The Premnagar Basti, also known as the Chick-Chatai Wali Basti, is an at least 45-year-old settlement of BPL migrant labourers, most of which has now been destroyed. 86 of the 250 or so jhuggi-jhopdis that made up the urban village remain protected, entitled to rehabilitation in a 2-decade old low-income housing project called the Ashiana Scheme, as per the state government.

Unlike many similar demolitions of marginalised populations’ homes, the demolition of the Premnagar Basti was initiated not for the purpose of clearing public land, but at the behest of local industrialist Gulaab Singh. In 2013, the Central Market Welfare Association (CMWA) of the market complex opposite the basti filed a lawsuit against the Haryana government and its urban development authority, Haryana Shehri Vikas Pradhikaran (HSVP), complaining that the very existence of the Premnagar Basti was affecting their business adversely. Singh is the president of this association, and also the owner of the Sector 12 market complex.

The same year that the CMWA filed the lawsuit demanding Premnagar’s demolition, the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Bill was passed in Parliament, repealing 1894’s Land Acquisition Act such that every acquisition would require the government to pay compensation to its occupants, or rehabilitate them. Essentially, it meant that there is no such thing in Indian law as a ‘legal forced eviction’ or a ‘legal forced demolition’.

The act was enforced the following year in 2014, but the CMWA’s case was temporarily dismissed by the Punjab and Haryana High Court at the time, as the occupied land in question was not public property at all, but disputed private property that the government had been attempting to acquire for three decades.

Premnagar’s impending demolition has terrorised its residents through much of the last decade, ever since HSVP acquired the land in the mid 2010s (HSVP’s present estate officer, Rakesh Saini, alongside GMDA Nodal Officer and Town Planner R.S. Batth declined comment on the exact date, or any other technical or legal details). Wednesday marked the end of a decade long battle, despite the fact that till date, not a single family has been rehabilitated or compensated by the HSVP as required by the 2013 Act.

In fact, the Ashiana Scheme apartments in sector 47, where the HSVP now promises to house 86 families currently protected from demolition, have sat empty for 15 years. These flats are in a state of utter disrepair, with the HSVP having failed to allot even one of 1,088 flats since the project’s completion in 2010. In 2023, the HSVP announced that these flats would be demolished! The land was set to be resold for high-end commercial use, which the HSVP felt better suited its ‘premium value’; just this year, it was announced that they would not be demolished after all, and Rs. 9 crores  were then allotted for their repair!

In the High Court’s final judgement regarding Premnagar given in January earlier this year, 204 families had been marked as eligible for rehabilitation in these inhospitable Ashiana Scheme apartments. Now, this number has arbitrarily shrunk to 86, and not a single allotment letter has been given to any of them either.

The demolition drive, which employed the use of a massive armed police force, water cannons, detention vans and a bulldozer—blocking Old Delhi Road for regular commuters through the hours of 10 and 6—was overseen by GMDA’s Nodal Officer for ‘removal of illegal encroachments’, R. S. Batth, a somewhat notorious figure for his attempts at internet fame—through the act of demolition itself.

Batth’s Instagram account, @r_s_batth_dtp, consists largely of vertical short-form videos of himself overseeing various demolition drives in addition to participation in Savarna religious events, with the former ranging from the destruction of street food vendor stalls to the huts and homes of slum dwellers. Batth has built a loyal Instagram following, with over 2,71,000 followers and at least 6 fan pages, and a corresponding internet infamy within less than a year of taking office, seemingly entirely at the cost of Gurugram’s urban poor.

On the 8th of October, as sick children were dragged from their homes and men and women beaten with sticks as they were made to watch their homes being razed to the ground, Batth could be seen recording videos of requesting victims of demolition to have tea or water to calm themselves down. These videos, along with closeups of bulldozer action, were then quickly uploaded to his Instagram page, receiving applause from his following.

Surprisingly though, there are forms of attention that Batth does not in fact, enjoy. When reporters from Sabrang India asked him about the legality of the demolition with reference to the 2013 Act, how, if at all, he planned to rehabilitate the people whose homes he’d demolished as constitutionally required, or why the 120 remaining families earlier promised rehabilitation were suddenly dropped from the list. Batth declined comment on each question, and requested that ‘technical questions’ be directed to HSVP’s Estate Officer, Rakesh Saini instead.

“I am not questioning your legal knowledge. Please ask all these technical questions to the Estate Officer and not me,” said Batth. Saini himself also declined comment on the matter, saying that he would prefer if the matter were discussed with him privately instead.

Interestingly, both authorities also failed to answer how many homes it was that they’d set out to demolish. “It is not possible to say the exact number,” said Saini. “It is somewhere around a hundred and fifty.”

Barring the 86 protected homes, marked out by yellow spray paint on bamboo walls and notices pasted everywhere the eye could see, at least 170 homes would have been planned to be demolished. Till the evening, 50 or so homes were destroyed by the Haryana government, with many families not even being permitted to retrieve their belongings.

“That is 50 year’s worth of possessions,” said Reema Devi, resident of one such home, weeping on the street with her granddaughters beside her. “They expect us to get rid of it in a day.”

“This is all the fault of Mukesh Sharma,” she then added. The BJP MLA had campaigned around Premnagar intensely, promising an end to the battle for Premnagar which had begun during Congress’ tenure.” He promised us this wouldn’t happen. That we would be rehabilitated within two months of his taking office,” said Reema Devi.

While Sharma has never since revisited Premnagar,  nor had he replied to the petition sent to him by residents of the basti informing him of the unjust processes of demolition being carried out over there and seeking remedy for the same, he has come very close: On 25th September, Sharma visited the popular Sheetla Mata Mandir merely 2km away from the Premnagar basti, to inaugurate a new building within the temple, and to ensure that no one would sell meat within a four-hundred metre radius of it. These achievements are boasted of on his very own website, mukeshsharma.in.

The following day, the police and demolition authorities were set to return to finish their incomplete task of razing over a hundred more homes, but as of 9th October, at time of writing, no further action is taking place. It seems as if now that Batth’s videos have gone viral, the urgency to ‘clean up’ the streets of Gurugram has ceased.

The homes of a few poor Dalit families have little value to the incumbent government beyond cheap publicity stunts and monkey-fights with the opposition; Congress’ mayoral candidate, alongside their advocate, Abhay Jain were both present at the sight of demolition and spoke vehemently against the drive, requesting that the government at least ‘let Diwali pass’ in peace for the families, most of whom make livings through artisan work and seasonal employment. Both left immediately after the police lathi-charged the basti’s protesting crowd, gathered protectively around the urban village.

“At this point, I don’t understand anything. I don’t know what to do,” said Muskan, an 18-year-old preparing to become a software engineer, who was one of the key voices among the basti’s youth who have been fighting the demolition threats since the judgment of January 16.

“After today, it feels like nothing we can do matters.”

Muskan was among many young women who very nearly escaped violent detention as police forcefully cleared the homes on the outer periphery of the basti. Her friend, a young girl named Shivani was among five people falsely imprisoned without food or water in a detention van outside for the entire duration of the demolition drive, which continued from early afternoon till the evening. Four of these five detainees were women.

“We did nothing. We weren’t violent, we weren’t obstructing anything.  We just asked them not to raze our homes,” said Shivani from behind the grills of the detention van. All the detainees were released past sunset.

For now, the 86 families marked for rehabilitation wait in limbo — their allotted homes in the Ashiana Scheme still locked, decaying, and unfit for habitation. With no timeline or written assurance from the HSVP, uncertainty looms large. Many fear that once the media attention fades, their protection too will quietly dissolve, leaving them next in line for eviction.

(The author is a scholar of religion at Jamia Millia Islamia and a freelance journalist from New Delhi. Additional fieldwork by Vishnu Khanawalia, a reporter and activist from New Delhi.)

The post ‘We Were Promised Rehabilitation’: Gurugram’s oldest Dalit settlement bulldozed after decade long battle; police violently beat and detain residents for protesting appeared first on SabrangIndia.

First Published on: 11 Apr 2016

On his 189^th Birth Anniversary, April 11, we bring to you excerpts from Jyotiba Phule’s path breaking work, severely criticising Brahminism and the Caste System

Jyotiba Phule was born on April 11, 1827

If a Bhat happened to pass by a river where a Shudra as washing his clothes, the Shudra had to collect all his clothes and proceed to a far distant spot, lest some drops of the (contaminated) water should be sprayed on the Bhat. Even then, if a drop of water were to touch the body of the Bhat from there, or even if the Bhat so imagined it, the Bhat did not hesitate to fling his utensil angrily at the head of the Shudra who would collapse to the ground, his head bleeding profusely.

On recovering from the swoon the Shudra would collect his blood- stained clothes and wend his way home silently. He could not complain to the Government Officials, as the administration was dominated by the Bhats. More often than not he would be punished stringently for complaining against the Bhats. This was the height of injustice!

It was difficult for the Shudras to move about freely in the streets for their daily routine, most of all in the mornings when persons and things cast long shadows about them. If a `Bhat Saheb’ were to come along from the opposite direction, the Shudra had to stop by the road until such time as the `Bhat Saheb’ passed by – for fear of casting his polluting shadow on him. He was free to proceed further only after the `Bhat Saheb’ had passed by him.

Should a Shudra be unlucky enough to cast his polluting shadow on a Bhat inadvertently, the Bhat used to belabour him mercilessly and would go to bathe at the river to wash off the pollution. The Shudras were forbidden even to spit in the streets. Should he happen to pass through a Brahmin (Bhat) locality he had to carry an earthen-pot slung about his neck to collect his spittle. (Should a Bhat Officer find a spittle from a Shudra’s mouth on the road, woe betide the Shudra!)…….

[[The Shudra suffered many such indignities and disabilities and were looking forward to their release from their persecutors as prisoners fondly do. The all-merciful Providence took pity on the Shudras and brought about the British raj to India by its divine dispensation which emancipated the Shudras from the physical (bodily) thraldom (slavery). We are much beholden to the British rulers. We shall never forget their kindness to us. It was the British rulers who freed us from the centuries-old oppression of the Bhat and assured a hopeful future for our children. Had the British not come on the scene (in India) (as our rulers) the Bhat would surely have crushed us in no time (long ago.)]]

Some may well wonder as to how the Bhats managed to crush the depressed and down-trodden people here even though they (the Shudras) outnumbered them tenfold. It was well-known that one clever person can master ten ignorant persons
(e.g. a shepherd and his flock). Should the ten ignorant men be united (be of one mind), they would surely prevail over that clever one. But if the ten are disunited they would easily be duped by that clever one. The Bhats have invented a very cunning method to sow seeds of dissension among the Shudras. The Bhats were naturally apprehensive of the growing numbers of the depressed and down- trodden people. They knew that keeping them disunited alone ensured their (the Bhats’) continued mastery ever them. It was the only way of keeping them as abject slaves indefinitely, and only thus would they be able to indulge in a life of gross indulgence and luxury ensured by the `sweat of the Shudras’ brows. To that end in view, the Bhats invented the pernicious fiction of the caste-system, compiled (learned) treatises to serve their own self-interest and indoctrinated the pliable minds of the ignorant Shudras (masses) accordingly.

Some of the Shudras put up a gallant fight against this blatant injustice. They were segregated into a separate category (class). In order to wreak vengeance on them (for their temerity) the Bhats persuaded those whom we today term as Malis (gardeners), Kunbis (tillers, peasants) etc. not to stigmatise them as untouchables.

Being deprived of their means of livelihood, they were driven to the extremity of eating the flesh of dead animals. Some of the members of the Shudras community today proudly call themselves as Malis (gardeners), Kunbis (peasants), gold-smiths, tailors, iron smiths, carpenters etc, on the basis of the avocation (trade) they pursued (practised), Little do they know that our ancestors and those of the so¬called untouchables (Mahars, Mangs etc.) were blood-brothers (traced their lineage to the same family stock).

Their ancestors fought bravely in defence of their motherland against the invading usurpers (the Bhats) and hence, the wily Bhats reduced them to penury and misery. It is a thousand pities that being unmindful of this state of affairs, the Shudras began to hate their own kith and kin.

The Bhats invented an elaborate system of caste-distinction based on the way the other Shudras behaved towards them, condemning some to the lowest rung and some to a slightly higher rung. Thus they permanently made them into their proteges and by means of the powerful weapon of the `iniquitous caste system,’ drove a permanent wedge among the Shudras.

It was a classic case of the cats who went to law! The Bhats created dissensions among the depressed and the down- trodden masses and are battening on the differences (are leading luxurious lives thereby).

The depressed and down­trodden masses in India were freed from the physical bodily) slavery of the Bhats as a result of the advent of the British raj here. But we are sorry to state that the benevolent British Government have not addressed themselves to the important task of providing education to the said masses. That is why the Shudras continue to be ignorant, and hence, their ‘mental slavery’ regarding the spurious religious tracts of the Bhats continues unabated. They cannot even appeal to the Government for the redressal of their wrongs. The Government is not yet aware of the way the Bhats exploit the masses in their day to day problems as also in the administrative machinery. We pray to the Almighty to enable the Government to kindly pay attention to this urgent task and to free the masses from their mental slavery to the machinations of the Bhats.

I am deeply beholden to Shri Vinayak Babji Bhandarkar and Rao Saheb Shri Rajanna Lingu for their continued encouragement to me in the writing of this treatise.

(From the Introduction to ‘Slavery’ by Mahatma Jyotiba Phule)
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The post Jyotiba Phule’s Trenchant Critique of Caste: Gulamgiri appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Introduction

Despite efforts to redefine these identities, with, for example Mahatma Gandhi’s introduction of the term “Harijan,” meaning “children of God,” the stigma persists. The term has often been underlined through a normalization, further entrenching discrimination. Other abusive terms targeting Dalits, such as “Bhangi,” “Chamar” and “Quota Khane Wale” not only demean individuals but also perpetuate a cycle of segregation and inequality. These derogatory terms reinforce societal hierarchies, leading to systemic discrimination and social ostracism. The societal sanction behind the use of such language fosters an environment where Dalits are targeted, marginalised, often resulting in boycotts from local communities, leading to both social and economic exclusion.

The repercussions extend beyond an individual humiliation or insult; they contribute to ghettoization and reinforce the stigma surrounding Dalit identities. Understanding the profound impact of these slurs is essential in dismantling the structures of inequality that continue to affect millions.

Common derogatory phrases, such as “Kya Bhangi Ki Tarah Kapde Pahna Hai?” (Do you wear clothes like a Bhangi?), “Bhangi Ki Tarah Lag Rahe Ho” (Commenting on someone’s unusual attire.) highlight the ongoing prejudice and stereotype against the Dalits. These stereotypes portray Bhangis as inherently “dirty,” and “Impure” fit only for menial labour, and lacking in intellect, reinforcing systemic oppression through the derogatory vocab. The linguistic and cultural marginalization faced through these slurs exemplifies the broader challenges confronting Dalits in their struggle for dignity and equality in a caste-driven society.

Abuse against Dalits:

Stereotypes and slurs against Harijans (Dalits) and Bhangis (a term often used for certain groups within the Dalit community) reflect deep-seated prejudices and can vary regionally. Here are some common stereotypes and derogatory phrases associated with these groups:

Phrases reflecting this stigma include:

• “Kya Bhangi Ki Tarah Kapde Pahan Rakhe hai?” (Referring to someone wearing awkward clothing.)
• “Bhangi Ki Tarah Lag Rahe Ho” (Commenting on someone’s unusual attire.)
• “Ye kaam sirf mehtar ka hai” (Implying that a task is fit only for a sweeper.)
• “Mujhe Bhangi Jaisa Nahi Dikhna” (Expressing a desire not to appear like a Bhangi.)

Stereotypes:

1. Impurity: The belief that Harijans and Bhangis are inherently “dirty” or “impure,” leading to social ostracism.
2. Menial Work: The stereotype that they are only fit for low-status jobs, such as sweeping, cleaning, or manual labour.
3. Criminality: The unfounded assumption that members of these communities are more likely to engage in criminal behaviour.
4. Ignorance: The belief that they are uneducated or incapable of intellectual achievement due to systemic barriers.
5. Cultural Inferiority: The idea that their traditions and lifestyles are inferior to those of higher castes.

Normalisation of casteist slurs and the severe damage to Dalit’s identity:

This normalization of derogatory language perpetuates systemic oppression, marginalising Dalits both linguistically and culturally. Historically, the term “Bhangi,” associated with one of the lowest sub-castes of Valmiki, translates to “broken identity” and reflects the derogatory nature of its usage. This label is commonly applied to individuals traditionally tasked with scavenging and cleaning work. Throughout history, certain castes in India have been relegated to occupations deemed “impure,” including sweeping and handling dead bodies. As a result, communities labelled as Bhangi, along with others like Mehtar and Chamar, Dedh etc., occupy the lower echelons of the social hierarchy and are officially recognized as Scheduled Castes in India.

Similarly, the term “Chamar,” once associated with skilled leather workers, has been weaponized into a derogatory label, inflicting significant damage on Dalit identity. Phrases like “Kya Chamar Jaisa Kapde Pahna Hai?” (Do you wear clothes like a Chamar?) and “Ye Chamaaro Ka Ghar Hai” (This house belongs to Chamars) reinforce harmful stereotypes that equate caste with inferiority. This transformation from a caste identifier to an insult illustrates the social stigma attached to the Chamar community, perpetuating a narrative of humiliation and exclusion. Additionally, the slur “Chori-chamari Na Karna” (Don’t steal like the chamars) shows the negative associations, linking criminality to an entire community.

The Supreme Court’s observations in Swaran Singh & Ors. vs. State thr’ Standing Counsel & Anr. (2008) 12 SCR 132 underscore the term “Chamar” offensive nature, emphasizing that its use is not merely about caste but a deliberate act of derogation.

Notably, Justice Markandey Katju in Swaran Singh (Supra) observed that;

“21. Today the word ‘Chamar’ is often used by people belonging to the so-called upper castes or even by OBCs as a word of insult, abuse and derision. Calling a person Chamar’ today is nowadays an abusive language and is highly offensive. In fact, the word Chamar’ when used today is not normally used to denote a caste but to intentionally insult and humiliate someone.

“23. Hence, in our opinion, the so-called upper castes and OBCs should not use the word Chamar’ when addressing a member of the Scheduled Caste, even if that person in fact belongs to the Chamar’ caste, because use of such a word will hurt his feelings.”

Similarly, the Meghwal community, a specified Scheduled Caste in Rajasthan, Haryana and Gujrat known for their expertise in weaving, embroidery, and traditional crafts, faces systemic oppression through the derogatory casteist slur “Dedh“, originating from Sanskrit “Dhed” (washer/cleaner), like “saale dedh” (a slur used for SCs, especially Meghwals), “dedho ke guru” (to refer to Dr B R Ambedkar), “aukat dikha di” (showed them their place), “dhari bichhane wale” (to refer to Dalits who are tasked with spreading family bedding on the floor), reflect a broader cultural devaluation of Dalit identities, fostering a sense of inferiority, These damaging narratives not only fragment community solidarity but also obstruct pathways to dignity and empowerment, making it imperative to challenge and dismantle such derogatory language.

Moreover, contrary to popular belief, caste oppression is not limited to those from the most privileged category of castes; it is also perpetuated by communities classified as Other Backward Castes (OBCs). This highlights the complexity of caste dynamics, where discrimination can arise from various social groups, complicating the narrative of privilege and oppression.

Casteist Slurs in daily life: ongoing impact on Dalit community

Casteist slurs permeate daily life, leading to significant repercussions for Dalit communities. In 2017, the Supreme Court of India declared that calling people ‘dhobi’ or ‘harijan’ was offensive. Dhobi is used as a generic name for all washermen. The term Dhobi is mostly used to denote the Washerman. Generally Muslim washermen are identified by the term Hawari and, in West Bengal they have been recognised as an Other Backward Class.

The derogatory and casteist phrases such as “Dhobi Ka Kutta, Na Ghar Ka Na Ghat Ka” reduce individuals to a state of limbo, stripping them of dignity and belonging. Similarly, the slur “Kameena” carries connotations of low character, reinforcing negative stereotypes about certain communities by using the slur “Kitna Kamina Insan hai” (What a low person he is!).

Terms like “Kanjar” reflect the marginalisation faced by a nomadic ethnic group, framing them as untrustworthy and criminal through derogatory phrases that perpetuate Dalits in undignified manner while includes the casteist slur like “Kya Kanjarkhana Bana Rakha Hai” (What kind of brothel have you set up?) “Kanjarkhana Khol Rakha Hai” (You have opened a brothel.)

Many misconception and fake narratives that Kanjars are inherently dishonest or involved in criminal activities, which supports social discrimination. Additionally, the Kanjar cast categorised as the Scheduled Cast in Rajasthan, Bihar, UP, Jharkhand, MP, West Bengal, Chhatisgarh, Uttarakhand and Delhi.

In Punjab, the term “Chura” serves as a casteist slur for Dalit Sikhs, also known as Mazhabi (Balmiki Mazhabi), a Scheduled Cast in Punjab, with real-world consequences such as restrictions on entry to gurudwaras and segregation during Langar (community meal). Likewise, “Pallan” in Tamil Nadu is used not only to denote a caste but also as an insult, which is legally recognized as an offense under the SC/ST Prevention of Atrocities Act. Overall, these terms encapsulate a broader pattern of linguistic discrimination.

Justice Markandey Katju observed in Para 10 of the Judgement in Arumugam Servai vs. State of Tamil Nadu, [SLP (Crl.) No. 8084 of 2009] that “It is just unacceptable in the modern age, just as the words ‘Nigger’ or ‘Negro’ are unacceptable for African-Americans today (even if they were acceptable 50 years ago,”

Boycott as a weapon: the cost of survival for Dalits

It’s not strange and unfamiliar in  our surrounding that when a Dalit rape victim lodges a complaint against an accused from the privileged castes, the repercussions often extend beyond the immediate trauma of the crime. In many instances, the Dalit victim’s family faces severe social boycott, fine, ban on temple entry, beating up and expulsion from their community and village, enforced by local “Panchayats.” These informal councils may impose fines on the victim’s family, further entrenching their marginalization. The cost of survival for Dalits is disproportionately high, as they navigate not only the trauma of violence but also the stigma and repercussions of seeking justice.

Just a month before, in September, 2024, 50 Dalit families faced social boycott in Karnataka’s Yadgir for pursuing a POCSO complaint against an accused belonging to an upper caste and in a similar incident occurred in Karnataka village people from Lingayat and Caste Hindu communities were imposed a ban on Dalits from entering their localities after they brutally assaulted 28-year-old Dalit youth, Arjun Madar. In Andhra Pradesh a 55-year-old mother from Dalit community tied to a tree and thrashed as her son married a girl from another caste. These incidents starkly illustrate a criminal mind set and deep-seated bias against the Dalit community.

A detailed report of Sabrang India can be read here

Casteist propaganda perpetuated a negative stereotype about Dalits, reinforcing their status as “untouchables” that led to normalization of derogatory words against the Dalits and as a tool of segregation. This long-standing social hierarchy devalues the dignity of Dalit individuals, leading many to choose silence over the risk of ostracism. The interplay of violence, social stigma, and economic penalties creates a vicious cycle that traps Dalits in a system of oppression from a period of time despite the enforcement of stringent laws like the Schedule Caste/ Schedule Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities Act), 1989 was introduced to combat persecution and discrimination against Dalits and Adivasi (tribal) people.

Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP)’s “Is Caste name calling not an offence under the SC/ST Act? may be read here.

Misconception of unworthiness: the slur “Quota Khane Wale”

The slur “quota khane wale” (these “quota people” are stealing our seats) epitomizes the misconception that Dalits are unworthy recipients of affirmative action through reservation on the basis of caste. This derogatory label implies that their achievements are solely the result of quotas rather than merit, reinforcing harmful stereotypes and societal biases. By dismissing the struggles and contributions of Dalits and the historical untouchability and injustice faced by the members of Dalit community, this language perpetuates anger and prejudice against the Dalits. Such rhetoric not only undermines the purpose of reservations—designed to rectify historical injustices—but also devalues the talents and efforts of individuals within the Dalit community.

Uttar Pradesh tops in cases of Dalit atrocities

The SC/ST Prevention of Atrocities Act reports thousands of cases annually. Normalizing derogatory language fuels this violence, making it imperative to challenge and dismantle such language to promote dignity and safety for Dalit communities.

As reported in Sabrang India, States ruled by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) top in high number of cases registered under the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, (PoA Act) in the year 2022. A union government report published by the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment reveals that Uttar Pradesh, reported a staggering 12,287 cases accounting for 23.78% of the total 51,656 cases registered under the PoA Act (97.7 % atrocity cases against Dalits). Following this, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh are positioned on top in registration of cases of atrocities against Dalits. The report’s findings are a grim reminder of India’s ongoing struggle with caste-based violence and discrimination against marginalised communities.

The union ministry report also reveals that, 52,866 cases of atrocities against Scheduled Castes (SCs) and 9,725 cases of Scheduled Tribes (STs) were registered in year 2022 under the PoA Act. The majority of these cases, a staggering 97.7%, were recorded in just 13 states, with BJP-ruled Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Madhya Pradesh topping the list. In 2022, out of 51,656 cases registered under the PoA Act, Uttar Pradesh reported 12,287 cases accounting for 23.78% of the total 97.7 % cases of atrocities against Dalits in 2022 was reported in 13 states. Following this, Rajasthan reported second highest atrocities cases of Dalits with 8,651 cases (16.75%), while Madhya Pradesh had 7,732 cases, making up 14.97%. Other states with a significant number of cases include Bihar with 6509, Odisha with 2902 cases and Maharashtra with 2276 cases.

Full report of Sabrang India may be read here.

Related

BJP-ruled states account for highest Dalit violence cases, UP on top, MP records highest reported crimes against STs

15-yr-old Dalit ‘gangrape victim’ takes her own life: Chitrakoot, UP

Cruelty for Caste: Dalit youth, Scholar, Student targeted in shameful attacks 

The post From Slur to Segregation: the language of abusive stigma, sketches concentric circles of rank exclusion for India’s Dalits appeared first on SabrangIndia.

We are writing this letter, as members of ALIYSA (All India Inquilabi Youth and Students Alliance) to express our deep dismay and anguish at the recent eviction notices sent to at least 12 PhD scholars to vacate the TISS Mumbai campus in 24 hours, issued from your office. We demand your immediate intervention, in a fair manner, to withdraw these eviction notices and ensure a dignified stay and completion of studies for these PhD students of TISS.

ALIYSA is an All-India non-partisan alliance of students and youth who have come together through NAPM (National Alliance of People’s Movements) to build solidarity for justice and equity for the youth and students across India. Coming from varying backgrounds of privileges and marginalisations, we stand beside every young person facing discrimination and injustice.

As a premier social sciences institute, TISS is considered a progressive institution in the country, with a legacy for upholding social justice values, both academically and institutionally. However, in the past decade, multiple such issues have come up where TISS has failed to ensure a just academic environment. Through academic and grassroots work, causes of social justice can be furthered and the values imbibed in our Constitution upheld. Students in university spaces and educational institutes have faced injustice and exclusion multiple times in recent years.

We are pained to know that the recent eviction notices are an addition in this spree of arbitrary actions where PhD scholars are being unfairly targeted. They have been asked to move out of the campus without appropriate notice or intimation. It was only some time back that the students had requested the administration for an extension to complete their thesis writing till September, to which your administration had agreed.

In a statement, you have claimed that scholars have taken beyond 5 years of time in completing their doctoral work. However, it is common knowledge that between 2019 to 2020, the students were off campus for over two years due to the COVID lockdown. Thus, they have only spent 3.5 years on the campus during their doctoral work. Further, as an old academic institution, TISS administration must be well-aware of the rigorous demands of a PhD program, that often extend beyond 5 years. Your statement comes across as a blame on students for taking more than 5 years.

We also want to highlight that most of the scholars who have been served with these notices come from vulnerable communities — SC, ST, OBC, De-notified and Nomadic Tribes. The costs involved in higher education at TISS are not easily affordable for all the students and hence the issue of pending balances cannot be pinned down on students. TISS states in its vision that it works for a “…just society that promotes and protects dignity, equality, social justice and human rights for all”.  It seems that the recent notices are instead violating these values for the scholars from vulnerable communities.

Several scholars who are served the notices have been active in critically questioning  actions of the administration

It is a struggle for students to reach university spaces to realise their dreams. When they succeed in that, a treatment of this sort breaks them and their dreams. Without giving prior intimation, serving such notices and only providing 24 hours to vacate the campus is beyond reason and any measure of the principles of natural justice. Educational institutions are meant to undo historical injustice faced by students from marginalized backgrounds and not perpetrate them further through such arbitrary actions.

Just a month ago, your institute had issued a mass termination notice to over 100 teaching and non-teaching staff across your four campuses which was retracted after the strong public condemnation. The recent notices after such mass termination are not just concerning but deeply disturbing.  They put a question mark on the future of students at this ‘premier’ institute.

It has also come to our notice that several scholars who are served these notices have been active in critically questioning the actions of the administration in the past. In light of this, the notices to these students look like motivated targeting of the politically conscious and articulate students and this depicts the anti-democratic nature of your administration.

Your public notice also states that it was merely a ‘request’ after ‘letting the scholars overstay in the campus with free meals, not paying semester fees and not completing their thesis work as well’. However, this claim is unsubstantiated, since several students who have received notices have been paying for availing these facilities.

You have been unfairly accusing students of ‘defaming the reputation of your institute and being politically motivated’. However, it is such arbitrary decisions and acts of repression on the student community that precipitate the situation and contribute to the downfall of the spirit and reputation of TISS.

We, at ALIYSA, strongly condemn the eviction notices and demand their immediate retraction. The students must be allowed a dignified graduation from PhD.

We look forward to your immediate intervention and fair, necessary action in this regard. Jai Samvidhan!

Click here for signatories 

Courtesy: CounterView

The post TISS authorities ‘targeting’ Adivasis, Dalits: Eviction notice to PhD scholars appeared first on SabrangIndia.

MP SC/ST welfare fund diverted for the welfare of cow

In Madhya Pradesh, SC/ST welfare fund diverted for the welfare of cow, museum and religious sites. According to documents reviewed by HT, of ₹252 crore meant for cow welfare (Gau Samvardhan and Pashi Samvardhan), ₹95.76 crore has been allocated from SC/ST sub-plan. The cow welfare fund has increased from about ₹90 crore last year.

For redevelopment of six religious sites, almost half of the money allocated for the current financial years is from the SC/ST sub-plan. The government in the budget presented in July announced ₹109 crore for developing Shri Devi Mahalok, Salkanpur in Sehore, Saint Shri Ravidas Mahalok, Sagar, Shri Ram Raja Mahalok Orchha, Shri Ramchandra Vanvasi-Mahalok, Chitrakut and for a memorial of former prime minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee in Gwalior

Madhya Pradesh is the second state after Karnataka to divert funds from the SC/ST sub-plan for other schemes. Karnataka decided to take ₹14,000 crore from the sub-plan for funding its welfare scheme, following which the National Commission for Scheduled Castes had issued a show cause notice to the state chief secretary seeking an explanation. The ST sub-plan was introduced in 1974 and SC sub-plan in 1979-80 to implement provisions of Article 46 of the Constitution that provides for states to care for promotion of education and economic interests of the weaker sections. Under the scheme, the Central provides 100% special assistance to states to fund their SC/ST sub-plans. As Hindustan Times reported

Dalit teen forced to drink Cow Urine in UP

In UP’s Shravati district three youth were arrested on for forcing a Dalit minor to drink cow uterine. The victim, who is barely 15 years old (technician), setting sound mixers and audio system at social cultural events. When he was on his way home after work on July 9 in night, he was accosted by the trio – Kishan Tiwari, Dilip Mishra and Satyam Tiwari, who were in an inebriated state.

The accused also misbehaved with the minor and thrashed him, and one of them shot a video of the entire incident, Said Gilaula police station SHO Mahima Nath Upadhyay.

The victim reached home and narrated the ordeal to his elder brother. Next day, his parents and brother lodged a police complaint. The accused were allegedly peeved over the boy’s family charging them extra for an audio system they had installed for a function at their house, police said.

20-Year-Old Dalit Man sets Himself on fire after assault by Employer in UP

On July 13, a 20-year-old Dalit man, Kamalkant allegedly committed suicide in UP’s Firozabad by setting himself on fire after being beaten by his employer and associates.

On July 6, Kamalkant requested an advance of Rs 60, 000 from his employer, Pramod alias Pappu, to repay a loan. Instead of helping, Pramod, along with his associates, held Kamalkant hostage and brutally thrashed him, according to Superintendent of Police (Rural) Ranvijay Singh. A case was registered against Pramod and his associates—Bhura, Bholu, Arjun, and Anuj on Thursday. Anuj was arrested on Friday, and efforts are ongoing to arrest the remaining suspects, SP Singh added.

Dalit youth beaten for social media post in Gujarat

On July 17, in Gujrat’s Ahmedabad a 24-year-old Dalit youth was beaten up by a group of upper caste men allegedly for upholding his picture on his social media handle on Instagram, wearing a traditional headgear and sunglasses. 

The incident happened in Sayebapur village in Himatnagar taluka of Sabarkantha district in north Gujrat on the intriguing night of July 17. According to the FIR filed, Ajay Parmar, who runs an auto rickshaw for living, was beaten up by four men from the Darbar community, who consider themselves Kshatriyas. Parmar has said in the FIR, which was registered on July 18, that while he was returning home in his auto, he was stopped by two people near the Navanagar bus stand. The accused allegedly started beating Parmar, objecting to Parmar’s display picture (DP) which he had uploaded on his Instagram account.

Ajay said that “they told me that only from the Darbar community can wear safa and sunglasses”.

The case against the accused has been lodged under various sections of Indian Penal Code (IPC), including 147 (rioting), 323 (voluntarily causing hurt) and 504 (intentional insult with intent to provoke breach of the peace) as well as the SC/ST Act.

This is not the first case in Gujarat where a Dalit has been beaten up for wearing sunglasses. In June 2023, a 21-year-old Dalit youth and his family were allegedly assaulted by the upper caste Rajput community members for purportedly wearing sunglasses and good clothes. The incident had taken place at Mota village in Palampur.

Several incidents of cast-based atrocities and violence have been reported across the country. Recently A Dalit minor boy brutally beaten by a school teacher. His mistake was that he refused to pluck lemons and Jamuns from the tree in the school for the teacher. The incident happened in Bareilly, Uttar Pradesh

A #Dalit minor boy brutally beaten by a school teacher. His mistake was that he refused to pluck lemons and Jamuns from the tree in the school for the teacher. The incident happened in #Bareilly district of #UttarPradesh. pic.twitter.com/ZgKnpoaKrp

— Hate Detector (@HateDetectors) July 23, 2024

However, on July 20, derogatory and hate oriented slogans such as “Chamar Quit India”, “Dalit Quit India”, “Brahmin-Bania Zindabad’, and “Hindu-RSS Zindabad” were found on the walls of Kaveri hostel in Jawahar Lal Nehru University (JNU).

In agitation various Ambedkarite students raises slogans of “Jai Bheem” in protest against the anti-Dalits Slogans.

जेएनयू में ‘चम#र भारत छोड़ो, दलित भारत छोड़ो, ब्राह्मण-बनिया ज़िंदाबाद, RSS जिंदाबाद’ लिखा गया…छात्रों ने विरोध में ‘जय भीम’ के नारे लगाए…@BAPSA_JNU @AISA_tweets @aisa_delhi pic.twitter.com/S6BqJrROnY

— The Mooknayak (@The_Mooknayak) July 21, 2024

Related:

Violence and assault targeting Dalits rock Uttar Pradesh

No country for Dalits: brutal incidents of violence against Dalits in the last week of August

Rising Concerns as Incidents of Custodial Deaths of Dalits and Muslims Continue Unabated

The post MP diverted SC/ST welfare funds for cow welfare, atrocities against Dalits reported across country appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Mainpuri, Uttar Pradesh

A Dalit youth in Mainpuri, while working on his own land, was attacked by a group of men. The authorities have registered a case involving assault and harassment against the Dalit community under the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989. As per reports, the police is now searching for the culprits who are currently absconding. The police have filed a complaint against one Munshi Khan and his associates. 

The victim has said in his complaint that on June 9 he was working on his plot when a couple of men came and started swearing at him. When he stood up to them, they started threatening to take his life and began to beat him. 

On June 7th, it was reported that a group of Dalit women protesting against liquor shops in Uttar Pradesh’s Mainpuri were beaten by the shop owners. The women were also subjected to casteist slurs and also threats to their life. 

Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh

On June 2nd, another horrifying incident took place in Lucknow, where a man urinated on the face of a Dalit labourer while he was taking an afternoon nap. The incident was even shot on camera and uploaded online after which it quickly went viral on social media.

The victim, Rajkumar Rawat, had been resting after a day’s work when the accused allegedly urinated on his face to wake him up. Rawat’s family has written a complaint to the police, who say that the investigation in the matter has started. 

This was the third incident from June reported from Uttar Pradesh. As per statistics, UP bears 28% of the total number of crimes committed against Dalit people across all over India. In 2022, a total of 57,428 crimes were reported to have been committed against Dalits in UP alone. 

Morena, Madhya Pradesh

In Morena, Madhya Pradesh, a Dalit sarpanch was reportedly tied to a tree and beaten. After the violence, the man was forced to flee his native village. The sarpanch of Koutharkalan panchayat has reportedly filed a complaint at the Porsa police station on Thursday. He had reportedly faced harassment over the past two years. The attackers had pressured him to leave his position and hand over his digital account details. However, after he refused to follow their demands, the goons allegedly took him to the outskirts of Koutharkalan, tied him to a tree, and brutally thrashed him, according to PTI. 

Related 

Dalit woman dies of suspicious circumstances after brother, uncle beaten to death

Cow dung dumped in potable water tank used by Dalit residents

Accused of not voting for “free ration”, Dalit man beaten brutally in UP

Student, sanitation worker, farmer: Dalit lives across society unsafe

RSS deceit on constitutional reservation and Dalits in general

The post Hate Watch: violence against Dalits fails to get attention appeared first on SabrangIndia.

On March 18, 1956, the slogan “Jo zameen sarkari hai, woh zameen humari hai.” rang through for the first time in India. It was by none other than Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar at a seminar for land redistribution. Ambedkar was a votary for control over land and production to Dalits, a social and political movement he had headed pre-Independence in the 1930s.

As India gears up for elections in 2024, 68 years later, this issue hovers on the margins with only a few Dalit movements articulating this core demand that signals structural change, most being caught up in issues only related to identity.

Today, 102 of the total of 543 seats go to the polls in the 18^th Indian Parliamentary Election. Of these 102, 39 lie in the state of Tamil Nadu where Dravidian politics rules but the struggle for land for Dalits, especially women is hard. Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Chhattisgarh (Bastar), Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra (five seats of the Vidharbha region of which in four land distribution is a key issue, though not articulated), Rajasthan (13 seats), Uttarakhand (all five seats), West Bengal, Uttar Pradesh, Mizoram, Meghalaya, Manipur, Nagaland, Tripura, Lakshwadeep, Pudicherry, Udhampur (Jammu) are among the states that go to election. In none of the campaigns by the prominent political parties in various states, has the issue of land distribution been audible or visible.

For over more than a century, the land for Dalits Movement has cost many lives. At the heart of the demand is one for socal equity and economic justice for India’s historically marginalised scheduled caste communities. According to the 2011 census of India, over 71 % of the Dalit community work as landless labourers. Shockingly, this section of India’s most marginalised holds, in total, only about 9 % of agricultural land – despite the scores of agricultural reforms issued after independence.  To emphasise the point, land ownership is itself very much an issue related to caste.

Today in 2024

The road to land ownership for Dalits was and continues to be filled with obstacles. Dalits were offered a semblance of ownership through “community land” arrangements in the pre-Independence era. These lands that they may have gotten after struggling to reclaim them through existing legal provisions are often encroached upon (historically) by upper-caste zamindars, resulting in tense confrontations between them and the landless labourers of the village. Entrenched interests among the bureaucracy and even elected representative ensure that these do not get “cleared” from the evictions. Recognising this historic disenfranchisement over land, and recognising that the community remains vulnerable to social violence despite the existence of laws, ensured the 1989 law –brought in after 38 years of the enactment of the Constitution –addresses this: there is a provision against such encroachments. For instance, Section 3(1) (f) and 3 (1) (g) of the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989  recognises wrongfully occupying or cultivating land that belongs to or is allotted to a member of a Scheduled Caste or Tribe, and is an enabling provision, facilitating the transfer of such land as grievous crimes.. It also includes unlawfully dispossessing a member of a Scheduled Caste or Tribe from their land or property, interfering with their rights over land, property, water, or irrigation facilities, damaging crops, or stealing produce. However, district Magistrates and Collectors rarely move an inch to implement the law, neither is their any people’s or political pressure for lands to be vacated and handed over to the Dalits. Today, despite these provisions, there are over 31 conflicts over land that affect the lives of over 92,000 Dalit individuals across the country, according to the Land and Conflict Watch.

In March 2024, a movement, unseen and unheard of in the mainstream discourse, was led by women and driven by the aspirations of Punjab’s Dalit community, who make up about 32 % of the state’s population. These women protested in the state in the form of the ‘Mazdoor Paidal Jodo Yatra’.  The protest raised crucial demands which included the call for land ownership rights, basic housing, relief from crushing debts, fair wages, and an end to the entrenched scourge of caste-based discrimination. This move is crucial because in agrarian states like Punjab constitutes around 85 % of Dalits as landless labourers whereas neighbouring Haryana ranges at a harrowing figure of 92 %.

A polity that lived under the influence of a text like the Manusmriti, depressed castes were systematically denied property rights, which ended up setting the stage for continuing inequality. For instance, in regions like Punjab, these discriminatory legacies have endured even after prohibitions were officially lifted, leaving Dalits excluded from land ownership despite constituting a significant portion of the populations and fighting for the rights promised to them by the law.

For instance, though the Punjab Village Common Lands Regulation Rules was introduced in 1964 and it specified that about one-third of the communal land managed by a panchayat would be designated for use by Dalits. However, in reality, despite this law, the situation for the state’s Dalits remained the same.

Tamil Nadu, a Dravidian state?

Similarly, in Tamil Nadu, about 90% of Dalit farmers are concentrated in the workforce of agricultural labourers.

Nicholas, who is a senior member of the Tamil Nadu Land Rights Federation, spoke to Sabrang India, about the history and present of land right issues in the state, “We started to work on Panchami Land. It is also called “depressed caste land.” It was distributed by the British for socio-economic welfare by Queen Victoria in 1892.”

As per records, it was a report by the acting collector of Chengleput and cricketer James H.A. Tremenheer  on the socio-economic conditions of the ‘pariah’ population that led the British government to enact land distribution law called the Depressed Classes Land Act. This land today is known as Panchami land. According to a ruling by the Madras High Court, Panchami land cannot be sold by anyone who doesn’t belong to the Scheduled Caste group.

However, despite this provision, the actual distribution of land for Dalits started in the beginning of the 20th century. Nicholas, with decades of experience working on land rights, continues, “All over Madras Presidency, including Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, and Kerala. However, when states were divided after independence, we found out that 1.2 million acres was distributed in Madras Presidency, while only about 300,000 acres of land was redistributed in Tamil Nadu. Furthermore, even when this took place, it was found that most of the land was usurped by landlords.”

Many films have depicted the fight for reclaiming their land in Tamil Nadu. The  Dhanush starrer, Asuran, set in 1976, also depicted the issue. Nicholas further describes the abolition of the The Tamil Nadu Board of Revenue Abolition Act, 1980 through which the posts of Village Munsif and Village Karnam were replaced by  the posts of Village Administrative Officers. However, Nicholas marks one important distinction in this change that made a huge difference.

“After 1978, Chief Minister MG Ramachandrana abolished the Munsif system because landlords were exploiting it. He introduced Village Administrative Officers. Yet, what was unprecedented was now, about 18% of the officers were Dalits due to reservation. Soon they came to know about it as they did not know about the land distribution provisions earlier. Thereafter, it was these Village Administrative Officers who passed on this message to civil society organisations that started to take up this issue in northern Tamil Nadu. However, it was difficult to collect land documents, only a few officers cooperated, and others did not.”

“In 1994, a group of peasant people led by civil society organisations led a march. Two Dalits were shot down on 10th April 1994. It became an emotional issue in the state, and many Dalit movements started to take up the issue of Panchami land.”  However, Nicholas and fellow activists soon discovered that only by systematic means will they achieve justice, after which they formed the Dalit Land Rights Federation in northern Tamil Nadu and collected standing orders of the government. “We mobilised Dalit women in the northern districts and that was an incredible move. In the beginning, it was difficult, but the Right to Information Act of 2005 made it very easy to get the Panchami land documents. The women started to submit claims and petitions for their land. They used to negotiate and land tribunals were set up. Only through this were they able to reclaim Panchami land, but only some parts of northern Tamil Nadu.” 

However, decades on, the figures still remain dismal. According to Nicholas, nearly 90,000 women have applied for land with documents, but only 3,000 women got their land back. “Still this was a big win. The leadership of the Dalit women was unrelenting, they did not compromise anywhere.”

However, the struggle did not end there. There was a new hurdle, a new challenge. “At the same time, Special Economic Zones were passed in 2006. Then the consolidation of land by the state became an issue all over India, including Tamil Nadu. It was given to the corporate sector, and it saw several protests not to use Panchami land for industry. These protests are continuing. At that time, (2006) the Forest Act granted land to tribals. Coastal communities were evicted. The land issue became an issue for all communities following which in 2009, we formed the Tamil Nadu Land Rights Federation, including small and marginal farmers, fish workers, slum dwellers, and tribal people who were displaced.”

Gujarat 

“In India, classes arose in the form of caste,” explains elected MLA Jignesh Mevani from Vadgam, Gujarat. He quotes D. D. Kosambi, as he begins, “There has always been an exploitation of castes because of the Manuwadi-Brahmanwadi structure – land ownership is decided by caste. As a nation, we decided to be a socialist secular republic – with this idea came the concept of social justice. Socialism waswas inspired by Marx, Lenin, Dr Ambedkar, Vinoba Bhave, Gandhi. Distribution of land thereby remains crucial to the annihilation of caste.”

Jignesh Mevani, an advocate and human rights activist before he entered mainstream politics and contested elections further elaborates, “However, it is consistently seen that before land can go to the Dalits, the landless, the land tillers, and the OBC and Adivasis, it goes to the corporate class, the real estate mafias etc. Nowadays there is too much focus on identity, little focus on real, material issues. Today the daily income of a farmer is 27 rupees. The combined income of a farmer’s family, with the money from several working members, including those who do odd jobs or work as ASHA health workers, is 10,218 rupees.”

He goes on to cite the case of Gujarat, where he says the rightful land of Dalits is usurped by the “so-called upper castes – even though on paper it may be allotted to the Dalit community, it will still be under the physical possession of the so-called upper castes.”

He also cites the provisions under the SC/ST Atrocities Act, highlighting how existing provisions criminalise encroachment on land owned by Dalits.

It was in 2009, Mevani states that he discovered thousands of acres of land was in such a state in Gujarat. Land was allotted to Dalits only on paper, but possessed by the members of upper castes. Land to the tiller has become land to the tycoons. We have a neoliberal government.” He explains how district magistrates would not even file FIRs in such  scenarios which left members of the Dalit community extremely vulnerable to violence and death.

Battle through Gujarat’s courts

Therefore, in 2009, he filed a PIL in the court, with his lawyer Advocate Mukul Sinha. Following the PIL, the government admitted facts through three affidavits filed before the high court admitting the encroachment, and the non-registration of FIRs in such cases of land encroachment.

That is when Mevani adopted a parallel path, grass root action. “I myself therefore decided to bring out such cases over other districts in the state.” Mevani then conducted a field investigation over three years in the state, discovering scores of cases across the state. These cases, he says, were not new but went back to the 1980s and 1960s. Following his PIL, the ministry of development in Gujarat released a Report which states that over 39% of the land allotted for the Dalit community was encroached upon by Other Castes. Following Mevani’s field investigation, the revenue department further released a state-wide circular instructing civil servants to conduct a state-wide survey and assessment for such land disputes. The first and only Report was finally compiled – however, instead of conducting the actual survey, the concluding paragraph stated that the redistribution of land, in such cases of encroachment, was “huge and gigantic task”; this was the final dismissal of my petition.” The path of justice came to an abrupt end in the courts then.

The Report also noted that over 163,000 acres of land had already been allotted to people belonging to the scheduled caste and scheduled tribe community in Gujarat. Knowing from the ground that this was just a paper achievement, Mevani filed an RTI in 2014 inquiring about the land allotment and the response to the RTI revealed that only 18,000 such people were actually granted the land.

“What this essentially means is that the government is intent on protecting the interests of the so-called upper castes, the ruling class. However, our land struggle has ensured that over 25,000 bighas of land worth over 750 crores is distributed – this was done by the community.” A lawyer by profession, Mevani himself has reportedly represented applicants filing for restitution of their land over 20 times, according  to a report. Citing the struggles wrought in the Una Movement, he concludes, “the struggle continues.”

Mevani, who arose to the fore with his leadership in the 2016 Una movement, cites the example of the changes that can be brought by distribution of land, “U.N. Dhebar was the chief minister. He facilitated the distribution of 12 lakh acres of land to the Patel community. After the transfer of such a huge land parcel, they generated surplus following which people bought more land parcels. This led to the creation of industries, real estate, migration –  not to mention a sizable portion of the community in the Silicon Valley in the USA.

The community,” he adds, “started playing a dominant force in politics as well. Today there are 40 MLAs from the Patel community in the Gujarat assembly. Now, moving to Varna-Vyavasta, today a chunk of the land owning class to which the Indian state carried out land distribution, comprises of Shudras, namely, the Reddys, Patels, Jats, Yadavs, Gurjars. However, the government did not allocate land to the landless Dalits.”

This young MLA from Gujarat, a state not known for values of social justice, cites an example which displays how the community fought for itself, on its own, bereft of the help of the government, “Dr Ambedkar’s close Dadasaheb Gaekwad led a struggle for land rights for the community. Do you know how much land was restored to the community after the struggle? 39 Lakh acres of land. The Congress government had to eventually accept the demands of the movement which saw over 360,000 Dalits being detained and arrested. No one knows about this.”

Maharashtra

This pattern seems to follow in many parts of India. In 1958, a movement started in the Konkan area of Maharashtra under the leadership of Dr. Ambedkar for land rights. The most significant land rights agitation was conducted by the Republican Party of India from December 6, 1964, to February 10, 1965, during which over 3 million Dalits were arrested. Following this, the The Bombay Inferior Village Watans Abolition Act, 1958 was launched. This was launched after the abolition of the watan system. The watan system was enacted by the British where they granted lands to certain community, many were granted land and some of them including the Mahar and Ramoshi communities. With the new law the government aimed to assist Dalit families to reclaim land. However, none of this was to avail as much as it should have.

A report by Firstpost records how, at present 2.5 lakh of the total 6 lakh acres of the watan land given to the Mahar and Ramoshi communities is either used by the government or it has been grabbed by upper caste farmers.  Similarly, the  Maharashtra Agricultural Lands (Ceiling on Holdings) Act, 1961 was also introduced by the government which sought to create an upper limit to the amount of land an individual could own. The remaining land, as per the law, would be redistributed first to tenant farmers and then to landless dalits and adivasis. However, there has been reportedly a failure by the government to implement this law. For instance, even today, according to the  2011 census, 81 % of Dalit farmers are agricultural labourers and only 9 % of total land holdings are held by the community in Maharashtra,

How the Dalit land rights movement emerged pre-Independence

Dr Ambedkar time and again raised the importance of land rights for India’s scheduled castes and tribes, especially in initial years of his movement. Babasaheb Ambedkar firmly believed that the ownership of land and its produce was essential for dismantling the caste system and its processes of exploitation. Therefore, the struggle for land rights is not merely a recent event but a chapter within a larger narrative of struggle and resistance, a part of the history that is shaped by historical injustices and the quest for emancipation.

During negotiations for independence with the British at 1931 Round Table Conference in London  Dr Ambedkar spoke valiantly about the issue of exploited classes in India, and the need for them to be socially and  economically independent in an Independent India.  He had raised these issues time and against. He had even formed organisations such as the Bahishkrit Hitkarni Sabha and Konkan Praant Shetkari Sangh (KPSS, 1931) for the rights of farm labourers. Detailed in the book India: Legacies and Challenges of the Land & Forest Rights Movement, in the 1930s these efforts in fact allowed him to “build a formidable organisation of peasants here that not only mobilised farmers across various caste groups, but also tried to emphasise that long-lasting peasants’ solidarity in India could only be achieved if and when other social questions (of discrimination) are taken up seriously.” In the eight decade after India’s indepdence access to land remains a distant dream for India’s Scheduled Castes, more evidemce if any were needed how deeply entrenched caste disticntions and discriminations still remain.

Related:

UP: Merely 20% land rights claims approved by district committees

MP: Dalit family brutally assaulted by Thakurs, former had gone to take possession of their farmland

Uttar Pradesh: Dalit man killed in UP in alleged land grab attempt

In Pictures: Unique Protest in Andhra Pradesh’s Dosapadu Village by Dalits Against Illegal Encroachment of Land

Landless Dalits, Hit Hardest By Disasters, Are Last To Get Relief

The post Absent in Elections 2024: Dalits and the historic battle for land appeared first on SabrangIndia.

These journalists are using digital platforms like YouTube and Facebook as effective instruments to reach out to a wide audience, raise independent voice on issues that matter, and make a mark for themselves.

We spoke to Sumit Chauhan of The News Beak, Ashok Kumar of Dalit Dastak, and Dr. Mahesh Verma of Democratic Bharat, who are among the emerging Dalit YouTube Journalists: in this conversation we understand their journalistic journey, both the opportunities and challenges that digital platform offers them.

From facing caste discrimination in newsrooms to burying critical stories, and creating independent voices for themselves and finding satisfaction in the work they do, this is the story of Dalit journalists who have overcome challenges to establish a niche and a name.

Sumit Chauhan – The News Beak

Sumit is an Indian Institute of Mass Communication (IIMC) graduate, and runs his YouTube channel The News Beak, which has 9.25 lakh subscribers and has published around 3400 videos. For him journalism is a tool to change society, and his early disillusionment with corporate media houses as a first-generation learner led him to chart an independent path for himself.

Speaking to us at Sabrangindia over the call, he observed that whatever was taught in the classrooms about journalism was hardly followed on the ground. Sumit started his career with ABP News after completing his IIMC study in 2014, and later on worked with Zee News, India News, and News Nation, before quitting the latter in 2020 to work independently through his YouTube channel.

Speaking to us about his newsroom experiences, he flagged the caste-based discrimination was rampant in these media houses, and he personally faced a lot of difficulties and discrimination as a Dalit journalist. Apart from critical stories being supressed because they look “negative”, Sumit noted that these big media houses hardly have any Dalit representation, and are similar to club memberships, except that such memberships in this case is based on caste. This directly had effects on recommendation for jobs, promotion, and kind of stories that would be appreciated.

Frustrated due to professional and personal pressure for not being able to work on issues which mattered for him, he quit his media job in 2020 to work exclusive for his YouTube channel. Before this, he had already begun a YouTube channel in 2019 named, The Shudra, due to sheer discontent at work. He explained that when he launched the channel in 2019, he consciously named it The Shudra as he wanted to be caste assertive, but later changed the name to The News Beak as he realised the importance of the annihilation of caste. Interestingly, when he launched The Shudra, in order to avoid personal identification, he only used audio to tell the stories, but it nonetheless resonated with the audience. As the channel started to monetise, it encouraged him to quit his job and work as an independent journalist.

He explained that while there were lot of members from the community who had started reporting on YouTube and other digital platforms, he felt that the professional approach of the journalism was still missing there, which further encouraged him to take up his present role. Through his channel he aims to highlight Dalit history and the issues of the Dalit community, including critical stories affecting their lives, and as the channel and resources grow, he plans diversify the themes and issues he covers.

Ashok Kumar – Dalit Dastak

Ashok Das is also an IIMC graduate and started his journalistic career in 2006. His journey as a journalist has won him various recognition, and he has also been recipient of the Global Investigative Journalism Network Fellowship. He runs his YouTube channel Dalit Dastak, and maintains that his focus is to show positive side and achievements of the Dalit community, as he wants to go beyond depicting Dalits as an oppressed community. Emphasising the achievements of Dalits is important for him, as it shows that the members of the SC community are not mere hapless victims but people capable of obtaining best things in their lives. Furthermore, their success can help inspire others to follow their suit and encourage them not to get bogged down in the face of difficulties. His channel Dalit Dastak has 12.2 lakh subscribers and hosts over 4700 videos.

His career in journalism spans various news outlets, including Lokmat, Amar Ujala, Bhadas4Media and Deshonnati. In June 2012, he launched his magazine Dalit Dastak, which covered various Dalit issues, but which had to be stopped in 2022 due to increase in the cost of the printing. In 2015, he launched his publication house Das Publications and in 2017 he launched his YouTube channel Dalit Dastak, both of which are presently running.

Ashok observed in his conversation with us that YouTube helped him to expand the reach of his journalist content, even to the audience overseas, making his content global at the same the cost. Additionally, it also helped to interaction with his viewers as they readily kept sending him the feedback over for the content he produced. His primary purpose remains to highlight Dalit heroes and history, which remains marginalised by mainstream media, as they would have never studied or engaged with the history in which Dalits figures are prominent forces.

On the completion of 100 years of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s Mook Nayak, Dalit Dastak had also organised an event at India International Centre to celebrate his achievements. Recently, in 2020, he was invited for a panel discussion on Caste and Media by Harvard University. Apart from India, he has reported about caste discrimination in the US, Canada, and Dubai. Similarly, he published 25 stories about Dalit living in Canada. Ashok believes that his exposure of foreign countries has made him realise that freedom of speech for press is strongly respected in these countries, which we should learn from them. But at the same time, he notes that as the Indians have migrated overseas, they have also taken their caste identity with them across the globe, even if it is not as strong as it is in India.

Dr. Mahesh Verma

Dr. Mahesh’s experience in media spans across radio, print and electronic media, which began with his initial job at All India Radio in 2000. Then after, he was associated with Hindustan Times as a trainer in 2003, and with Vividh Bharti as Broadcaster during 2005-08 in Mumbai. Since then, he worked across the organisations, including ETV Rajasthan, Dainik Bhaskar, and Rajasthan Gaurav, the latter belonging to Vishwa Hindu Parishad, in which he faced casteist discrimination by the management. Later on, in 2019 he launched his own Youtube Channel, “Democratic Bharat”, which has been subscribed by over 20 thousand people. Dr. Mahesh noted that having his own channel allowed him to air independent voice, which would otherwise have been difficult. Even as he launched his channel in 2019 to focus on the issues of Dalit, Adivasi’s, and minorities, he personally suffers from various medical issues of bone and retina. But in spite of these personal, even offensive barriers that he has suffered since his time in Mumbai, he continues to actively pursue his journalistic goals un-intimidated.

Digital Discrimination

While online platforms have provided independent voice and audience to Dalit journalists, allowing them greater say in comparison to corporate media houses, the issue of censorship still looms large.

One of the journalists we spoke to alleged that if you use words like “Chamar”, “Bhangi”, or “Valmiki” in the news content –to showcase existing slurs and discrimination, even distinctions—the Platforms will not monetise your content, even though no such restriction applies when using words like “Kshtriya” or “Brahmin”!  Even in monetising criteria I is clear that large social media platforms that are corporate giant’s caste discriminate!

Similarly, platforms like YouTube and Facebook use “Community Guidelines” to either demonetise the content or even remove content, putting inordinate pressure on journalist. In one such incident, the journalist alleged that when they uploaded content showing the victims hanging from the tree, Facebook demonetised their channel for 6 months, even though they had blurred the image as per the Guidelines.

Furthermore, copyright claims are also leading to contents of small producers being taken down the wall, which forces many journalists to then depend on content from secondary sources.

The new IT Rules have also added to burden of independent digital journalists, as those with small teams will find it difficult to comply with the rules which require appointment of grievance redressal officers by the digital media entities. Nonetheless, the digital space has opened up the arena for independent journalists, including Dalit journalists, to tell their stories fearlessly and uncompromisingly, which continues to inspire us.

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The post Meet Ambedkarite journalists using social media to bring us stories from the margins, foregrounding both their hurdles & achievements appeared first on SabrangIndia.

Police officials have revealed that the incident occurred on the fourth day of a nine-day Buddha Katha programme which was organised by the local residents. The complaint reveals that about 15 to 20 people arrived in several cars at the event from the upper caste community and started beating them up using rods, sticks, and even firing four rounds of bullets.

Local residents have further alleged that the Dalit community had earlier too received threats from members of the upper caste which warned them not to organise the Buddha Katha events. Furthermore, apart from the physical assault, the assailants reportedly stole money, electronic items, cash, and even a copy of the Indian constitution.

The complaint, lodged by local resident Ram Sagar at the Saadh police station, detailed the horrifying incident, stating, “Around 2 am on December 19, some anti-social elements attacked people sleeping in the pandal. They also opened fire using a rifle and injured Pintu, Nitin, Pankaj…The culprits broke a statue of Sant Ravidas.”

According to the police, a case has been registered against sixteen people under various sections of the Indian Penal Code and the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act.

The charges filed against the accused include rioting, assault, defiling a place of worship or sacred object, outraging religious feelings, and offences under the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. The identified perpetrators are Chandra Bhan Mishra, Golu Mishra, Shivam Mishra, Jeetu Mishra, Arun Kotedar, Kinnar Mishra, Vishambhar Mishra, and Manish Tewari.

Kanpur Joint Commissioner of Police (Law and Order) Anand Prakash Tiwari, addressing the incident, stated that the injured people are receiving treatment and their physical condition is stable. The police has stated that they have deployed additional police personnel, which includes senior officers, to prevent further violence in the village. In addition to that, the police has also stated that they have put up a statue in place of the one that was broken.

Tiwari went on to mention that five arrests have been made in connection with the case. “Senior officers, including me, reached the spot. We have made arrangements for better security, and we will keep vigil round the clock. We are also checking if the incident was part of a conspiracy to disturb the law and order situation in the village.”

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Four arrested for kidnapping and beating Dalit boys

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According to IANS, the accused has also filed an FIR against the victim of the assault, alleging that he had committed sexual harassment against a girl in their family. The police have thus far reportedly registered a named FIR against the victim under Section 354 (outraging modesty) of the Indian Penal Code.

The Badlapur Circle Officer AK Singh had informed, according to IANS, that the victim’s complaint led to the filing of an FIR against two people from the village, stating that “On the complaint of the Dalit boy, a named FIR against two persons of his village was lodged under sections 323 (voluntarily causing hurt), 504 (intentional insult), 506 (criminal intimidation) of IPC and also sections of the SC/ST Act.”

According to the victim’s father who has made the complaint, his son was ambushed while returning home following which he was mercilessly beaten by assailants. The perpetrators, driven further, allegedly forced him into consuming soil and urine and even shaved off his eyebrows. In a brazen display of arrogance and impunity, the accused further summoned the victim’s father to the scene of the alleged crime asking him to take his son, and issued a warning that they should not complain to the police.

However, the father of the victim was not intimidated by this and he proceeded to contact Sujanganj police the day the incident took place. However, according to reports, his complaint was ignored. Frustrated by the lack of response, he had to schedule a meeting with the Jaunpur SP after his complaints at the local police station were ignored. This meeting led to a pressure to file and register the FIR.

The police have reportedly arrested a man accused in the incident, named Aditya Singh. According to the Deccan Herald, the police have registered an FIR against four people, out of which two individuals have been identified. The charges include Sections 323, 504, and 506 of the IPC, along with provisions of the SC/ST Act. The Sujanganj police further stated that the allegations of forcing the victim to drink urine were deemed untrue in the preliminary investigation, stating that, “The claim that the minor was forced to consume urine has been found to be incorrect in the preliminary investigation.”

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