First Published on: 11 Apr 2016

On his 189^th Birth Anniversary, April 11, we bring to you excerpts from Jyotiba Phule’s path breaking work, severely criticising Brahminism and the Caste System

Jyotiba Phule was born on April 11, 1827

If a Bhat happened to pass by a river where a Shudra as washing his clothes, the Shudra had to collect all his clothes and proceed to a far distant spot, lest some drops of the (contaminated) water should be sprayed on the Bhat. Even then, if a drop of water were to touch the body of the Bhat from there, or even if the Bhat so imagined it, the Bhat did not hesitate to fling his utensil angrily at the head of the Shudra who would collapse to the ground, his head bleeding profusely.

On recovering from the swoon the Shudra would collect his blood- stained clothes and wend his way home silently. He could not complain to the Government Officials, as the administration was dominated by the Bhats. More often than not he would be punished stringently for complaining against the Bhats. This was the height of injustice!

It was difficult for the Shudras to move about freely in the streets for their daily routine, most of all in the mornings when persons and things cast long shadows about them. If a `Bhat Saheb’ were to come along from the opposite direction, the Shudra had to stop by the road until such time as the `Bhat Saheb’ passed by – for fear of casting his polluting shadow on him. He was free to proceed further only after the `Bhat Saheb’ had passed by him.

Should a Shudra be unlucky enough to cast his polluting shadow on a Bhat inadvertently, the Bhat used to belabour him mercilessly and would go to bathe at the river to wash off the pollution. The Shudras were forbidden even to spit in the streets. Should he happen to pass through a Brahmin (Bhat) locality he had to carry an earthen-pot slung about his neck to collect his spittle. (Should a Bhat Officer find a spittle from a Shudra’s mouth on the road, woe betide the Shudra!)…….

[[The Shudra suffered many such indignities and disabilities and were looking forward to their release from their persecutors as prisoners fondly do. The all-merciful Providence took pity on the Shudras and brought about the British raj to India by its divine dispensation which emancipated the Shudras from the physical (bodily) thraldom (slavery). We are much beholden to the British rulers. We shall never forget their kindness to us. It was the British rulers who freed us from the centuries-old oppression of the Bhat and assured a hopeful future for our children. Had the British not come on the scene (in India) (as our rulers) the Bhat would surely have crushed us in no time (long ago.)]]

Some may well wonder as to how the Bhats managed to crush the depressed and down-trodden people here even though they (the Shudras) outnumbered them tenfold. It was well-known that one clever person can master ten ignorant persons
(e.g. a shepherd and his flock). Should the ten ignorant men be united (be of one mind), they would surely prevail over that clever one. But if the ten are disunited they would easily be duped by that clever one. The Bhats have invented a very cunning method to sow seeds of dissension among the Shudras. The Bhats were naturally apprehensive of the growing numbers of the depressed and down- trodden people. They knew that keeping them disunited alone ensured their (the Bhats’) continued mastery ever them. It was the only way of keeping them as abject slaves indefinitely, and only thus would they be able to indulge in a life of gross indulgence and luxury ensured by the `sweat of the Shudras’ brows. To that end in view, the Bhats invented the pernicious fiction of the caste-system, compiled (learned) treatises to serve their own self-interest and indoctrinated the pliable minds of the ignorant Shudras (masses) accordingly.

Some of the Shudras put up a gallant fight against this blatant injustice. They were segregated into a separate category (class). In order to wreak vengeance on them (for their temerity) the Bhats persuaded those whom we today term as Malis (gardeners), Kunbis (tillers, peasants) etc. not to stigmatise them as untouchables.

Being deprived of their means of livelihood, they were driven to the extremity of eating the flesh of dead animals. Some of the members of the Shudras community today proudly call themselves as Malis (gardeners), Kunbis (peasants), gold-smiths, tailors, iron smiths, carpenters etc, on the basis of the avocation (trade) they pursued (practised), Little do they know that our ancestors and those of the so¬called untouchables (Mahars, Mangs etc.) were blood-brothers (traced their lineage to the same family stock).

Their ancestors fought bravely in defence of their motherland against the invading usurpers (the Bhats) and hence, the wily Bhats reduced them to penury and misery. It is a thousand pities that being unmindful of this state of affairs, the Shudras began to hate their own kith and kin.

The Bhats invented an elaborate system of caste-distinction based on the way the other Shudras behaved towards them, condemning some to the lowest rung and some to a slightly higher rung. Thus they permanently made them into their proteges and by means of the powerful weapon of the `iniquitous caste system,’ drove a permanent wedge among the Shudras.

It was a classic case of the cats who went to law! The Bhats created dissensions among the depressed and the down- trodden masses and are battening on the differences (are leading luxurious lives thereby).

The depressed and down­trodden masses in India were freed from the physical bodily) slavery of the Bhats as a result of the advent of the British raj here. But we are sorry to state that the benevolent British Government have not addressed themselves to the important task of providing education to the said masses. That is why the Shudras continue to be ignorant, and hence, their ‘mental slavery’ regarding the spurious religious tracts of the Bhats continues unabated. They cannot even appeal to the Government for the redressal of their wrongs. The Government is not yet aware of the way the Bhats exploit the masses in their day to day problems as also in the administrative machinery. We pray to the Almighty to enable the Government to kindly pay attention to this urgent task and to free the masses from their mental slavery to the machinations of the Bhats.

I am deeply beholden to Shri Vinayak Babji Bhandarkar and Rao Saheb Shri Rajanna Lingu for their continued encouragement to me in the writing of this treatise.

(From the Introduction to ‘Slavery’ by Mahatma Jyotiba Phule)
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The protesters voiced demands for rehabilitation of the families affected by these incidents, especially Somnath Suryavanshi’s family, and called for the dismissal of high-ranking officials allegedly involved in covering up the cases. This protest, which started in Parbhani on the evening of January 17, follows weeks of growing tension in Marathwada over caste-related issues, with the protests intensifying in recent weeks due to the escalating violence and the perceived injustice in both incidents.

Samata Sainik Dal (Parbhani) is organizing a long march from Parbhani to Mumbai.

The main demand of this march is that when will the family of martyr Somnath Suryavanshi die/be murdered in police custody and due to the delay in this case, when will justice be given to his family… pic.twitter.com/km0agJjO2T

— हेमंत भाऊ (@NetaClix) January 17, 2025

Scheduled long March in Jalna district and Parbhani to Mumbai

From January 21 to 25, 2025, a significant long march will take place in Jalna District, aiming to raise awareness about the brutal murders of Somnath Suryavanshi and Santosh Deshmukh. The march will begin at Watur Phata, Watur, and will conclude at Badnapur.

Notably, the protesters from Parbhani have organized a long march from Parbhani to Mumbai in response to the recent incident and the ongoing atrocities against Dalits and killing of Santosh and Somnath.

Violence and tensions after Dalit youth dies in custody, following Constitution replica vandalism

The tension in Parbhani boiled over after an incident involving the vandalism of a constitution replica on December 10, 2024. As per eyewitnesses, the incident was allegedly carried out by Sopan Pawar, a 45-year-old Maratha man. This act triggered protests from Dalit groups and Ambedkarite organizations, with the Vanchit Bahujan Aaghadi (VBA) party playing a pivotal role in mobilizing the crowds.

The following day, a “Parbhani Bandh” (strike) was declared, which, while initially peaceful, later descended into chaos. Protesters clashed with the police, leading to multiple vehicles being torched and property being damaged. According to the police, they arrested 50 people involved in the unrest, among them Somnath Suryavanshi, a 35-year-old Dalit youth. Suryavanshi, who had been detained during the protests, later died in judicial custody on December 15 due to what was reported as “shock following multiple injuries” reported Frontline.

His death has sparked outrage, with many accusing the police of brutality. According to local sources, Suryavanshi’s mother, Vijaya, claimed that her son had been beaten by the police, leading to his death. Her claims were substantiated by a postmortem report, which confirmed external injuries. However, the police have denied allegations of abuse, stating that Suryavanshi’s death was due to natural causes.

Dalit groups have condemned the police’s treatment of protesters, especially the manner in which Dalit youth were targeted. Prakash Ambedkar, leader of the VBA, demanded an investigation into the police’s role, highlighting the ongoing issues of caste discrimination. He was quoted as saying, “The real battle for equality is still being fought, and we must ensure justice for every oppressed community.”

Dalit and political outrage over Police brutality and murder in Parbhani and Beed

Several political parties and social organizations are raising their voices in protest over the death of Somnath Suryavanshi in judicial custody and the kidnapping and subsequent murder of Santosh Deshmukh, the Maratha Sarpanch in Beed. According to Dalit groups, the police’s crackdown on protesters in Parbhani was disproportionately harsh, with claims of excessive use of force against Dalit youth and women.

In response to the incidents, the Matang Ekta Andolan and Republican Party of India (RPI) staged protests in Pune, demanding an independent inquiry into the events. As per sources, the police have been accused of carrying out violent search operations, targeting individuals without any solid evidence of involvement in unlawful activities.

Further compounding the unrest was the murder of Deshmukh, which escalated tensions between the Maratha and OBC communities. According to reports, Vishnu Chate, the alleged kidnapper and murderer, belongs to the Vanjari OBC community, and the growing friction over reservation issues has deepened the divide between caste groups.

The tragic events in Parbhani and Beed have led to an outpouring of support for both families involved, with political leaders from across Maharashtra rallying behind the victims. Prakash Ambedkar, addressing the media, drew parallels between these incidents and the historical struggles against discrimination, notably the Koregaon Bhima battle, marking over 200 years of ongoing battles for equality.

Struggle for equality in Beed and Parbhani echoes historical caste struggles

Prakash Ambedkar, while commemorating the 207th anniversary of the Koregaon Bhima battle, linked the present-day struggles in Parbhani and Beed to the ongoing battle for equality in India. As per Ambedkar’s statement, despite the long history of caste discrimination, the incidents in Parbhani and Beed reveal that the struggle for social justice and equality is far from over.

Ambedkar cautioned the Maharashtra government about the sensitive handling of the Beed murder case, which has been cast in a Maratha versus Vanjari OBC context. He stressed the importance of avoiding further division and ensuring that justice prevails for all communities involved. Meanwhile, Chandrashekhar Azad of Bhim Army visited Parbhani to meet Suryavanshi’s family and vowed to continue the protests to expose the government’s failures in addressing the plight of Dalits and marginalized communities.

These events have thrown the spotlight on the persistent caste fault lines in Maharashtra, exacerbated by the government’s handling of these incidents. The continuing unrest calls for a deeper introspection into the state’s caste politics and its impact on the marginalized sections of society, reported Times of India.

Massive all-party march in Parbhani over Beed sarpanch’s murder

According to reports, a massive all-party march was organized in Parbhani, Maharashtra, demanding a thorough and unbiased investigation into the murder of Santosh Deshmukh, the sarpanch of Massajog village in Beed district. The protest also targeted the state’s food and civil supplies minister, Dhananjay Munde, who stands accused of shielding Walmik Karad, the alleged mastermind of the murder. Karad surrendered to the police just days prior, adding fuel to the fire of political and caste tensions.

The march, which saw a turnout of thousands, included elected representatives, political leaders, and Maratha community organizations. It marks the second major protest following Deshmukh’s murder. The previous protest on December 28, 2024, in Beed had also garnered massive support, with around 50,000 participants. The Parbhani march was attended by influential figures from both ruling and opposition parties, underlining the political ramifications of the crime.

As per the march organizers, the demands were clear: an impartial investigation, punishment for the politically powerful individuals behind the crime, and the immediate resignation of Dhananjay Munde. BJP MLA Suresh Dhas, speaking at the rally, argued that Munde was deeply involved in a multi-crore crop insurance scam in the region, which he claimed had far-reaching implications.

The murder of Santosh Deshmukh, a Maratha leader, has been exacerbated by the caste dynamics at play. Karad, the primary accused, hails from the Vanjari community, an OBC group, and this has sparked a war of words between Maratha and OBC factions in the region. As per the leaders present at the protest, the case is symptomatic of a larger political crisis within Maharashtra’s power structure.

Panel formed for Judicial probe into Beed Sarpanch’s murder and Parbhani protester’s custodial death

In response to mounting public outrage, the Maharashtra Government has appointed two judicial committees to probe significant incidents in Beed and Parbhani. A single-member panel, led by retired High Court Judge M.L. Tahaliyani, has been established to investigate the murder of Sarpanch Santosh Deshmukh in Beed district. The violence that led to Deshmukh’s murder sparked intense political and social unrest, prompting the state to initiate the judicial inquiry.

Additionally, the government has appointed retired Judge V.L. Achliya to investigate the custodial death of Dalit protester Somnath Suryavanshi in Parbhani. The investigation will assess the role of law enforcement, examine the handling of the protests, and determine if there were any lapses in maintaining public order.

As per report, both inquiries aim to hold accountable those responsible for the incidents and evaluate the preparedness of local authorities.

Related

Special Report: ‘They came like monkeys; they came like Nazis.’ Ambedkari Bastis in Parbhani face the traumas of police brutality

State-sanctioned brutality? Dalit communities targeted in Parbhani “combing operations”, women, children abused

No quality education without teaching equality, secularism, fraternity value: SC

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On January 3, 1831, 176 years ago Savitribai Phule, arguably India’s first woman teacher and forgotten liberator was born. With the first school for girls from different castes that she set up in Bhidewada, Pune (the seat of Brahmanism) Krantijyoti Savitribai as she is reverentially known, by the Indian Bahujan movement, blazed a revolutionary trial. There have been consistent demands to observe January 3 as Teachers Day. Without her, Indian women would not have had the benefits of education.

To mark the memory of this remarkable woman we bring to you her letters to life partner Jyotiba. Jyotiba and Savitribai were Comrades in Arms in their struggle against the emancipation of India’s disenfranchised people.

Translated from the Original Marathi with an introduction Sunil Sardar Reproduced here are the English translation of three important Letters – (originally in Marathi and published in MG Mali’s edition of her collected works, Savitribai Phule Samagra Wangmaya) – that Savitribai wrote to her husband Jyotiba in a span of 20 years.

The letters are significant as they write of the wider concerns that drove this couple, the emancipation of the most deprived segments of society and the struggle to attain for them, full human dignity and freedom.

This vision for a new and liberated society – free from ignorance, bigotry, deprivation, and hunger – was the thread that bonded the couple, arching from the private to the personal.

Theirs was a relationship of deep and shared concerns, each providing strength to the other. When large sections of 19^th century Maharashtrian society was ranged against Phule’s reconstructive radicalism, it was the unfailing and shared vision and dedication of his life partner that needs have been emotionally sustaining.  In our tribute to this couple and the tradition of radical questioning that they harboured, we bring to our readers these letters.

1856. The first letter, written in 1856, speaks about the core issue: education and its transformative possibilities in a society where learning, had for centuries been the monopoly of the Brahmins; who, in turn, used this exclusive privilege to enclave, demoralize and oppress. Away at her parental home to recuperate from an illness, Savitri describes in the letter a conversation with her brother, who is uncomfortable with the couple’s radicalism.

October 1856
The Embodiment of Truth, My Lord Jyotiba,
Savitri salutes you!

After so many vicissitudes, now it seems my health has been fully restored. My brother worked so hard and nursed me so well through my sickness. His service and devotion shows how loving he really is! I will come to Pune as soon as I get perfectly well. Please do not worry about me. I know my absence causes Fatima so much trouble but I am sure she will understand and won’t grumble.

As we were talking one day, my brother said, “You and your husband have rightly been excommunicated because both of you serve the untouchables (Mahars and Mangs). The untouchables are fallen people and by helping them you are bringing a bad name to our family. That is why, I tell you to behave according to the customs of our caste and obey the dictates of the Brahmans.” Mother was so disturbed by this brash talk of my brother.

Though my brother is a good soul he is extremely narrow-minded and so he did not hesitate to bitterly criticize and reproach us. My mother did not reprimand him but tried instead to bring him to his senses, “God has given you a beautiful tongue but it is no good to misuse it so!” I defended our social work and tried to dispel his misgivings. I told him, “Brother, your mind is narrow, and the Brahmans’ teaching has made it worse. Animals like goats and cows are not untouchable for you, you lovingly touch them. You catch poisonous snakes on the day of the snake-festival and feed them milk. But you consider Mahars and Mangs, who are as human as you and I, untouchables. Can you give me any reason for this? When the Brahmans perform their religious duties in their holy clothes, they consider you also impure and untouchable, they are afraid that your touch will pollute them. They don’t treat you differently than the Mahars.” When my brother heard this, he turned red in the face, but then he asked me, “Why do you teach those Mahars and Mangs? People abuse you because you teach the untouchables. I cannot bear it when people abuse and create trouble for you for doing that. I cannot tolerate such insults.” I told him what the (teaching of) English had been doing for the people. I said, “The lack of learning is nothing but gross bestiality. It is through the acquisition of knowledge that (he) loses his lower status and achieves the higher one. My husband is a god-like man. He is beyond comparison in this world, nobody can equal him. He thinks the Untouchables must learn and attain freedom. He confronts the Brahmans and fights with them to ensure Teaching and Learning for the Untouchables because he believes that they are human beings like other and they should live as dignified humans. For this they must be educated. I also teach them for the same reason. What is wrong with that? Yes, we both teach girls, women, Mangs and Mahars. The Brahmans are upset because they believe this will create problems for them. That is why they oppose us and chant the mantra that it is against our religion. They revile and castigate us and poison the minds of even good people like you.

“You surely remember that the British Government had organised a function to honour my husband for his great work. His felicitation caused these vile people much heartburn. Let me tell you that my husband does not merely invoke God’s name and participate in pilgrimages like you. He is actually doing God’s own work. And I assist him in that. I enjoy doing this work. I get immeasurable joy by doing such service. Moreover, it also shows the heights and horizons to which a human being can reach out.”

Mother and brother were listening to me intently. My brother finally came around, repented for what he had said and asked for forgiveness. Mother said, “Savitri, your tongue must be speaking God’s own words. We are blessed by your words of wisdom.” Such appreciation from my mother and brother gladdened my heart. From this you can imagine that there are many idiots here, as in Pune, who poison people’s minds and spread canards against us. But why should we fear them and leave this noble cause that we have undertaken? It would be better to engage with the work instead. We shall overcome and success will be ours in the future. The future belongs to us.

What more could I write?

With humble regards,

Yours,

Savitri

The Poetess in Savitribai

The year 1854 was important as Savitribai published her collection of poems, called Kabya Phule (Poetry’s Blossoms).
Bavan Kashi Subodh Ratnakar (The Ocean of Pure Gems), another collection of what has come to be highly regarded in the world of Marathi poetry was published in 1891. (The Phules had developed a devastating critique of the Brahman interpretation of Marathi history in the ancient and medieval periods. He portrayed the Peshwa rulers, later overthrown by the British, as decadent and oppressive, and Savitribai reiterates those themes in her biography.)
Apart from these two collections, four of Jyotiba’s speeches on Indian History were edited for publication by Savitribai. A few of her own speeches were also published in 1892. Savitribai’s correspondence is also remarkable because they give us an insight into her own life and into the life and lived experiences of women of the time.

1868. The Second letter is about a great social taboo – a love affair between a Brahman boy and an Untouchable girl; the cruel behavior of the ‘enraged’ villagers and how Savitribai stepped in. This intervention saves the lives of the lovers and she sends them away to the safety and caring support of her husband, Jyotiba. With the malevolent reality of honour killings in the India of 2016 and the hate-driven propaganda around ‘love jehad’ this letter is ever so relevant today.

29 August 1868
Naigaon, Peta Khandala
Satara
The Embodiment of Truth, My Lord Jotiba,
Savitri salutes you!
I received your letter. We are fine here. I will come by the fifth of next month. Do not worry on this count. Meanwhile, a strange thing happened here. The story goes like this. One Ganesh, a Brahman, would go around villages, performing religious rites and telling people their fortunes. This was his bread and butter. Ganesh and a teenage girl named Sharja who is from the Mahar (untouchable) community fell in love. She was six months pregnant when people came to know about this affair. The enraged people caught them, and paraded them through the village, threatening to bump them off.

I came to know about their murderous plan. I rushed to the spot and scared them away, pointing out the grave consequences of killing the lovers under the British law. They changed their mind after listening to me.

Sadubhau angrily said that the wily Brahman boy and the untouchable girl should leave the village. Both the victims agreed to this. My intervention saved the couple who gratefully fell at my feet and started crying. Somehow I consoled and pacified them. Now I am sending both of them to you. What else to write?
Yours
Savitri

1877. The last letter, written in 1877, is a heart-rending account of a famine that devastated western Maharashtra. People and animals were dying. Savitri and other Satyashodhak volunteers were doing their best to help. The letter brings out an intrepid Savitri leading a team of dedicated Satyashodhaks striving to overcome a further exacerbation of the tragedy by moneylenders’ trying to benefit.  She meets the local District administration. The letter ends on a poignant note where Savitribai reiterates her total commitment to her the humanitarian work pioneered by the Phules.

20 April, 1877
Otur, Junner
The Embodiment of Truth, My Lord Jyotiba,
Savitri salutes you!
The year 1876 has gone, but the famine has not – it stays in most horrendous forms here. The people are dying. The animals are dying, falling on the ground. There is severe scarcity of food. No fodder for animals. The people are forced to leave their villages. Some are selling their children, their young girls, and leaving the villages. Rivers, brooks and tanks have completely dried up – no water to drink. Trees are dying – no leaves on trees. Barren land is cracked everywhere. The sun is scorching – blistering. The people crying for food and water are falling on the ground to die. Some are eating poisonous fruits, and drinking their own urine to quench their thirst. They cry for food and drink, and then they die.

Our Satyashodhak volunteers have formed committees to provide food and other life-saving material to the people in need. They have formed relief squads.
Brother Kondaj and his wife Umabai are taking good care of me. Otur’s Shastri, Ganapati Sakharan, Dumbare Patil, and others are planning to visit you. It would be better if you come from Satara to Otur and then go to Ahmednagar.

You may remember R.B. Krishnaji Pant and Laxman Shastri. They travelled with me to the affected area and gave some monetary help to the victims.

The moneylenders are viciously exploiting the situation. Bad things are taking place as a result of this famine. Riots are breaking out. The Collector heard of this and came to ease the situation. He deployed the white police officers, and tried to bring the situation under control. Fifty Satyasholdhaks were rounded up. The Collector invited me for a talk. I asked the Collector why the good volunteers had been framed with false charges and arrested without any rhyme or reason. I asked him to release them immediately. The Collector was quite decent and unbiased. He shouted at the white soldiers, “Do the Patil farmers rob? Set them free.” The Collector was moved by the people’s plights. He immediately sent four bullock cartloads of (jowar) food.

You have started the benevolent and welfare work for the poor and the needy. I also want to carry my share of the responsibility. I assure you I will always help you. I wish the godly work will be helped by more people.

I do not want to write more.
Yours,
Savitri

(These letters have been excerpted with grateful thanks from A Forgotten Liberator, The Life and Struggle of Savitrabai Phule, Edited by Braj Ranjan Mani, Pamela Sardar)

Bibliography:

Krantijyoti : Revolutionary flame
Brahmans: Priestly “upper” caste with a powerful hold on all fairs of society and state including access to education, resources and mobility (spelt interchangeably as Brahmins)
Mahars:The Mahar is an Indian Caste, found largely in the state of Maharashtra, where they compromise 10% of the population, and neighboring areas. Most of the Mahar community followed social reformer B. R. Ambedkar in converting to Buddhism in the middle of the 20th century.
Mangs: The Mang (or Matang -Minimadig in Gujarat and Rajasthan) community is an Indian caste historically associated with low-status or ritually impure professions such as village musicians, cattle castraters, leather curers, midwives, hangmen, undertakers. Today they are listed as a Scheduled Castes a term which has replaced the former the derogatory ‘Untouchable’
Satyashodhak Samaj:  A society established by Jyotirao Phule on September 24, 1873. This was started as a group whose main aim was to liberate the shudra and untouchable castes from exploitation and oppression
Shudra: The fourth caste under the rigid caste Hindu system; these were further made more rigid in the Manu Smruti
Ati Shudra: Most of the groups listed under this category come under the untouchables who were used for the most venal tasks in caste ridden Hindu society but not treated as part of the caste system.
Jowar: The Indian name for sorghum

How the Education for girls was pioneered

The Phule couple decided to start schools for girls, especially from the shudra and atishudra castes but also including others so that social cohesion of sorts could be attempted in the classroom. Bhidewada in Pune was the chosen site, a bank stands there today. There is a movement among Bahujans to reclaim this historic building. When the Phules faced stiff resistance and a boycott, a Pune-based businessman Usman Shaikh gave them shelter. Fatima Shaikh Usman’s sister was the first teacher colleague of Savitribai and the two trained teachers who ran the school. The school started with nine girl students in 1848.

Sadashiv Govande contributed books from Ahmednagar. It functioned for about six months and then had to be closed down. Another building was found and the school reopened a few months later. The young couple faced severe opposition from almost all sections. Savitribai was subject to intense harassment everyday as she walked to school. Stones, mud and dirt were flung at her as she passed. She was often abused by groups of men with orthodox beliefs who opposed the education for women. Filth including cow dung was flung on her. Phule gave her hope, love and encouragement. She went to school wearing an old sari, and carried an extra sari with her to change into after she reached the school. The sheer daring and doggedness of the couple and their comrades in arms broke the resistance. Finally, the pressure on her eased when she was compelled to slap one of her tormentors on the street!

Once the caste Hindu Brahmanical hierarchy who were the main opponents of female education realized that the Phule couple would not easily give in, they arm-twisted Jyotiba’s father. Intense pressure was brought by the Brahmins on Phule’s father, Govindrao, to convince him that his son was on the wrong track, that what he was doing was against the Dharma. Finally, things came to a head when Phule’s father told him to leave home in 1849. Savitri preferred to stay by her husband’s side, braving the opposition and difficulties, and encouraging Phule to continue their educational work.

However, their pioneering move had won some support. Necessities like books were supplied through well wishers; a bigger house, owned by a Muslim, was found for a second school which was started in 1851. Moro Vithal Walvekar and Deorao Thosar assisted the school. Major Candy, an educationalist of Pune, sent books. Jyotirao worked here without any salary and later Savitribai was put in charge. The school committee, in a report, noted, “The state of the school funds has compelled the committee to appoint teachers on small salaries, who soon give up when they find better appointment…Savitribai, the school headmistress, has nobly volunteered to devote herself to the improvement of female education without remuneration. We hope that as knowledge advances, the people of this country will be awakened to the advantages of female education and will cordially assist in all such plans calculated to improve the conditions of those girls.”

On November 16, 1852, the education department of the government organised a public felicitation of the Phule couple, where they were honoured with shawls.
On February 12, 1853, the school was publicly examined. The report of the event state: “The prejudice against teaching girls to read and write began to give way…the good conduct and honesty of the peons in conveying the girls to and from school and parental treatment and indulgent attention of the teachers made the girls love the schools and literally run to them with alacrity and joy.”

A Dalit student of Savitribai, Muktabai, wrote a remarkable essay which was published in the paper Dyanodaya, in the year 1855. In her essay, Muktabai poignantly describes the wretchedness of the so-called untouchables and severely criticizes the Brahmanical religion for degrading and dehumanizing her people.

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According to Yashant Kale, the officiating Superintendent of Police (SP) in Parbhani, Suryavanshi began complaining of severe chest pain early Sunday morning while in custody. He was immediately taken to the district civil hospital, where doctors examined him and pronounced him dead. Shahaji Umap, Deputy Inspector General (DIG) of Police for the Nanded Range, confirmed the sequence of events, stating that Suryavanshi and others were initially presented in court on Thursday and remanded to police custody for two days. On Saturday, they were shifted to judicial custody and transferred to the district jail, where the fatal incident occurred.

Dr Shivaji Sukre, Dean of the Government Medical College and Hospital (GMCH), Parbhani, had announced that a detailed post-mortem examination would be conducted by a team of senior doctors, including forensic and toxicology experts. The post-mortem will be performed in-camera to ascertain the precise cause of death.as per the post-mortem report that have been circulating on social media, Suryavanshi died owing to “shock due to multiple injuries.”

The incident has sparked outrage, particularly among Ambedkarite groups, as Suryavanshi was identified as a Bhim Sainik belonging to the Wadar community, a marginalised group. Prominent Dalit leader Prakash Ambedkar, in a statement on Monday, described the custodial death as “gut-wrenching, sickening, and intolerable.” He expressed particular concern that the death occurred despite Suryavanshi’s bail application being approved. Ambedkar added that his legal team had requested the court to ensure the post-mortem examination is conducted thoroughly, involving CT and MRI scans as well as forensic and pathological analyses. He further emphasised that the procedure should be filmed and conducted in a government hospital equipped with a forensic department to maintain transparency.

The custodial death of Somnath Suryawanshi — a Bhim Sainik belonging to the Wadar community — in Parbhani is gut wrenching, sickening and intolerable to say the least.

What is more intolerable that his death happened in judicial custody despite his bail application being…

— Prakash Ambedkar (@Prksh_Ambedkar) December 15, 2024

Anandraj Ambedkar, another prominent Ambedkarite leader, also condemned the incident, calling for immediate action against the police officers involved. He highlighted the broader context of arrests in Parbhani following the desecration incident, noting that many Ambedkarite activists were detained under various charges. On the night of December 11, 50 individuals were arrested, and 300 to 400 others were booked on charges of rioting and related offences. Suryavanshi was among those identified as suspects and was presented in court on December 12.

The custodial death of Suryavanshi has reignited long-standing concerns about police brutality, systemic discrimination against marginalised communities, and the misuse of custodial powers. For many in the Ambedkarite movement, the incident represents a stark reminder of the impunity often afforded to state authorities, particularly in cases involving Dalits and other oppressed groups. With protests expected to intensify, the incident is likely to put renewed pressure on the judiciary and the government to ensure accountability and justice.

Parbhani erupts in protests over desecration of constitution replica and custodial death

The town of Parbhani in Maharashtra’s Marathwada region has been gripped by unrest following the desecration of a replica of the Indian Constitution at a statue of Dr B. R. Ambedkar and the subsequent custodial death of 35-year-old Somnath Vyankat Suryavanshi. The protests, which began on December 10, escalated dramatically after Suryavanshi’s death on December 15, bringing issues of police accountability and caste-based violence to the forefront.

Desecration of Constitution replica triggers anger: On December 10, tensions erupted after an unidentified person vandalised a replica of the Constitution held by a statue of Dr Ambedkar near Parbhani Railway Station. The act, widely perceived as an attack on Dalit identity, sparked outrage. Around 200 people gathered near the statue, chanting slogans and demanding justice. As news of the incident spread, the protests turned violent, with acts of arson, stone-pelting, and vandalism reported across the town.

Protesters blocked railway tracks and disrupted train services, including roughing up the loco-pilot of the Nandigram Express. Public properties, including the district collector’s office, were damaged, with protesters smashing furniture and window panes. The bandh, initially intended to be peaceful, quickly turned violent. Protesters set pipes on fire outside shops, vandalised public properties, and attacked the district collectorate, prompting the police to fire tear gas to disperse the crowds. Acting Superintendent of Police Yeshwant Kale confirmed that the situation was eventually brought under control but acknowledged the deep-rooted anger among the Dalit community.

NCP-SP MP Fauzia Tahseen Khan, representing Parbhani, urged citizens to maintain peace while condemning the vandalism as deeply disrespectful to the Constitution. She also criticised the slow police response, which she said exacerbated tensions. Leaders of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and other groups extended support to the bandh, calling for justice and systemic reforms to prevent such incidents in the future.

Senior police officials, including Special Inspector General Shahaji Umap, were deployed to oversee the situation. The protests and violence have drawn attention to the state government’s failure to address caste-based violence effectively. Prakash Ambedkar reiterated his call for unity and non-violence while warning that the Dalit community’s patience should not be mistaken for weakness. He vowed to continue the fight for justice for Suryavanshi and protection of Dalit symbols like Ambedkar statues.

Notably, the police arrested 45-year-old Sopan Pawar, who was identified as the perpetrator. Initial reports described Pawar as a “disturbed” individual, but Dalit leaders dismissed these claims, insisting the act was deliberate and caste-motivated. The administration imposed prohibitory orders to prevent mass gatherings, while police used loudspeakers to urge calm.

The desecration drew strong reactions from across the political spectrum. Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi (VBA) leader Prakash Ambedkar called the incident “shameful” and demanded swift arrests of all those involved. Ambedkar warned that the failure to act decisively would lead to severe consequences. Union Minister Ramdas Athawale also condemned the act, urging protection for Ambedkar statues across the state to prevent future incidents.

Custodial death of Dalit man fuels protests: The unrest reached a boiling point on December 15 when Somnath Suryavanshi, a Dalit labourer and law student, died in judicial custody. Suryavanshi, who was arrested on December 12 for his alleged role in the earlier protests, was reportedly shifted to judicial custody on December 14. According to police, he complained of chest pain and was admitted to a hospital, where he died shortly after. However, Dalit leaders and activists have alleged that he succumbed to severe police brutality.

Suryavanshi, described as a committed Bhim Sainik and vocal activist from the Wadar community, had no prior criminal record. His arrest and sudden death in custody sparked outrage. Leaders, including Prakash Ambedkar, termed the incident “gut-wrenching” and demanded a transparent autopsy with video documentation to ensure accountability. VBA workers staged peaceful sit-ins, while Dalit organisations across the state called for a bandh to protest the custodial death.

Union Minister Athawale called for the dismissal of the police officials involved, a ₹25 lakh compensation for Suryavanshi’s family, and the withdrawal of charges against innocent individuals caught up in the protests. Activists also criticised the police for their indiscriminate arrests, which reportedly targeted over 300 locals, predominantly Dalits.

Social and political implications: The incidents in Parbhani highlight the simmering caste tensions in Maharashtra. The desecration of the Constitution replica and the custodial death of Suryavanshi are seen as symptoms of deeper systemic issues, including caste-based discrimination and police misconduct. The demands for justice have extended beyond individual accountability to include structural reforms, better protection for Dalit symbols, and more stringent action against caste-based violence.

As the Maharashtra Legislature begins its session in Nagpur, the government faces mounting pressure to take meaningful action. Dalit leaders have warned that failure to address these grievances could lead to further unrest. The Parbhani unrest has not only shaken the state but also reignited nationwide conversations about caste-based injustice and the need for comprehensive reforms in law enforcement and governance.

Postmortem procedures amid rising tensions

The postmortem of Somnath Venkata Surwanshi, who died in judicial custody, became a focal point of tension at the Government Medical College and Hospital (GMCH) in Parbhani. As news of his body reaching the hospital spread, a crowd of Ambedkarite leaders, activists, and youth gathered at the mortuary, demanding justice and accountability. Slogans were raised, reflecting the community’s anger and grief, prompting heavy police deployment to maintain order.

To ensure transparency, a team of five doctors was constituted to conduct the postmortem, supervised by the Sub-Divisional Officer and senior police officials. Dr Shivaji Sukre, the GMCH dean, personally inspected the mortuary to monitor the situation. Hospital sources confirmed that a CT scan would be mandatory before proceeding with the autopsy, aligning with standard practices in custodial death cases.

Our demand has been accepted!

The postmortem examination will take place in a government hospital which has a forensic department, and that the postmortem is filmed and undertaken by both the forensic and pathology department.

As I write this, the mortal remains of Somnath… https://t.co/vrfDQKDwSj

— Prakash Ambedkar (@Prksh_Ambedkar) December 15, 2024

However, delays marred the process as close relatives of the deceased were required to identify the body before the examination could begin. Surwanshi’s parents, travelling from Pune, had not reached GMCH by late evening, raising concerns about their whereabouts after relatives reported losing contact with them during the journey. Activists alleged that the family might have been intercepted, further fueling suspicions and unrest.

Family members have accused the police of assaulting Surwanshi, pointing to visible injuries on his body. His death, amidst allegations of custodial violence, has intensified calls for accountability, with the community and activists demanding a thorough and impartial investigation.

Opposition raises demands for accountability after Parbhani violence

The Maharashtra Congress has called for the suspension of Superintendent of Police Ravindrasingh Pardeshi following the recent violence in Parbhani town, which erupted after the desecration of a B.R. Ambedkar statue near the Parbhani railway station. Alleging police atrocities against the Dalit population, Congress State President Nana Patole termed the statue’s desecration a “grave insult” and demanded swift action against those responsible. Highlighting the legacy of icons such as Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, Shahu Maharaj, and Jyotirao Phule, Patole criticised the Maharashtra government, accusing Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis and his deputies of focusing on political portfolio allocations while neglecting public welfare.

Patole also condemned the police’s heavy-handed response, which included imposing a curfew, suspending internet services, halting public transport, and using tear gas and batons against Dalit protesters. This, he argued, reflected a lack of sensitivity in managing the situation. The Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi (VBA) and Jamaat-e-Islami Hind (JIH) echoed these concerns, with VBA President Prakash Ambedkar urging the cessation of arrests and combing operations in Dalit neighbourhoods. Ambedkar warned of intensified agitations if police action against Dalits did not cease soon. Similarly, JIH President Maulana Ilyas Khan Falahi described the statue’s desecration as a “provocative act” aimed at undermining the Constitution.

Shiv Sena (UBT) MP Sanjay Raut also weighed in, criticising the Maharashtra government over the custodial death of one of the accused, Somnath Surwanshi. Calling the death a “failure of the system,” Raut held Chief Minister Fadnavis, who also serves as home minister, responsible. Accusing the government of being “anti-constitutional,” Raut questioned how protectors of the Constitution were losing their lives under its administration. He vowed to raise the issue in the Rajya Sabha, further intensifying the political fallout of the Parbhani violence.

BJP defends police action amid unrest

Meghana Bordikar, BJP MLA from Jintur in Parbhani, defended the police’s actions in the wake of the violence in the town. In a statement following her swearing-in as a minister of state in the Maharashtra government on Sunday, Bordikar described the incident as unfortunate but emphasized that the police had acted swiftly, with the accused being arrested promptly. She further clarified that the death of Somnath Suryawanshi, one of the individuals involved in the unrest, was caused by a heart attack, dismissing allegations of custodial violence. Bordikar stated that the police were handling the situation appropriately and reassured the public that while Parbhani was observing a bandh, normalcy was gradually returning to the region.

Allegations of excessive force and custodial death

The death of Somnath Suryawanshi has brought to light the extent of police brutality in Parbhani, Maharashtra, during the aftermath of protests triggered by the desecration of a statue of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. Suryawanshi, who had no involvement in the violence on December 11, was arrested by the police along with many others from his slum settlement, Priyadarshini Nagar. His lawyer, Pawan Jondhale, stated that Suryawanshi was subjected to merciless beating by the police during his arrest and was not involved in the protest. On December 14, Jondhale had moved for his bail, citing Suryawanshi’s law exams and the possibility of him missing them if not released. Despite this, he remained in police custody, and his health deteriorated.

The allegations against the police are grave. Several other individuals, mostly young men and women from Dalit communities, have accused the police of using extreme force during the crackdown. According to activists on the ground, videos have emerged showing members of the local police and the State Reserve Police Force (SRPF) indiscriminately attacking people, including women and minors, in Dalit localities like Priyadarshini Nagar and Bhim Nagar. One of the most disturbing incidents captured on CCTV footage shows Vachala Bhagwan Manavte, a local woman who had just returned from work at a nearby hospital, being violently assaulted by the police. As Manavte tried to record the incident, she was dragged to the ground and kicked in her face and private parts. The footage supports her account, and she was later admitted to a local hospital with severe injuries across her body.

Despite claims by Special Inspector General Shahaji Umap that the police were forced to use “force” to control a mob, Manavte and many others targeted were not part of any violent crowd. The brutal actions extended to minor girls from Dalit families, who were reportedly beaten and named in one of the multiple FIRs filed by the police. Activist Rahul Pradhan, who has been working on the ground in Parbhani, described the police’s actions as “murderous anger” while speaking to The Wire. He stated that almost all those arrested suffered injuries and were sent to judicial custody without any medical treatment. In some cases, police reportedly surrounded the detainees, making it difficult for them to raise complaints about the violence.

In addition to this, while speaking to the team of SabrangIndia, activist Rahul Pradhan stated that “the desecration of Constitution and Babasaheb is despicable. B.R. Ambedkar has always been an advocate for democracy and protests. The violence that took place during the protests should be condemned and those who had indulged in it should be prosecuted. The police should follow the legal process in doing so. But, what is actually happening is that the police is weaponising the violence and indulging in a targeted crackdown against the Dalit community. Somnath has died in custody. There are many youth who remain inside the jail till now, and have suffered through many injuries. These people have even brutalised women and minors inside their own homes.”

Pradhan is raising his voice in this case and has demanded a judicial inquiry into the incident, calling for accountability for the police officers involved in the violence. He has also demanded compensation of Rs 50 lakhs for Suryawanshi’s family and Rs 10 lakhs for the other youth injured during the police crackdown. Additionally, they are seeking charges of murder and attempt to murder of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita 2023 against the guilty officers, along with charges under Sections 3(2) and 3(3) of the SC/ST Atrocities Act, which protect marginalised communities from violence and discrimination.

https://www.facebook.com/share/v/1GjAefRet4/?mibextid=wwXIfr 

The custodial death of Suryawanshi has further raised questions about the treatment of those in police custody. According to legal norms, when an accused person is produced before a magistrate, the magistrate is required to inquire whether they have been ill-treated during custody and check their medical reports. However, Suryawanshi’s lawyer, Jondhale, has indicated that this legal procedure was not followed, and many detainees were denied medical attention. The death of Suryawanshi in judicial custody has drawn sharp criticism, with activists calling for an independent judicial inquiry into the cause of his death. They have also demanded that the post-mortem be conducted in a hospital outside Parbhani to ensure impartiality, as local authorities are seen as compromised due to the ongoing tension.

In a broader context, this situation has drawn comparisons to the 2018 Bhima Koregaon violence, where police similarly targeted Dalit activists with what many believe were politically motivated arrests. Pradhan has called for the establishment of an independent judicial inquiry into the Parbhani incident, emphasising that the state’s actions against Dalits and Ambedkarite activists are part of a larger pattern of oppression. The activists’ demands are clear: justice for Suryawanshi and accountability for the police violence that has marred the investigation into the protests.

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De-mythifying Ambedkar

Iconoclast projects Ambedkar as a man of flesh and blood, who reflected the times in which he lived and endeavoured to achieve his goals. In contrast to the hyperbole often associated with his legacy, Teltumbde eradicates any element of myth and eulogy to convey the essence of the man behind the legend. Iconoclast projects Ambedkar as a man of flesh and blood, who was a product of his times and one who endeavoured to achieve his goals.

Quoting Teltumbde . “A biography often becomes a eulogy, an unquestioning celebration,” Teltumbde remarked. “That wasn’t the book I wanted to write, especially today when Ambedkar’s legacy is being co-opted across the political spectrum. “But upon reflection” – he continued, explaining the prefix ‘reflective’ before the biography – “I agreed to look at him not as a god to be worshipped, but a case study. If we are to be inspired by him, we must see him as a real person.”

Surgically, Teltumbde has both de-mythified and demystified Ambedkar who was often confusing and inconsistent figure. For example, Teltumbde recounts Ambedkar, writing a book supporting Partition and the creation of Pakistan, only to retract this position in a second edition.

In this work, Ambedkar is presented not as a deity of devotion but as an important case study for the present generation to learn from. The author traced the methodology with which he evaluated the Buddha, whom he regarded as his master, to present Ambedkar’s life and legacy with a critical analysis rather than mere eulogy.

Distinctive character of Ambedkar

Teltumbde recounts that there were several leaders who worked on different issues that ailed society but these leaders directed movements by the upper castes and did not concern with the caste exploitation of the majority of their own people. This realisation gave birth to the non- Brahmin movement of Jyotiba Phule and later to Dalit movements in various provinces with varying visions and approaches.

The book unravels that after the 1930s, Ambedkar overshadowed other Dalit leaders and ovements that mushroomed across various regions, becoming the most impactful leader for Dalits, who constituted one-sixth of India’s population However, despite his stature, he was casteinto into oblivion by the ruling classes after his death. Dalits had to struggle tooth and nail to erect his statues, and it took a decade even before a marker was established at his cremation site.

Ambedkar as distinguished from other leaders, singularly characterised the caste system as the main obstacle in India’s progress and demanded its annihilation. He characterised castes as not only a social evil but also a religious evil, and spoke of dynamiting the Hindu Dharmashastras that sustained it. After realising the impossibility of this task, he concentrated on the political solution and came in confrontation with stalwarts like Mahatma Gandhi. Even in his intellectual navigation, he challenged giants like Bertrand Russell and John Maynard Keynes. It is this very rebellious attitude towards established icons and ideas that makes him an iconoclast.

The author narrates, Ambedkar’s sheer hatred for Communism in his writings, quoting his stating that Communists had disregard for the Constitution and parliamentary democracy. He is also critical of Ambedkar’s silence against the RSS and Hindu Mahasabha and concludes that his goal was to alienate Communists or Marxist thinkers.

Distorted role in authoring the Constitution

Teltumbde also recounts how Ambekar’s role as architect behind the Constitution is a myth which had to be dispelled. This was evident in Ambedkar’s sentiments in the years after the Republic was formed. “Ambedkar said he was used as a hack to get the support of the Dalits for the book, and he would be the first one to burn the constitution.”

While Ambedkar did indeed make the most significant contribution among the seven members of the Drafting Committee, it is important to understand that he was not solely responsible for writing the Constitution. TT Krishnamachari, a member of the Drafting Committee,

acknowledged in November 1948 that the “burden of drafting this [revised] constitution” fell largely on Ambedkar because other members were unable to make “substantial contributions” due to “death, illness, and other preoccupations.” Additionally, Ambedkar’s role in piloting the draft constitution is evident from the Constituent Assembly debates, where he actively defended and explained its various provisions.

Ambedkar himself expressed anger with being labelled the “architect” of the Constitution. In a debate in the Rajya Sabha on September 2, 1953, he responded to a member’s remark by saying, “I was a hack. What I was asked to do, I did much against my will… My friends tell me that I have made the Constitution. But I am quite prepared to say that I shall be the first person to burn it out. I do not want it. It does not suit anybody.”

Important historical coverage

In detail, the author unravels the pro-caste policies of Mahatma Gandhi like his stand during Poona pact, which deprived Dalits of political power. Extensive coverage given to subject of annihilation of caste. In detail, the book describes how Ambedkar located the evils of caste  system in the Vedas, Shastras and Puranas. The book traces Ambedkar’s antagonism with Hinduism in retrospect to death of Ramabai and what drew him into Buddhism. Important reference to the temple entry Satyagrahas like the one at Mahad and the struggles of untouchables in Nasik and Pune. In immaculate depth, the author navigates how and why Ambedkar resorted to taking refuge in Buddhism.

Important aspects delved into in the book are aspects from the pre-independence era when episodes of class-caste struggle are explored, electoral politics, manifesto of Independent labour party, Annihilation of caste, the Moonje factor, Ramabai, Communal award, anti-Khoti bill, Manmad conference, bills of 1937 and 1938, tryst with parliamentary democracy and backward castes are markers. There is also a detailed look at how the Round Table Conference, Cripps Mission, Gandhi-Irwin pact and second World War shaped Ambedkar’s path.

The author also recounts details around the popular Strike of the Municipal Workers Union, where Ambedkar united with the Communists. Regretfully, the Communists did not acknowledge Ambedkar or his party, the Indian Labour Party. The book narrates Ambedkar’s ’travesty with post-  independence India in ‘Taste of Swaraj.’, dealing with his reaction to the ‘Constitutional state, Tricolour, Socialism, Buddhism embracement, Hindu code bill, Scheduled ‘caste refugees, and the 1951 elections.

Inspiring the modern generation

The book unravels the historical processes crucial for the new generation who risk falling into the trap of a blind-ed devotion to Ambedkar, unable to diagnose their own condition, the factors responsible for their plight, or what hinders their movement. Iconoclast paves the way for them to revisit him with a critical perspective, a process which can shape their politics and develop strategies for the future. Vested interests have promoted Ambedkar in a way that encourages his followers to merely glorify him rather than assess his ideas critically. Ambedkar’s ideals projected without the right guidance, has bred crass opportunism by this generation which can be seen in the significant support that Dalits have extended to the BJP, which glorifies Brahmanism.

Opponent to Brahmanical fascism

Teltumbde concludes that had he lived today, Bhimrao Ambedkar would undoubtedly been a serious threat to this regime and would likely have found himself imprisoned under draconian laws like UAPA, possibly even as the co-accused in the Bhima-Koregaon case.

Teltumbde reveals how Ambedkar was head and shoulders opposed to hegemonic Brahmanism, which the current regime glorifies. No one more acutely slapped the politics of the Sangh Parivar as sharply as he did when he stated, “If Hindu Raj does become a fact, it will, no doubt, be the greatest calamity for this country.… Hindu Raj must be prevented at any cost.” Tragically, in today’s scenario calling for his symbolic reincarnation among his followers, he would find no one morally abiding with him. Even the so-called Ambedkarites would not support him for not dancing in tune with their brand of Ambedkarism.

Flaws in the book

This book does not however adequately unravel Ambedkar’s negation of revolutionary class struggles or collusion with reformism, particularly in the Workers front projecting Ambedkar as a social revolutionary, rather than a social reformer. There are no words or analysis, no criticism of how Ambekar did not give a cutting edge to the class struggles or Communist influenced movements or the glaring contradictions between Ambedkarism and Marxism.

Icon-isation of the Iconoclast

In this concluding chapter Teltumbde concludes that Ambedkar’s conflating with the struggle of an entire people is unparalleled. In history. He also asserts that the icon was plagued with his share of limitations.

Significant parts are Teltumbde’s narration of the 1953 land Satyagraha in Marathwada, which he praised for taking up issue of land to the landless. It went on to unravel the subsequent Satyagrahas in 1964-65 engulfing Punjab. Madras, Mysore, Delhi, Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat and Maharashtra. They heroically withstood attempts of the state to shatter it, with 3,50,000 people imprisoned., which was unprecedented in India. It was the turning point in Dalits asserting their right to procure a concrete share of the wealth and not be restricted within the periphery of mere socio-cultural aspirations.

He also encompasses the formation of RPI, impact of Dalit Panther movement in 1973, role of Kanshiram, the Hindutva counter revolution, individual and collective empowerment of Dalits, impact of Ambedkar’s Praxis and Cultural state of Society today.

The author reflects on how the movement Ambedkar built is in tatters, with leaders thriving on the Ambedkar cult systematically patronised by the ruling classes. They have made the Marxists and Communists their prime target, instead of the Brahminic zealots. This has origins in the anti- communist slant of Ambedkar, who spoke against Marxism and Communism. The author professes that even after seven decades, Dalits are alienated from non-Dalits, and the Ambedkarite Dalit movement, with factor of untouchability, still intact. In view of the author, Ambedkarism has been the root cause of splits within the Dalit movement, be it Dalit Panthers or RPI. The Congress by projecting Ambekar as chief mentor the Constitution, made the Dalits embrace it as a holy text.

(The author is a freelance journalist)

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In his letter, Mevani alleged that Kumari, a senior bureaucrat in Gujarat, made discriminatory and derogatory comments about marginalised communities, especially Dalits and Adivasis, during an official government meeting. According to Mevani, the incident occurred on October 23 during the “Taluka Swagat Karyakram,” a public grievance redressal program under Gujarat’s SWAGAT (State-Wide Attention on Grievances by Application of Technology) initiative.

Mevani cited a recorded video as evidence, claiming it captures Kumari saying that 90% of cases registered under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, commonly known as the Atrocities Act, are used for blackmail rather than legitimate grievances. Mevani described these remarks as “appalling” and “casteist,” noting that they show disdain and disrespect for marginalised communities. He argued that Kumari’s statements go beyond mere insensitivity, instead representing a blatant violation of Section 3(1)(r) and Section 3(1)(s) of the Atrocities Act, which prohibit public servants from intentionally insulting or intimidating Schedule Caste/Schedule Tribe individuals. Under these sections, any form of humiliation, abuse, or threat against Scheduled Caste or Scheduled Tribe members by a public servant in a public space is considered a criminal offense, punishable by imprisonment and fines.

The letter further described Kumari’s derogatory language toward lawyers, who she reportedly said should be “slapped with slippers” if they support such grievances. Mevani argued that such remarks from a high-ranking official undermine the dignity of both SC/ST communities and legal professionals, whose role is to advocate for the marginalised. He requested that the President take immediate action to suspend Kumari and investigate her conduct, stressing that this behaviour reflects a broader pattern of casteist and patriarchal attitudes within the bureaucracy that must be addressed at the highest levels.

Mevani took to social media to put out the letter addressed to the President, stating “Request to His Excellency the President demanding the arrest of IAS Neha Kumari. On 23rd October, Gujarat’s Mahisagar district collector Neha Kumar (IAS) insulted a Dalit youth Vijay Parmar on the stage of a government program by saying, “You deserve to be beaten with a chappal, you bastard.” She said about lawyers, “They do the work of getting beaten with chappals” and also displayed her casteist thinking by saying that 90% of the atrocity cases are done for blackmailing! The use of these words is definitely worth filing an FIR under the Atrocities Act. Therefore, today a letter was written to His Excellency the President demanding to permanently dismiss Neha Kumari from her job and to register an FIR against her and ensure her immediate arrest.”

IAS नेहा कुमारी की गिरफ्तारी की मांग करते हुए महामहिम राष्ट्रपति जी की सेवा में निवेदन।

23 अक्टूबर को गुजरात के महिसागर जिले के कलेक्टर नेहा कुमार (IAS) ने सरकारी कार्यक्रम के मंच पर से दलित युवक विजय परमार को ” चप्पल से मारने के लायक है, हरामी साला” यह कहकर अपमानित किया। वकीलों… pic.twitter.com/Y1tWAZQ0Qg

— Jignesh Mevani (@jigneshmevani80) November 6, 2024

The letter may be read below:

Mevani has also demanded of the Gujarat government to immediately suspend Collector Neha Dubey if they do not endorse her statement. Mevani also demanded that a case be filed against the collector under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. His stance is also being supported by Gujarat Scheduled Castes Congress President Hitendra Pitharia who has raised the demand for the filing of an FIR against the collector by visiting the police station. As per a report of The Mooknayak, Pitharia said that when people in administrative positions harbour such casteist mindsets, it is distressing to imagine how ordinary Dalits and tribals will be treated. He called for the immediate suspension of Collector Neha Kumari and strict action against her.

Details of alleged casteist and unprofessional behaviour

The core incident, as provided by Mevani, occurred on October 23, 2024 during a SWAGAT program at the Mahisagar District Collectorate. This initiative, established by the Gujarat government, aims to address public grievances directly by allowing citizens to present issues to district officials. Vijay Parmar, a Dalit person, attended the event to raise grievances on behalf of marginalised communities. During his interaction with the Collector, Parmar reportedly recorded the conversation, capturing Kumari’s allegedly offensive remarks.

She made the contentious statements in her office before Parmar, a Dalit law student, whose video of the incident is now circulating widely. In the video, the collector reportedly described 90% of atrocity cases as “tools of blackmail” and stated that most women also file false cases under Section 498A. Additionally, she commented on lawyers, saying they deserve to be “hit with slippers.”

In the video, Kumari allegedly commented that marginalised communities, particularly Dalits, misuse the Atrocities Act to blackmail members of the general caste, thereby casting SC/ST individuals in a negative light. Mevani highlighted that such statements from a government officer overseeing public welfare and grievance redressal display deep-seated bias and perpetuate harmful stereotypes against SC/ST communities. Additionally, he noted that Kumari’s dismissive attitude toward Parmar’s grievances, coupled with her disparaging remarks about the legal profession, conveyed contempt for both the rights of marginalised people and the legal mechanisms designed to protect them.

Mevani also pointed out an incident where one of Kumari’s subordinates attempted to confiscate Parmar’s mobile phone on her instructions, seemingly to prevent him from recording the conversation. According to Mevani, this action demonstrated an authoritarian and non-transparent approach to governance, raising questions about the accountability of public servants. He emphasised that, contrary to any justification provided by Kumari’s office, there is no law prohibiting citizens from recording their interactions with government officials. He argued that the attempt to seize Parmar’s phone exemplified the excessive control that some bureaucrats exercise, stifling the voices of those seeking justice.

The video of the said incident may be viewed here:

https://x.com/jigneshmevani80/status/1851528836829085801

it is crucial to note that Mevani’s letter to the President was preceded by public demands he made on October 30 for Neha Kumari’s suspension. During a visit to Lunawada, the district headquarters, Mevani called for an FIR to be filed against Kumari under the Atrocities Act for her “insensitive” and “unparliamentary” language. He publicly condemned her alleged statement that 90% of cases filed under the Atrocities Act are intended for blackmail, asserting that such views demean SC/ST communities and undermine the purpose of protective legislation for historically marginalised groups.

Mevani’s appeal to the President thus represents a call for accountability and transparency within the government. He argued that the alleged casteist and authoritarian behavior by bureaucrats like Kumari must be addressed to maintain public trust in the administration. The letter underscores Mevani’s commitment to protecting SC/ST communities from bias and discrimination within the public sector, particularly when these groups seek redressal for grievances.

लुनावाडा के कलेक्टर द्वारा एट्रोसिटीज एक्ट पर की गई विवादित टिप्पणी के खिलाफ कल विरोध प्रदर्शन। pic.twitter.com/IQEYrUfXv5

— Jignesh Mevani (@jigneshmevani80) October 29, 2024

Neha Kumari’s response to the allegations raised by MLA Jignesh Mevani

As per multiple media reports, Neha Kumari dismissed Mevani’s claims as a “political stunt” aimed at gaining publicity. She defended her conduct, stating that Vijay Parmar, whom Mevani described as a “poor, innocent young friend,” has a criminal background, with police cases filed against him and serious allegations against his brother, including charges of rape, kidnapping, and assault. According to Kumari, Parmar and his family members frequently visit her office with grievances, often pressuring her to act outside her legal authority. At the SWAGAT program, Kumari claimed, Parmar demanded that she file a case against police officers, despite her explanation that such matters should be addressed with the Superintendent of Police (SP) or in court.

Kumari further stated that Parmar threatened her, warning her about his knowledge of Section 4 of the Atrocities Act, seemingly to intimidate her based on her caste identity. She argued that such actions constitute an abuse of the Act, as it was designed to protect genuine victims, not to be misused for personal vendettas. Kumari criticised Mevani’s support for Parmar, contending that it risks undermining law and order by encouraging individuals with criminal records to exploit the system. She claimed that the alleged misuse of the Atrocities Act complicates the pursuit of justice for legitimate victims, as it fosters skepticism among officials and distracts from genuine cases.

Relevant legal provisions applicable to the IAS Officer’s alleged conduct

The allegations against Mahisagar District Collector Neha Kumari, as described by MLA Jignesh Mevani, could potentially attract several legal provisions under Indian law due to her alleged casteist and derogatory comments, unprofessional behaviour, and attempts to obstruct public grievance redressal. The following are key legal provisions that may be relevant in this context:

1. Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989

The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, commonly known as the Atrocities Act, is intended to prevent discrimination, humiliation, and violence against members of SC/ST communities. The Act includes specific sections that criminalise any attempt by public servants to intimidate, insult, or humiliate SC/ST individuals, which are as follows:

• Section 3(1)(r): This section makes it an offense for any person to intentionally insult or intimidate, with the intent to humiliate, a member of a Scheduled Caste or Scheduled Tribe in any place within public view. In specific to this case, Kumari’s alleged remarks about SC/ST individuals misusing the Atrocities Act for blackmail and her casteist language during an official program could fall under this section. Since her comments were intended to demean or degrade SC/ST members in a public space, this section may be held to be applicable.

• Section 3(1)(s): This section makes it an offense to abuse or intimidate SC/ST individuals in any public place or within the jurisdiction of a public servant with the intent to humiliate. Herein, the alleged insults directed at Vijay Parmar, a Dalit person, during the public SWAGAT program may be considered a violation of this section, especially if they were intended to demean his status or dignity in a public setting.

• Section 4: This section holds that any public servant who, not fulfilling their duty of protecting SC/ST individuals from atrocities or discrimination, neglects to perform their responsibilities, shall face penalties under the Act. As provided above, Mevani’s claim that Kumari did not adequately address Parmar’s grievances, coupled with her alleged casteist remarks, could be interpreted as a failure to perform her duty as a public servant tasked with ensuring equal and fair treatment for all citizens, including SC/ST individuals.

2. Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023 

• Section 196: This section penalises any person who promotes enmity between different groups on grounds of religion, race, place of birth, residence, language, etc., and acts prejudicial to maintaining harmony. If Kumari’s alleged remarks were intended to incite prejudice or create enmity against the SC/ST community by labelling them as abusers of the Atrocities Act, this section might apply.

• Section 298: This section criminalises deliberate and malicious acts intended to outrage the religious feelings of any class by insulting its religion or religious beliefs. Though generally used in religious contexts, this provision might be invoked if Kumari’s comments are interpreted as a deliberate insult to SC/ST cultural dignity or social beliefs, although the link is more tenuous.

• Section 356: This section makes it an offense to harm the reputation of a person or group by making defamatory statements. Kumari’s alleged comments may be seen as defaming SC/ST communities, casting them in a negative light by generalising them as blackmailers under the Atrocities Act, which may tarnish their reputation and dignity.
• Section 351: This section punishes intentional insult with the intent to provoke a breach of peace. If Kumari’s alleged comments were perceived as insults with the potential to incite anger or disrupt public order, she could be liable under this section.

3. Service Conduct Rules for Civil Servants

IAS officers are governed by the All India Services (Conduct) Rules, 1968, which outline the expected code of conduct for civil servants. Allegations raised against Kumari shows that she was in violation of the following:

• Rule 3: This rule emphasises that every member of the Service should maintain high ethical standards, act with integrity, and avoid any actions that could be interpreted as discriminatory or abusive.

• Rule 3(1)(iii): Specifically mandates that an officer should avoid comments or actions that are discriminatory or create any form of social divide.

In summary, the allegations levelled by MLA Jignesh Mevani against Collector Neha Kumari could potentially trigger multiple legal actions, particularly under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, and civil service conduct rules. If proven, her conduct might not only attract criminal penalties but could also result in disciplinary action under service regulations, reinforcing the principle of accountability for public servants in India. However, even getting a FIR registered in her name even after having video proofs seems to be a difficult task at the moment.

Related:

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From Slur to Segregation: the language of abusive stigma, sketches concentric circles of rank exclusion for India’s Dalits

The post Suspend Collector Neha Dubey, file cases against her for abusive anti-Dalit remarks under SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act: MLA Mevani to President Murmu appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The open letter and the protest come amid an ongoing controversy related to Mevani’s recent meeting with Pandian on October 15 when the ADGP allegedly insulted him. Mevani has stated that he went to meet Pandian to raise the land-related issues of Dalits in Kutch.

In his letter to Shah, Mevani  said, “With his behaviour, especially on the issue of land rights to Dalits, Rajkumar Pandian has not just misbehaved with an elected representative… he has insulted the dignity, rights and esteem of 50 lakh Dalits of Gujarat. This is unquestionably unacceptable and intolerable,” he added.  Mevani has posted the letter on his social media handle on X.

Also making a reference to Pandian’s jail term in connection with  the case of extra-judicial killimgs (“fake encounters”), Mevani also said, “…keeping in mind the history of accusations against and consequential jail term undergone by Pandian, I do see myself threatened.” Facing serious charges of such extra-judicial killings, Pandian was in jail for around seven years before he was discharged.

“I am compelled to say that if any harm is done to me, my life and property and/or the life and property of my family, and/or to the life and property of Shri Hitendra Pitadiya, and/or the life and property of any of my team members/associates; in any such case, Rajkumar Pandian should be held responsible,” he added.

Mevani is seeking the termination of Pandian, Mevani claimed, “I am convinced that such a bureaucrat occupying an office of such importance would always fail to serve the people, particularly the most marginal, namely Dalits. I therefore pray that in order to retain the sanctity and credibility of the Offices of the Police Department, you kindly  …give necessary instructions to the concerned authorities to move to terminate/suspend Rajkumar Pandian with immediate effect.”

Meanwhile, Gujarat Congress leaders and Dalit community members on Wednesday also gathered outside the DGP office in Gandhinagar and staged a protest, seeking the suspension of Pandian. Shouting slogans against Pandian, hundreds of people led by Mevani and senior Congress leaders, including Gujarat Pradesh Congress Committee (GPCC) president Shaktisinh Gohil and party MLAs, gathered outside the ‘Police Bhavan’.

“Anti-social elements have grabbed 20,000 bigha of land (1 bigha is 17,427 sq ft) belonging to Dalits, but IPS officer Pandian does not have the courage to get their land freed …When we went with an appeal, the IPS officer tried to suppress our voice…” said Mevani.

Talking to PTI, Pandian called the allegations “baseless,” and asserted the state police give due importance to the welfare and safety of weaker sections of society, including Dalits and tribals.

A delegation of senior Congress leaders also met DGP Vikas Sahay and submitted a memorandum, accusing Pandian of “absolutely unacceptable, improper and deplorable behaviour”.

(With inputs from PTI)

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Mainpuri, Uttar Pradesh

A Dalit youth in Mainpuri, while working on his own land, was attacked by a group of men. The authorities have registered a case involving assault and harassment against the Dalit community under the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989. As per reports, the police is now searching for the culprits who are currently absconding. The police have filed a complaint against one Munshi Khan and his associates. 

The victim has said in his complaint that on June 9 he was working on his plot when a couple of men came and started swearing at him. When he stood up to them, they started threatening to take his life and began to beat him. 

On June 7th, it was reported that a group of Dalit women protesting against liquor shops in Uttar Pradesh’s Mainpuri were beaten by the shop owners. The women were also subjected to casteist slurs and also threats to their life. 

Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh

On June 2nd, another horrifying incident took place in Lucknow, where a man urinated on the face of a Dalit labourer while he was taking an afternoon nap. The incident was even shot on camera and uploaded online after which it quickly went viral on social media.

The victim, Rajkumar Rawat, had been resting after a day’s work when the accused allegedly urinated on his face to wake him up. Rawat’s family has written a complaint to the police, who say that the investigation in the matter has started. 

This was the third incident from June reported from Uttar Pradesh. As per statistics, UP bears 28% of the total number of crimes committed against Dalit people across all over India. In 2022, a total of 57,428 crimes were reported to have been committed against Dalits in UP alone. 

Morena, Madhya Pradesh

In Morena, Madhya Pradesh, a Dalit sarpanch was reportedly tied to a tree and beaten. After the violence, the man was forced to flee his native village. The sarpanch of Koutharkalan panchayat has reportedly filed a complaint at the Porsa police station on Thursday. He had reportedly faced harassment over the past two years. The attackers had pressured him to leave his position and hand over his digital account details. However, after he refused to follow their demands, the goons allegedly took him to the outskirts of Koutharkalan, tied him to a tree, and brutally thrashed him, according to PTI. 

Related 

Dalit woman dies of suspicious circumstances after brother, uncle beaten to death

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Student, sanitation worker, farmer: Dalit lives across society unsafe

RSS deceit on constitutional reservation and Dalits in general

The post Hate Watch: violence against Dalits fails to get attention appeared first on SabrangIndia.

The convenor of Karnataka Dalit Sangharsha Samiti in the district, Ramu Neelaghatta told Hindustan Times, “Few shops in the village refused to cut the hair of those belonging to the Dalit community just because of their caste. This has happened for years.” TLS Prema, the district’s social welfare deputy director, stated that after receiving complaints from Dalit leaders regarding discrimination in haircut shops, she and other officials visited these shops and started to sensitise people and ensure that Dalit people were able to receive haircuts. The department of social welfare also that they will be vigilant about such discriminatory instances in the future. 

A similar incident took place in the state on February 15, where two people were arrested and booked under the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act for reportedly practising untouchability in Koppal district. This took place after a person was denied a haircut in Halavarthi district. The person was also subjected to casteist comments. Local members of the Dalit community called for the closing such discriminatory shops, and accused fellow villagers of engaging in ‘discriminatory’ practices. In the aftermath of the incident, a peace meeting was held in the village which included the sub divisional magistrate Mahesh Malagatti and deputy superintendent of police Channappa Saravagol who also conducted an enquiry the same day. Another instance of a similar nature took place on the same data in Tamil Nadu’s Salem, as per a report by The Hindu, where a hairdresser in Kaveripuram was booked after he denied giving a haircut to a Dalit man. According to Times of India, he stated that, “Ramesh refused to cut my hair citing caste as the reason. Later on, I brought my son who was also refused for the same reasons.” Ilaiyaraja, who was subjected to the discrimination, recorded the instance on his mobile phone and later lodged a complaint with the Kolathur police station, who have booked him under the SC/ST Act. 

In June 2023, the New Indian Express reported how a simple act of discrimination was an outcome of heavy segregation and casteism practised against Dalits after the community stated that they were being charged rupees 500 for a haircut and, even were asked to pay to use chairs or sit on the stairs in local hotels in Rottigawad village in Hubballi, Karnataka, registering their protest on Thursday. The community took to the streets and heavily protested after which government officials visited the village and conducted an enquiry. The portal reported that even those local barbers who had no problem providing their haircutting services to Dalit persons, they were being threatened with their life to not cut their hair. 

Related:

Jabalpur, Madhya Pradesh: 5 Dalit children beaten with sticks, with hands tied behind their back, for drinking water from a well

To include or exclude: process of including a Community in SC or ST list

Dalit groom attacked, threatened, and beaten off a horse at his wedding in Gujarat

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Collected Works sell sans Annihilation of Caste and the Riddles in Hinduism!

Who is afraid of the writings of Babasaheb Ambedkar? Both, the Modi and Phadnavis governments respectively; or so it seems.

For an average social scientist, Ambedkarite, a student of Indian freedom and inequality, when discussing Ambedkar and his most critical works, some names come immediately to mind.

These are, or are they or not, the Annihilation of Caste, or Riddles in Hinduism?  Even State and Minorities , Shudras and the Counter Revolution, Women and the Counter Revolution ?  Not for this regime(s) however. This government(s) – Centre and Maharashtra — would have us believe that the seminal or important works of this man are only his writings on the Roundtable Conference or his works related to Poona Pact, or his debates with Gandhi.

Now imagine a set of books, the official collection, copyright of which is with the Government of Maharashtra, re-branded as the (truncated) Collected Works of Bhimrao Ambedkar (CWBA) but without these seminal texts that cast a sharp and critical look at caste-ridden Hindu society.

This is exactly the farce that is being played out at India’s premier Book Fair currently on in the capital right now. The Delhi Book Fair. The Ambedkar Foundation, a Government of India body under the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, the sole publisher of Babasaheb’s writings and speeches in Hindi, is selling the Collected Works without 11 books from the set ! Among the missing books in the Collected Works in Hindi are Anhilation of Caste and Riddles in Hinduism.

The official explanation is that the Ambedkar Foundation is in the process of publishing a new set of the Collected Works –and in the intermediate period — this truncated Collected Works is what they have to offer to the readers. But none at the Foundation (whom this writer spoke to), knows exactly when the new set of books will be published. This is the status of the Hindi edition of the CWBA.

For the English originals, the situation is more complicated. As the Foundation has not received the No Objection Certificate or the NOC from the Maharashtra Government, the copyright holder of these works, the Foundation cannot publish the English versions of the CWBA. It’s intriguing that the Maharashtra government that holds the publishing rights for the writings and speeches of Babasaheb is resisting sending this NOC to the central government affiliated Foundation!

In the meanwhile, citizens of the country have no option but to buy a truncated set of the Collected Works.  These acts of the Modi and Phadnavis  governments come at a time when the year is being celebrated, nationwide, for the 125^th Birth Anniversary of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar. Prime Minister Narendra Modi himself has himself taken the lead in these celebrations. The Indian Parliament has held a two days special session to mark this occasion; a special commemorative coin has also been issued.

Is this celebration, then, just a façade for the Modi Government ? On the outside there are clever moves to appropriate Babasaheb; the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) have declared him a ‘thinker’ or a ‘Guru’. But in essence, while this shallow eulogising continues, the radical social scientist and critical thinker in Babasaheb is being white-washed.

Dr. Ambedkar, while delivering his concluding speech before the Constituent Assembly, had forewarned us about the problems with hero worship. This regime, adept at ‘event management’ is simply trying to appropriate an idol. By suppressing Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar’s critical works, the RSS driven regime is trying to rob the revolutionary essence contained in the writings of Babasaheb.  While both the BJP and the RSS want to appropriate Babasaheb, his writings are, in a sense, too hot for them to handle. As a symbol to garner votes, Babasaheb is a welcome appropriation to the Hindutva  pantheon. But their affection for him ends there.

Why are Ambedkar himself and the Ambedkarite movement a Catch 22 for the RSS and the Sangh Parivar ?  Because, it has always faltered in its dealings with the issue of Caste. The centrality of caste in the democratic discourse of Ambedkarite stream of thought is a stumbling block for the avowed objective of the RSS in establishing upper caste Brahamanic hegemony in the country. In the Anhilation of Caste, Ambedkar actually advocates the demolishing of certain Hindu religious texts to enable Hindus to be really free. His writings are therefore extremely problematic for any organisation that seeks to re-affirm or consolidate caste hegemony.

And therein lies the rub. With Ambedkar and his legacy of radical critical thought, a searchlight is shone on aspects of the Indian (read Hindu) social and political structure that reactionary forces like the RSS and the BJP would prefer to conceal. In this year of the 125^th Birth Anniversary of Ambedkar, the choice is clear. Dr BR Ambedkar’s writings and thoughts need to be recognised in their completeness. In toto. By hollowing out his Collected Works of their seminal portions, the regimes in Delhi and Maharashtra seek to sanitise this legacy. A strong vibrant Dalit tradition will not so easily allow this mis-appropriation.

 Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Writings and Speeches

(The writer is a senior journalist, former managing editor India Today group and presently researching at the Jawaharlal Nehru Univreristy (JNU) on Media and Caste relations)

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