research Scholars immediately and unconditionally
• Revoke the suspension of Students immediately and unconditionally

The Anger Spreads; Demands for resignation of Vice Chancellor Appa Rao

Anger and grief are potent combinations and both were visible in plenty at the mortuary of the Osmania Hospital on Monday, January 18 where Rohith Velumal lay, a day after he tragically ended his own life. His mother’s anguished cry says it all, ““I used to proudly tell everyone in my village that my son was doing PhD at Hyderabad University. Today, I have come to collect his dead body.’’ The family is from Gurazala near Guntur, his mother a tailor and father, Manikumar a security guard at the Hyderabad University. Rohith has two siblings, an elder sister and a younger brother.

Over 1200 students of the University of Hyderabad (UoH) participated in a rally on Monday evening and have resolved to protest on Tuesday, January 19 and not allow the university to function until the current Vice Chancellor, Appa Rao steps down. Before the rally, his close friends and colleagues, along with his family were present at the cremation of Rohith in Hyderabad. (see Image story)

Simultaneous and spontaneous protests continued through the day yesterday at Hyderabad, Vishakhapatnam, Mumbai and Delhi. The road outside Shastri Bhavan, the office of Smriti Irani, the Ministry for Human Resources Development (MHRD) was cordoned off akin to a war zone (see pictures). In Hyderabad, a visit from the chairperson of the Scheduled Caste/Scheduled Tribes Commission allayed feelings somewhat.

Though it is Rohith is the one who has made the most recent and most tragic sacrifice, the question is whether it will still open India’s eyes and hearts?

We read every other day not just of the social boycott of Dalit children in the mid day meal schemes. In ‘Dravidian’ politics ruled Tamil Nadu colour bands on Dalit students brand them with their caste. There is little political, social or cultural outrage. The television channels, packed as they are with ‘journalists’ most of whom sport a myopic caste consciousness of the elite Indian that simply excludes any mention of discrimination or exclusion while badgering home ‘the banner of tolerance’, rarely flag anti-Dalit atrocities as an institutional ill to be faced squarely then remedied.
In ‘progressive’ west India the discrimination takes similar forms, and examples abound. In Phugana, three young Dalit children, one a baby was burnt alive in a burst of Rajput rage.

Just like the Blacks fought (and have barely won) the Civil Rights battle in the West – last year’s incidents at Fergusson are evidence of how thinly layered this success is –it is privileged India, caste Hindus who need to hang their heads in acknowledgement, first, and the, shame.

We need to internalize what Dalit students experience when they enter schools, colleges and universities and break the glass ceiling and enter India’s famed institutions of higher learning, the IITs, the IIMs and Universities.

Not only is the percentage of Dalit students who enter higher educational institutions small. They are subject to insidious caste practices and exclusion that batters the hard earned self-esteem. A dangerous argument of ‘meritocracy’ cloaks well organized money and caste induced privilege.

This everyday institutional and societal exclusion and othering needs to be acknowledged squarely by each and one of us.

It is time we ask difficult ourselves some hard and uncomfortable questions.

What kind of history do we teach? Who are our heroines and heroes?
How many Dalits are there in the media, print and television?
How many Dalits in Institutions of power and governance?

The Dalit experience says that entering the corridors of elite educational institutions like Indian Institute of Technologies (IIT) and Indian Institute of Managements and Central Universities for scores of Dalit students is like walking into a living hell, where the fear of being shamed and humiliated hangs heavy on the heart and soul of every student.

Before Rohit, we lost Senthil Kumar and Nagaralu Koppalas, also in the Central University of Hyderabad. Have these earlier losses, deaths of young men in their prime been internalized and taught the UoH any lessons worth learning? The recent and continuing unfair suspension of Dalit scholars would appear to suggest that no lessons have yet been learned.

Is India willing ready and able to accept her Not So Hidden Apartheid?

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